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SPECIAL  INTRODUCTION 


TO    THE 


STUDY  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


BY  ^ 

REV.    FRANCIS   E.    GIGOT,    D  D., 

Mooney  Profcssorofthe  Sacred  Scriptures  in  St.  Joseph's  Scffiinary, 


Dtimuoodie,  N^ew   York. 


PART    II. 

DIDACTIC    BOOKS   AND    PROPHETICAL 
WRITINGS. 


New  York,   Cincinnati,   Chicago: 

Be:n;^tgp:r    Brothers, 

Printers  to  the  Holy  Apostolic  See. 
1906. 


flibil  ®b0tat. 

JAMES   F.    DRISCOLL,  D.D., 

Censor  Deputaius. 


Umprimatur : 

4- JOHN   M.    FARLEY, 

Archbishop  o_f  Neiv  York. 

New  York,  April  6,  1906. 


Copyright,  1906,  by  Benzigkr  Brothers. 


PREFACE. 


The  present  volume  is  the  second  part  of  a  work  dealing 
with  the  historical  and  Hterary  problems  which  nowachivs 
are  suggested  by  the  scientific  study  of  the  sacred  b()()k>  of 
the  Old  Covenant.  It  is  concerned  with  the  Didactic  and  the 
Prophetical  writings  of  the  Old  Testament  Literature,  and 
thus  brings  to  completion  the  "Special  Introduction  to  the 
Study  of  the  Old  Testament,"  the  first  volume  of  which, 
treating  only  of  the  Historical  books,  passed  to  a  second  edition 
some  time  ago.  It  examines  the  questions  anent  the  Author- 
ship, Date,  Purpose,  Contents,  Literary  Structure,  etc.,  of 
each  of  the  Didactic  and  the  Prophetical  writings  in  exactly 
the  same  manner  as  the  preceding  volume  did  the  same  impor- 
tant and  difficult  questions  concerning  the  Hi>torical  books. 

Both  volumes  are  chiefly  intended  for  the  use  of  Biblical 
students  of  whom  is  expected  a  close  acquaintance  with  the 
leading  questions  relative  to  the  sacred  books  of  the  Old 
Covenant,  as  also  with  the  more  or  less  probable  theories  put 
forward  in  their  connection.  In  both  volumes  the  writer 
has  almost  invariably  been  satisfied  with  giving  the  argu- 
ments for  or  against  the  views,  ancient  and  modern,  which 
he  has  set  forth.  He  has  thought  that,  where  faith  was  not 
at  stake,  it  was  usually  better  to  refrain  from  expressing  a 
preference  of  his  own,  and  to  leave  full  liberty  to  the  teacher 
who  will  use  the  present  work  as  a  text-book,  to  pronounce 
himself  in  favor  of  the  view  on  the  side  of  which  evidence  seems 
to  him  to  be  preponderant.  When,  however,  he  has  made  his 
own, or  has  simply  inclined  towards,  some  recent  critical  view,  he 
is  conscious  of  having  done  so  in  full  harmony  with  that  truly 
Catholic  and  scientific  spirit  which   is  thus  aptly  described 

5 


6  PREFACE. 

by  his  Holiness,  Pius  X.,  in  his  recent  letter  to  Mgr.  Le  Camus, 
bishop  of  La  Rochelle:  ''As  we  must  condemn  the  temerity 
of  those  who,  having  more  regard  for  novelty  than  for  the 
teaching  authority  of  the  Church,  do  not  hesitate  to  adopt  a 
critical  method  altogether  too  free;  so  we  should  not  approve 
the  attitude  of  those  who  in  no  way  dare  to  depart  from  the 
u>ual  exegesis  of  the  Scripture,  even  when,  faith  not  being 
at  stake,  the  true  progress  of  learning  requires  such  departure. 
You  follow  a  wise  middle  course;  and  show  by  your  example 
that  nothing  is  to  be  feared  for  the  sacred  books  from  the 
true  advance  of  the  art  of  criticism;  nay,  more:  that  a  bene- 
ficial light  may  be  derived  from  it,  provided  its  use  be 
coupled  with  a  real  prudence  and  discernment.  .  .  .  "  ^ 

The  author  feels  confident  that  the  favorable  acceptance 
won  by  the  first  part  of  this  "Special  Introduction  to  the 
Study  of  the  Old  Testament  "  awaits  also  the  present  volume. 

Finally,  it  is  his  hope  soon  to  be  able  to  publish  his  two 
volumes  of  "Special  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament," 
and  thus  to  complete  the  difficult  undertaking  of  supplying 
Catholic  students  with  up-to-date  works  introductory  to  the 
Sacred  Scriptures. 

St.  Joseph's  Seminary,  N.  Y.,  April,  1906. 

■"Ut  enim  damnanda  est  eorum  temeritas  qui,  plus  tribuentes  novitati 
quam  rnagisterio  Ecclesiae,  critices  adhibere  genus  ncm  diibitent  immodice 
liberum,  ita  eorum  ratio  non  probanda  qui,  in  nulla  re,  ausint  ab  usitata 
exegcbi  Scripturte  recedere,  etiam  quum.  salva  fide,  id  bona  studiorum  in- 
crementa  postulent.  Hos  inter  medius  tu  recta  incedis;  tuoque  exemplo 
ostppdis  nihil  timendum  esse  divinis  libris  a  vera  progressione  artis  criticae , 
quin  commodum  ex  hac  subinde  eis  lumen  peti  posse,  ita  nempe  si  pnidens 
sincerumque  judicium  hue  accesserit.  .  .  .  *      (Letter  of  January  nth,  1906.) 


CONTENTS. 


PAGB 

Preface 5 


DIVISION    I. 

THE    DIDACTIC    BOOKS    OF    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

CHAPTER    I. 

Preliminary  Remarks 13 

Principal  Names  and  Doctrinal  Purpose  of  ihc  Didactic 
Books.     Leading  Poetical  Features  of  the  Didactic  Books. 

CEIAPTER    11. 

The  Book  of  Job -9 

Name  and  Position  in  the  Canon.  Chief  Contents  of  the 
Book  of  Job.  Integrity  and  Didactic  Object.  Historical  Char- 
acter and  Date  of  Composition. 

CHAPTER    111. 

The  Psalms ;  •         ^^^ 

Names  and  General  Contents.  Original  Text  and  Princi- 
pal Versions.  The  Numbering  and  Titles  of  ih  •  Psalois. 
Gradual  Formation  of  the  Psalter 


S  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    IV. 

PAGE 

The  Book  of  Proverbs qo 

Names  and  General  Object.  Original  Text  and  Principal 
Versions.     Gradual  Formation  of  the  Book  of  Proverbs. 

CHAPTER   V 

ECCLESIASTES HO 

Names  and  Place  in  the  Canon.  Contents  and  Object. 
Authorship  and  Date.  The  ntegrity  of  the  Book  o"  Ecclesi- 
astes. 

CHAPTER   VI. 

The  Canticle  of  Canticles 132 

Name  and  Unity.  Authorship  and  Date.  Principal  Modes 
of  Interpretation. 

CHAPTER   VII. 

The  Book  of  Wisdom 158 

Title  and  Conten  .  Language  and  Authorship.  Place 
and  Date  of  Composition. 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

ECCLESIASTICUS,  OR  THE  WiSDOM  OF  JeSUS,  SON  OF  SiRACH 1 72 

Principal  Names  and  Contents.  Original  Text  and  Ancient 
Versions.     Authorship  and  Mode  of  Composition. 


DIVISION    II. 

THE  PROPHETICAL   WRITINGS. 

CHAPTER    IX. 

Preliminary   Remarks  on  the  Prophetical  Writings i{ 

Nature  of  the   Prophetical  Cfllce.     General  P'eatures  of  the 
Prophetical  Books.     A  rangemtn    of  the  Propi.elical  Writings. 


CONTENTS.  9 

CHAPTI'.R    X. 

The  Book  of  Isaias.     Chaptkrs  I -XXX IX 204 

Preliminary  Remarks.  Prophetical  Pari  of  llu-  "First 
Isaias"  (I-XXXV).  His  orical  Appendix  to  the  "First 
Isaias"   (XXXVI-XXXIX) 

CHAPTER    XI. 

The  Book  of  Isaias.     Chapters  XL-LXVI 225 

Preliminary  Remarks.  Arguments  in  Favor  of  the  Isaianic 
Authorship  of  Chapters  XL-LXVI.  Arguments  against  the 
Isaianic  Authorship  of  Chapters  XL-LXVI.  Concluding 
Remarks. 

CHAPTER  XII. 
Jeremias,  Lamentations,  and  Baruch 267 

CHAPTER    XIII. 

The  Book  of  Ezechiel 3^^ 

CHAPTER    XIV 

The  Book  of  Daniel 334 

Preliminary  R  marks.  The  Proto-Canonical  Parts  of  the 
Book  of  Daniel.  The  Deutero-Canonical  Parts  of  the  Book 
of  Daniel. 

CHAPTER    XV. 

The  Minor  Prophets  OF  the  Eighth  Century  B.C 390 

Israel  and  Juda  during  the  Eigi:h  Century  B.C.  The 
Prophet  Amos.     The  Prophet  Osec.     The  Prophet  Micheas. 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

The  Minor  Prophets  of  the  Seventh  Century  B.C 420 

The  Last  Forty  Years  of  the  Seventh  Century  B.C.  The 
Prophet  Nahum.  The  P  <>!  het  Sophonia..  The  Prophet 
Habacuc. 


lO  COXTKNTS. 

CHAPTI^R    XVII. 

PAGE 

The  Post-Exilic  Minor  Prophets 440 

Historical  Introciuction  to  the  Prophets  Aggcus  and  Zatharia?. 
The  Pr,  phct  Aggeus.  Th  Prophet  Zacharias.  The  Prophel 
Malachias. 

CHAPTER    XVIII. 

The  Remaining   Minor  Prophets:    Joel,   Abdias,   Jonas.    .     468 

Alphabetical  Index 501 


II 


DIVISION  I. 

THE  DIDACTIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  I. 

Preliminary  Remarks  on  the  Didactic  Books. 


>.  Principal  Names  and   Doctrinal    Purpose  of  the  Didactic 

Books. 


Leading 
Poetical 
Features 

OF  THE 

Didactic 
Books : 


f.. 


Parallelism : 


Parallelism, 


2.  Verse 


3.   Stroph 


^  Discovery  and  Nature. 

[  Synonymous 
Various     j  Antithetic 
Kinds  :   |  Synthetic 
(^  Climactic 

Exegetical  Importance. 


f  Existence. 

\  Nature  and  Kinds  (Ancient  and  Mod- 
[      ern  Theories). 

(  Existence  now  admitted  by  all. 

/  How  distinguished  ? 


4.  Other    Characteristics  (Rhyme  ;   Assonance  ;  Alliter 
ationj. 

12 


DIVISION  I. 

THE  DIDACTIC  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PRELIMINARY    REMARKS. 

§  I.  Principal  Names  and  Doctrinal  Purpose  of  the 
Didactic  Books, 

1.  Principal  Names  given  to  the  Didactic  Books. 

The  seven  books,  Job,  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes, 
Canticle  of  Canticles,  Wisdom,  and  Ecclesiasticus,  occui)y 
in  the  Septuagint,  the  Vulgate,  and  most  modern  versions 
of  Holy  Writ  a  central  position  among  the  Sacred  Scriptures 
of  the  Old  Testament.  They  are  placed  between  the  his- 
torical books  (Genesis-Esther),  by  which  they  are  preceded, 
and  the  prophetical  writings,  by  which  they  are  followed. 
They  make  up  a  group  of  inspired  works  clearly  distinct 
from  both  the  historical  and  the  prophetical  books,  and  are, 
on  that  account,  designated  under  special  collective  names. 
They  are  often  called  the  Sapiential  books,  from  the  fact 
that  they  inculcate  the  notion  and  urge  the  practice  of 
"Wisdom"  as  understood  by  the  Hebrews  of  old.'  Some- 
times they  are  spoken  of  as  the  Moral  writings  of  the  Old 
Law,  inasmuch   as   they  deal  with    problems    directly  con- 

1  The  name  of  Sapiential  books  is  usually  restricted  to  five  books,  viz. :  Proverbs, 
Ecclesiastes,  Canticle  of  Canticles,  Wisdom,  and  Ecclesiasticus. 

13 


14  SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

nected  with  man's  moral  nature,  and  suggest  or  insist  upon 
practical  rules  for  righteous  conduct.  They  are  also  some- 
times called  the  Foetical  books  of  the  Old  Testament, 
because  nearly  all  of  them  are  poetical  compositions.^ 
IVIore  commonly,  however,  they  are  designated  as  the 
Didactic  writings,  a  title  which  well  describes  their  most 
general  characteristic.  To  the  Hebrews  of  old,  as  also  to 
Christians  at  large,  they  have  always  appeared,  in  regard  to 
subject-matter  and  literary  form,  a  wonderful  treasury  of 
varied  and  useful  doctrine. 

2.  Doctrinal    Purpose    of   the    Didactic    Books. 

While  thus  ascribing  to  the  Didactic  books  a  doctrinal 
purpose,  we  should  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  the  other 
books  of  the  Old  Law  have  also  a  similar  object.  This 
doctrinal  object  is  especially  manifest  in  connection  with 
the  prophetical  writings,  wherein  threats  and  promises, 
strong  rebukes  and  touching  appeals,  narration  of  past 
events  and  predictions  of  the  future,  are  blended  together 
with  a  view  to  bring  home  to  the  minds  and  hearts  of  the 
Jews  the  fundamental  truths  of  Revelation  and,  in  particu- 
lar, the  obligation  incumbent  on  them  all  of  a  pure  and 
loving  service  of  Yahweh  alone.  But  even  in  regard  to  the 
historical  books  of  the  Old  Covenant  this  doctrinal  pur- 
pose must  be  admitted,  as  was  shown  in  treating  of  each  one 
of  them  in  the  preceding  volume.^  The  very  books  whose 
object  seems  to  be  almost  exclusively  confined  to  the 
chronicling  of  events  have  been  really  composed  in  order 
to  inculcate  those  religious  and  moral  lessons  which  were 
best  suited  to  the  place  and  times  of  the  writers.^ 

^  The  Hebrews  give  th^  name  of  Poetical  only  to  the  books  of  Job,  Psalms,  and 
Proverbs ;  but  it  applies  no  less  fully  to  the  other  didactic  books,  save,  hovi-ever, 
Ecclesiastes,  a  great  part  of  which  does  not  exhibit  the  poetical  form. 

2  The  volume  referred  to  is  the  "  Special  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, Part  I,"  by  the  present  writer. 

3  Cp.  II  Tim.  iii,  15,  16. 


THE    DIDACTIC    BOOKS:    PRELIMINARY    REMARKS.  I  5 

On  account,  then,  of  this  doctrinal  object,  even  tlie  pro- 
phetical and  historical  works  of  the  Old  Testament  may  be 
called  Didactic.  This  name,  however,  is  especially,  and  in- 
deed justly,  reserved  to  indicate  the  series  of  books  which 
is  placed  between  them.  While  the  usual  topics  and  appa- 
rent object  of  the  historical  books  are  directly  concerned 
with  the  narrative  of  past  or  contemporary  events,  and 
those  of  the  prophetical  writings  with  the  summing  up  of 
oral  exhortations  and  predictions  delivered  in  Jehovali's 
name  by  His  approved  messengers,  the  topics  almost 
exclusively  dealt  with  in  the  didactic  books,  together  with 
the  distinct  aim  pursued  therein,  relate  to  doctrine.  In 
fact,  the  didactic  books  of  the  Old  Testament  are  doctrinal 
writings  not  only  with  respect  to  their  contents — viz.,  the 
truths,  moral,  social,  and  religious,  which  they  set  forth — 
but  also  as  regards  the  poetical  form  which  they  assume 
and  which  is  particularly  suited  to  the  mind  of  the  ancient 
Eastern  nations  for  the  purpose  of  imparting  instruction  of 
any  kind. 

§  2.  Leading  Poetical  Features  of  the  Didactic  Books. 

I.  Parallelism.  The  first  and  most  characteristic  feat- 
ure of  Hebrew  poetry  observable  in  the  didactic  books  is 
that  known,  since  the  time  of  Bp.  Lowth  (f  1787)/  under 
the  name  of  Parallelism.  This  scholar  describes  it  in  the 
following  manner :  "  The  correspondence  of  one  verse  or 
line  with  another,  I  call  parallelism.  When  a  jjroposition  is 
delivered,  and  a  second  is  subjoined  to  it,  or  drawn  under 
it,  equivalent,  or  contrasted  with  it  in  sense,  or  similar  to  it 
in  the  form  of  grammatical  construction,  these  I  call  parallel 
lines  ;  and  the  words  or  phrases  answering  to  one  another 

1  He  was  the  first  to  clearly  state  and  accurately  describe  that  essent  al  feature  of 
Hebrew  poetry,  in  his  "  De  sacra  poesi  Hebrasorum,"  Oxford,  1753,  and  liis 
"  Translation  of  Isaiah  "  (Preliminary  Dissertation),  London,  1778. 


1 6  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE   OLD    TESTAMENT. 

in  the  corresponding  lines,  parallel  terms."  *  This  corre- 
spondence of  lines  one  to  another,  which  is  usually  connected 
with  an  approach  to  equality  in  the  length  of  the  parallel 
lines  and  in  their  syllabic  structure,  is  so  striking  a  mark  of 
Hebrew  poetry  **  as  plainly  to  discriminate  in  general  the 
parts  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  which  are  written  in  verse 
from  those  which  are  written  in  prose."  ^ 

Parallelism  is  of  four  principal  kinds,  to  which  names 
more  or  less  descriptive  have  been  given. 

There  is,  first  of  all,  the  Synonymous  Parallelism.  In  this 
kind  (which  is  the  most  frequent)  the  parallel  lines  corre- 
spond to  each  other  by  expressing  the  same  idea  under 
different  forms,  generally,  however,  with  some  slight  exten- 
sion or  modification  of  meaning,  as  : 

O  Yahweh,  in  Thy  strength  the  king  doth  rejoice, 
And  in  Thy  salvation  how  greatly  doth  he  exult  1 
The  desire  of  his  heart  Thou  hast  granted  him, 
And  the  request  of  his  lips  Thou  hast  not  denied. 

Ps.  XX.  2  (Heb.  xxi,  2). 

There  is,  secondly,  the  Antithetic  Parallelism,  wherein  the 
thought  of  the  first  line  is  emphasized  by  the  contrasted 
thought  and  expression  found  in  the  second.     Thus : 

A  wise  son  maketh  a  glad  father, 

But  a  foolish  son  is  the  grief  of  his  mother.      Prov.  x,  i. 

For  Yahweh  knoweth  the  way  of  the  righteous, 

But  the  way  of  the  wicked  shall  perish.  Ps.  i,  6. 

There  is,  thirdly,  the  Synthetic  or  Constructive  Parallelism, 
in  which  the  second  line  completes,  proves,  or  elucidates  in 
different  ways  ^  the  thought  expressed  in  the  first.     Thus  : 

*  Preliminary  Dissertation  to  Isaiah,  p.  ix  (Boston,  1834). 

'  Rob.  LowTH,  loc,  cit. 

'  "  A  comparison,  a  reason,  a  consequence,  a  motive,  often  constitutes  one  of  the 
lines  in  a  synthetic  parallelism  "  (Driver,  Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  the  O.  Test., 
p.  3^3>. 


THE    DIDACTIC    ROOKS:     PR  I'l  IM  I  X  A  KV    REMARKS.  I  7 

I  call  upon  Yahwcli  with  my  voin-, 

And  He  heareth  me  from  His  holy  hill. 

I  laid  me  down,  and  sitpt,  and  awoke, 

For  Yahweh  sustaineth  me.  Ps.  iii,  5,  6. 

As  a  bird  that  wandereth  from  her  nest, 
So  is  a  man  that  wandereth  from  his  place. 

Prov.  xxvif,  8. 

Answer  not  a  fool  according  to  his  folly, 

Lest  thou  also  become  like  to  him.  Prov.  xxvi,  4. 

To  these  three  kinds  of  parallelism  discovered  and 
described  by  Rob.  Lowth  a  fourth  one  has  been  added  by- 
subsequent  scholars,  under  the  name  of  Climactic  Parallel- 
ism. It  is  found  only  in  lyric  poetry  and  consists  chiefly  in 
this  :  the  first  line  is  itself  incomplete,  and  the  second  takes 
up  words  from  it  and  completes  the  sense,  as  : 

The  voice  of  Yahweh  shaketh  the  wilderness, 
Yahweh  shaketh  the  wilderness  of  Cades. 

Ps.  xxviii  (Heb.  xxix),  8. 

Intimately  connected  with  the  climactic  parallelism  is  the 
unusual  but  graphic  kind  of  parallelism  with  its  stairlike 
movement,  especially  characteristic  of  the  Pilgrim  Psalms  '.'■ 

I  lift  up  my  eyes  to  the  hills 
Whence  cometh  77iy  help  : 
My  help  cometh  from  Yahweh, 
Who  made  heaven  and  earth. 

He  will  not  suffer  thy  foot  to  stumble  ; 
He  will  not  slumber,  thy  Keeper. 
Indeed  He  sliimbereth  not,  and  sleepeth  not, 
The  Keeper  of  Israel. 

'  Pss.  cxix-cxxxiii  (Heb.  cxx-cxxxiv).     These  Psalms  are  called  Gradual  Canticles 
in  our  Vulgate. 


1 8  SPKCIAI.    INIRODICTION"    TO    THE    OLD    1  KSTAMENT. 

Valiwch  is  tliy  Ktcper, 

Is  thy  shade  at  thy  right  hand. 

By  day  the  sun  will  not  smite  thee, 

Nor  the  moon  by  night. 

Yahweh  will  keep  thee  from  all  evil, 

He  will  keep  thee,  thyself. 

He  will  keep  thy  going  out  and  thy  coming  in 

From  now  on  even  for  ever.i 

The  last  word  of  the  second  line  (of  this  Psalm)  becomes 
the  first  word  of  the  third.  The  last  two  words  of  the  sixth 
line  are  taken  up  in  the  seventh  and  eighth.  The  ninth, 
thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  lines  repeat  the  Keeper 
of  the  eighth  line.'^ 

Other  kinds  of  parallelism  might  be  easily  indicated  ; 
but  these  four  are  the  best  known  and  they  are  amply  suf- 
ficient to  illustrate  this  essential  characteristic  of  Hebrew 
poetry.  Moreover,  the  greater  the  number  of  classes  ad- 
mitted, the  more  difficult  it  is  also  to  prevent  one  class  from 
running  into  another,  and  to  use  such  obscure  kinds  of  par- 
allelism for  the  purposes  of  exegesis  or  of  textual  criticism. 
Indeed,  it  is  but  seldom  that  any  other  kind  of  parallelism, 
besides  the  synonymous  and  the  antithetic,  offers  a  clue  to 
the  meaning  of  a  passage,  by  suggesting  its  true  reading  or  its 
true  sense  by  means  of  the  corresponding  words  in  the  par- 
allel clause.  As  regards  these  two  well-defined  classes  of 
parallelism,  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  the  la\v  of 
similarity  or,  on  the  contrary,  of  contrast,  which  prevails 
between  the  parallel  synonymous  or  antithetic  lines,  "sup- 
plies an  excellent  means  of  understanding  more  correctly  a 
large  number  of  passages  of  Holy  Writ.  .  .  .  Thus  the 
sense  of  ^ in  viriute  iua '  in  the  following  verse. 
Fiat  pax  in  virtute  tua, 
Et  abundantia  in  turribus  tuis.  (Ps.  cxxi.  7.) 

-  Ps.  cxx  (Heb.  cxxi). 

'  Cfr.  Chas.  A    Hkiggs,  General   Introduction   to   the  Study  of  Holy  Scripture,  p. 
367  sq.;  F.  ViGouROUx,  Manuel  Biblique.  vol.  ii,  no.  666  (on  the  word  Ma'alotli). 


THE    DIDACTIC    HOOKS:     PKKI.miNAKY    KKMAKKS.  1 9 

is  fixed  by  paying  attention  to  tlie  paralKlism  Since  the 
words  '/>/  7'/>/'///<''  correspond  \o  ' in  iurribus'  in  the  next 
synonymous  clause,  they  must  have  a  similar  sense  and 
therefore  refer  to  that  which  imparts  strengtli  to  Jerusalem 
and  secures  peace  to  her.  They  consequently  designate  the 
walls  of  the  Holy  City/  as  St.  Jerome  accurately  renders  in 
his  own  translation  directly  from  the  Hebrew,  'in  viuris 
tuis.*     In  like  manner,  in  Ps.  Ixxv,  3, 

Et  factus  est  in  pace  locus  ejus, 
Et  habitatio  ejus  in  Sion, 

the  expression  'in  pace'  must  designate  Jerusalem,  Salem, 
the  city  of  peace,  because  it  corresponds  to  Sion  in  the 
next  clause.  The  parallelism  is  even  useful  at  times  to  de- 
termine which  is  the  true  reading.  Thus  it  shows  that  in  the 
17th  verse  of  Ps.  xxi,  which  is  of  such  great  importance,  we 
should  read,  after  our  Latin  Vulgate,  Kaarou,  foderunt,  in- 
stead of  Kdari,  as  a  Hon,  as  punctuated  in  the  ]\Iassoretic 
text,  because  this  latter  reading  is  at  variance  with  the  par- 
allelism : 

Foderunt  manus   meas  et  pedes  meos, 

Dinumeraverunt  omnia  ossa  niea."2 

2.  Verse.  The  existence  of  a  Hebrew  verse  se.-ms  to 
have  been  recognized  by  several  Fathers  of  the  Ciuirch, 
but  the  study  of  the  law  of  parallelism  has  made  this  exist- 
ence more  apparent.  It  has  shown  that  the  parallel  clauses, 
taken  singly,  constitute  so  many  distinct  verses.  It  is  true 
that  many  prominent  scholars  ^  still  consider  each  line  as 
only  half  a  verse.     But  this  view  goes   against  two  unques- 

'  The  incorrect  rendering  of  the  Vulgate  is  traceable  to  a  wrong  punctuation  of  the 
Hebrew  p^H  by  the  Septuagint  translators. 

2  ViGouKoux,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii.  no.  505.  Cfr.  also  Jno.  Jahn.  Introd.  to 
the  Old  Test.,  p.  161  (Engl.  Transl.),  for  "  Critical  Arguments  derived  from  the  Poetic 
Parallelism." 

^  Among  whom  may  be  reckoned  I'rof.  I)hi\i:k  and  Father  Conua.min,  S  J, 


20  SPECIAL    IXTRODITTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

tionable  facts.  First,  the  parallelism  exists  oftentimes 
among  three  consecutive  lines/  which  proves  that  every  He- 
brew line  is  not  necessarily  half  a  verse.  Secondly,  in  some 
poetical  pieces, — such,  for  instance,  as  Pss.  ex,  cxi  (Hebr. 
cxi,  cxii)  —  each  parallel  line  begins  with  a  letter  of  the 
alphabet  in  regular  order,  whence  it  is  plain  that  Hebrew 
poetry  counted  each  line  as  a  distinct  verse.^ 

In  regard  to  the  principle  of  measurement  which  should 
be  applied  to  the  Hebrew  verse,  the  great  law  of  parallel- 
ism has  availed  but  little,  and  it  m.ust  be  confessed  that, 
down  to  the  present  day,  this  principle  remains  unknown 
despite  the  various  theories  which  have  been  framed  to  set 
it  forth.  The  most  ancient  among  these  theories  goes  back 
to  Philo  (t  ab.  40  a.d.).  According  to  him,^  the  mystic 
sect  of  Jewish  Therapeutae  sang  hymns  and  psalms  of 
thanksgiving  to  God,  which  were  either  new  or  ancient 
ones  composed  by  the  old  poets,  who  had  left  behind  them 
measures  and  melodies  of  trimeter  verses.  Josephus  (f  ab. 
100  A.D.)  speaks  of  the  song  of  Moses  at  the  Red  Sea 
(Exod.  xv)  and  of  the  lawgiver's  canticle  in  Deuter.  xxxii, 
as  made  up  of  hexameters,  and  of  the  Psalms  of  David  as 
written  in  several  metres,  such  as  trimeters  and  pentam- 
eters.* In  like  manner,  Eusebius  of  Csesarea  (f  ab.  338 
A.D.)  states  in  his  de  Prceparat.  E%'angel.^  that  the  Canticle  of 
Moses  in  Deut.  xxxii  and  Ps.  cxviii  (Heb.  cxix)  were  com- 
posed in  the  Greek  heroic  metre,  i.e.,  in  hexameters  of 
16  syllables,  and  that  the  Hebrews  used  trimeters  in  their 
other  poetical  works.     Finally,  St.   Jerome  (f  420)  appeals 

'  Cfr.  Pss.  vii,  6;  xv,  3  ;  xviii,  9  (Heb   xvi,  xix>;   Prov.  i    22  ;  etc. 

2  The  divison  into  verses  which  runs  throughout  our  editions  of  the  Bible  has  nothing 
to  do  with  tlie  Hebrew  poetical  verse.  It  is  a  modern  and  conventional  division  of  the 
Sacred  Text  for  the  sake  of  reference,  and  irrespective  of  prose  or  poetry. 

'  De  Vita  Contemplativa.  §  3. 

*  Antiq.  of  the  Jews,  Book  ii,  chap,  xvi,  §  4  ;  Book  iv,  chap,  viii,  §  44 ;  Book  vii, 
chap.  xii.  §  3. 

'  Book  xi,  cliap.  5. 


THE    DIDACTIC     BOOKS:     rKKIIMINAKY    KF.MAKKS.  2  1 

to  such  ancient  autlioiilies  as  Pliilo,  Josei)luis,  Oriij;cn,  and 
Eusebius,  as  proving  that  almost  all  the  poetry  of  Holy  Writ 
is  in  metre  similar  to  that  of  the  odes  of  Horace,  Pindar, 
and  others.  He  thinks  that  Job  (iii,  3-xlii,  6)  is  made  np 
mainly  of  hexameters,  with  dactyls  and  spondees,  and 
affirms  that  certain  Psalms  are  in  trimeter  or  tetrameter 
iambics/ 

It  is  nowadays  universally  admitted  that  these  ancient 
theories  have  no  solid  basis.  Philo  and  Josephus  were  bent 
on  magnifying  their  nation  and  its  writings  in  the  eyes  of 
the  Gentiles,  and  on  showing  that  their  race  had  anticipated 
the  Greeks  in  literature  and  in  philosophy.  They  must  not 
therefore  be  considered  as  unbiassed  witnesses,  simply  voic- 
ing an  ancient  tradition  of  the  Jews  relative  to  the  nature 
of  the  Hebrew  verse,  but  rather  as  polemists  carried  away 
by  their  desire  to  liken  Hebrew  poetry  to  the  best  classical 
productions  with  which  they  were  acquainted.  The  erudite 
Greek  scholar,  Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  naturally  took  it  for 
granted  that  the  Hebrew  verses  resembled  those  of  the 
Greeks  ;  and  we  have  the  explicit  testimony  of  St.  Jerome 
to  the  effect  that  his  own  view  regarding  Scriptural  poetry 
was  not  independent  of  those  of  Philo  and  Josephus. 

As  time  went  on,  and  it  became  more  and  more  apparent 
that  the  likening  of  the  Hebrew  to  the  Greek  and  Latin  poetry 
had  no  scientific  basis,^  modern  scholars  began  to  work  in 
other  directions  in  order  to  find  a  system  of  metres  in  Hebrew 
poetry.  Thus  Sir  William  Jones  endeavored  to  apply  the 
rules  of  Arabic  metre  to  Hebrew.  But  this  soon  betrayed 
hiai  into  a  total  rejection  of  the  Massoretic  system  of  or- 
thography and  accentuation,  and  into  conclusions  whi(  h 
are  far  from  satisfactory.     "  It  is  not  consistent  with  prob- 

>  MiGNE,  Patrol.  Lat.,  Pref.  to  Job  (vol.  xxviii,  col.  ic8i  s(i.) ;  Epistle  to  Paula  (vol. 
xxii,  col.  442  sq.). 

2  St.  Gre(;orv  of  Nyssa  was  apparently  the  first  to  deny  the  resemblance  of  the 
Hebrew  verse  to  the  classical  metres. 


22  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

ability,"  as  justly  remarked  by  a  competent  critic/  "  that 
there  could  be  any  system  of  versification  among  the  He- 
brews like  that  imagined  by  Sir  W.  Jones,  when  in  the  ex- 
ample he  quotes  of  Cant,  i,  5,  he  refers  the  first  clause  of 
the  verse  to  the  second,  and  the  last  to  the  fifteenth,  kind 
of  Arabic  metre."  To  which  it  may  be  added  that  the  best 
Arabic  scholars  regard  Arabic  metres  as  comparatively  late 
and  as  probably  preceded  by  a  freer  prosody. 

Most  recently,  and  indeed  with  much  greater  ability, 
Gustav  Bickell,  the  eminent  Catholic  professor  of  Oriental 
Literature  in  Vienna,  has  striven  to  explain  the  Hebrew 
verse  after  the  analogy  of  the  ancient  Syriac  metre.^  Ac- 
cording to  him,  Hebrew,  like  Syriac,  poetry  does  not  meas- 
ure syllables,  but  counts  them  in  regular  order.  The  He- 
brew verse  is  made  up  of  a  fixed  number  of  syllables, 
without  distinction  between  long  and  short.  There  is 
also  a  constant  alternation  of  accented  and  unaccented 
syllables,  so  that  only — to  use  terms  borrowed  from  clas- 
sic prosody — iambic  and  trochaic  feet  are  possible.  The 
accent  is  generally  on  the  penult,  and  its  position  must  be 
determined  by  means,  not  of  the  Massoretic  rules  of  accen- 
tuation, but  after  the  analogy  of  the  Syriac  language.  The 
Massoretic  vocalization  is  also  easily  discarded,  and  the 
Aramaic  put  in  its  place.  In  this  wise.  Dr.  Bickell  obtains 
verses  of  five,  six,  seven,  eight,  ten,  and  twelve  syllables, 
and  a  few  of  varying  numbers,  most  Hebrew  verses  being, 
as  he  thinks,  heptasyllabic. 

Dr.    Bickell's   theory,   however    attractive    to  many,  has 

^  William  Addis  Wricht,  art.  Poetry  (Hebrew),  in  Smith,  Bible  Diet  ,  vol  iii, 
p.  2555  (Amer    Ed  ). 

2  He  had  been  preceded  in  this  regard  by  Fr.  Le  Hir,  S.S  ,  in  "  Le  Rhythme  chez 
les  Hebreux,  le  livre  de  Job,'"  pp  183-215.  Dr.  P.ickf.li.s  leading  theoretical  works 
in  reference  to  Hebrew  Poetry  are  "  Metrices  Biblica;  regula;  exemplis  illustratse  " 
(Innsbruck,  1879)  and  "  Supplementum  "  (1870).  He  has  applied  his  theory  to  the 
entire  Psalter,  Proverbs,  Job,  Lamentations,  Song  of  Songs,  most  of  the  poems  of  the 
historical  books,  and  a  great  deal  of  the  poetry  in  the  Prophets. 


THE    DIDACTIC    HOOKS   ;     I'KKI.I.M  I NAKV    KKMAKKS.  2^ 

never  been  fully  endorsed  by  critics.  Their  cliief  objec- 
tion to  it  arises  from  the  fact  that  textual  changes  and  the 
metrical  licenses  required  by  his  system  are  too  often  arbi- 
trary. All  grant,  however,  that  many  of  the  emendations 
advocated  by  him  in  consequence  of  his  metrics  should 
not  be  lightly  set  aside. 

Other  scholars  have  looked  for  the  determining  principle 
of  t'ne  Hebrew  verse  in  another  direction.  Instead  of 
striving  to  apply  to  Hebrew  poetry  the  rules  of  Arabic  or 
Syriac  prosody,  they  have  endeavored  to  liken  it  to  that  of 
the  Babylonians  and  Egyptians,^  which  measured  lines  by 
accents  or  rhythmical  beats,  the  "foot"  not  necessarily 
consisting  of  the  same  number  of  syllables.  Such  a  prin- 
ciple of  measurement,  it  is  claimed,  is  distinctly  in  har- 
mony (i)  with  the  power  of  the  accent  in  Hebrew  prose, 
and  more  especially  in  Hebrew  poetry,  and  (2)  with  the 
general  characteristic  of  Hebrew  poetical  composition 
wherein  the  external  form  is  entirely  subordinated  to  the 
internal  emotion,  so  that  the  poet  is  always  at  liberty  to  add 
or,  on  the  contrary,  to  subtract  one  or  several  rhythmical 
beats  as  required  by  his  present  thought  and  feeling.  Ac- 
cording to  Dr.  Briggs,^  one  of  the  leading  advocates  of  this 
theory,  **  three  beats  of  the  accent  give  us  trimeters,  four 
tetrameters,  five  pentameters,  and  six  hexameters.  All 
these  measures  appear  in  Hebrew,  as  they  do  in  Babylonian 
and  Egyptian,  poetry.  There  are  no  dimeter  lines,  except 
occasionally  in  connection  with  trimeters  and  tetrameters, 
to  vary  the  measure." 

Although  the  scholars  who  attempt  to  liken  the  Hebrew 

>  There  is  no  doubt  that  Hebrew  poetry  resembles  the  Babvl-'tiian  and  .Assyrian 
poetry  in  regard  to  the  general  law  of  parallelism  already  described,  as  proved  by  re- 
cent discoveries  of  Assyrian,  Babylonian,  and  .Accadian  hymns. 

2  General  Introd.  to  the  Study  of  Holy  .Scripture,  p.  37"  r)r.  BRir.r.s'  labors 
to  establish  the  principle  of  measurement  by  accents  began  as  early  as  1881,  and  de" 
serve  serious  consideration.  See  particularly  chaps,  xiv  and  xv  of  his  "  General  Intro- 
duction "  just  referred  to. 


24  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

poetical  line  to  the  Egyptian  and  Babylonian  verse  have 
the  great  advantage  of  preserving  intact  the  Massoretic  ac- 
centuation over  those  who  would  liken  it  to  the  Arabic  or 
Syriac  verse,  yet  it  remains  true  that  even  their  theory 
is  as  yet  little  more  than  a  "conjecture."^  Egyptian  and 
Babylonian  poetry  is  surrounded  with  at  least  as  much 
obscurity  as  that  of  Israel.  The  Hebrew  accent  plays,  it 
is  true,  a  very  important  part  in  the  vocalization  of  every 
word  in  any  sentence,  but  there  is  no  proof  that  the  part  it 
plays  in  a  poetical  line  is  so  much  greater  than  that  which 
it  plays  in  prose  composition,  or  that  it  must  be  regarded 
as  the  determining  principle  of  the  Hebrew  verse.  Indeed, 
the  very  fact  that  in  Hebrew  poetry  "  the  external  form 
is  entirely  subordinated  to  the  internal  emotion  of  the 
poet  "^  seems  to  introduce  into  it  such  a  variable  element, 
in  regard  to  the  greater  or  smaller  number  of  rhythmical 
accents,  as  to  well-nigh  exclude  from  the  verse  a  fixed 
principle  of  measurement  by  accents. 

3.  Strophes.  As  the  Hebrew  poetical  line  is  distinct 
from  the  classical  verse,  ancient  or  modern,  so  is  the  He- 
brew strophe  or  stanza  distinct  from  that  of  ancient:  or 
modern  classical  poetry.  The  difference,  in  fact,  is  so 
great  between  these  two  kinds  of  strophes  that  the  existence 
of  a  strophical  arrangement  of  Hebrew  lines  remained  un- 
suspected till  1 83 1,  when  F.  B.  Koster  called  the  attention 
of  scholars  to  it.^  And  yet  it  remains  true  that  though  we 
would  look  in  vain  in  Hebrew  poetry  for  that  strict  grou])- 
ing  of  lines  of  a  determinate  length  and  character,  and 
recurring   regularly  in  the   course  of  an  ode,  which   consti- 

'  Driver.  Introd   to  the  Literal,  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  362,  footn. 

"^  Chas.  A   Briggs,  Introd.  to  the  Study  of  Hoy  Scripture,  p.  365.     See  also  Dkivf   ',: 
Introduction,  p.  365. 

3  In  "  The  Strophes,  or  the    Parallelism  of  the   Verses  in  H»;brf;\v   l'"<.;iy        1 
Studien  and  Krit.,  pp.  40-114), 


THE    DIDACTIC     BOOKS!     PRELIMINARY     REMARKS.  25 

tutes  the  classical  strophe  or  stanza,  still  something  analo- 
gous to  it  must  be  and  is  admitted  as  a  special  feature  of 
Hebrew  poems.  It  is  now  generally  granted  that  often- 
times Hebrew  poets  grouped  together  a  certain  number  of 
lines  and  marked  them  off  from  either  the  preceding  or  the 
following  groups  of  verses.  All  such  groups  are  therefore 
rightly  called  strophes,  although  they  stand  usually  in 
relation  to  one  another  in  about  the  same  unfettered  way 
as  is  the  case  with  the  rhythmical  beats  in  the  separate 
verses. 

Despite  the  many  difficulties  which  surround  the  distri- 
bution of  the  lines  of  a  Hebrew  poem  into  distinct  strophes, 
certain  general  means  of  discerning  such  larger  portions 
have  been  pointed  out  by  scholars.  First  of  all,  reference 
should  be  had  to  the  sense.  A  Hebrew  strophe  expresses 
a  relatively  complete  train  of  thought  by  means  of  a  series 
of  verses.  The  idea  to  be  set  forth,  or  at  least  the  prin- 
cipal one  if  there  be  several,  receives  its  full  and  harmonious 
development  only  at  the  end  of  a  group  of  verses,  when  a 
new  idea  of  a  similar,  different,  or  even  opposite  kind 
begins  likewise  to  be  expanded  in  a  group  of  lines  which 
constitutes  a  new  strophe.  So  that  the  full  development  of 
a  leading  idea  marks  naturally  the  end  of  a  strophe,  and  the 
introduction  of  another  principal  thought  the  beginning  of 
another  strophe  or  stanza.  It  goes  without  saying  that 
when  the  strophes  thus  determined  by  the  sense  are,  more- 
over, found  to  follow  the  same  principles  of  parallelism  as 
the  lines  themselves,  and  to  be  clearly  synonymous  or 
antithetic,  etc.,  to  one  another,  their  actual  distinction 
appears  still  more  evident  and  must  needs  be  admitted.  An 
application  of  this  first  criterion  to  Ps.  ii,  for  instance,  shows 
that  it  is  made  up  of  four  strophes — verses  1-3,  4-6'',  6*^-9, 
10-13 — the  first  two  of  which  are  distinctly  antithetic  to 
each  other. 


26  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

A  second  Init  external  means  of  dividing  a  poem  into  its 
comj)onent  strophes  is  found  in  the  "refrain"  or  burden, 
wliich  is  rej)eated  at  regular  intervals  in  some  Psalms.  A 
good  example  of  this  occurs  in  Pss.  xli  and  xlii/  which  are 
really  one,  and  where  the  following  "refrain  " — 

Why  art  thou  bowed  down,  O  my  soul,  and  moaning  within  me  ? 
Wait  on  Elohim,  for  even  yet  shall  I  praise  Him, 
The  Deliverer  of  my  face,  and  my  Elohim  ! 

— marks  the  end  of  three  strophes  (Ps.  xli,  6,  12  ;  Ps.  xlii,  5). 

A  third  means — an  external  one  also — is  supposed  by 
some  scliolars  to  be  furnished  by  the  word  '*  Se/a/i."  Ac- 
cording to  them,  this  word,  of  unknown  meaning,  would, 
wherever  found,  mark  the  strophical  divisions  of  the  poem. 
This  is  very  doubtful,  to  say  the  least.  It  cannot  well  be 
denied,  however,  that  in  certain  Psalms  (Pss.  iii,  xxxix, 
Ixvi,  etc.)  it  is  really  placed  at  the  end  of  a  strophe.^ 

A  last  means  of  marking  the  strophes  is  the  alphabet^ 
whereby  the  line  or  the  strophe  begins  with  successive  let- 
ters of  the  Hebrew  alphabet.  These  successive  letters  mark 
the  initial  lines  sometimes  in  the  simplest  strophes,  viz., 
the  couplets,  as  in  Pss.  xxxiii,  cxliv  ;  sometimes  in  strophes 
of  four  lines,  as  in  Pss.  ix  and  xxxvi  ;  and  also  in  longer 
strophes,  as,  for  instance,  in  Ps.  cxviii,  where  every  couplet 
begins  with  the  same  letter  of  the  alphabet  eight  times  re- 
peated in  each  strophe.^ 

4.  Other  Poetical  Characteristics.  Three  other 
characteristics  of  Hebrew  poetry  deserve  a  passing  mention. 
These  are  Rhyme,  Assonance,  and  Alliteration. 

>  Heb.  xlii,  xliii.  Tn  Vs.  viii  the  refrain  begins  the  first  strophe  and  closes  the 
second  It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that  the  refrain  is  far  from  being  a 
sure  test  of  strojihical  divisions  in  Hebrew  poetry. 

-  Cfr.  Vu;oi'Roux,  Manuel  Biblique.  vol.  ii,  no.  208.  §  4,  footn. 

'  For  further  details  regardmg  strophes  in  Hebrew  poetry,  see  Chas.  A.  BrigGS, 
General  Introd.,  pp.  398-414. 


THE    DIDACTIC    BOOKS   :    PRELIMINARY    RF.MARKS,  27 

Rhyme  proper,  or  correspondence  in  the  sound  of  tlie 
last  syllable  of  one  line  to  that  of  the  last  syllable  of  an- 
other, was  known  to  the  ancient  Hebrews,  but  never  became 
an  important  factor  in  their  poetry.  It  exists  in  some 
Psalms,^  where  it  is  used  with  great  effect  ;  but  this  seldom 
extends  beyond  a  couplet  or  triplet  of  verses.  Moreover, 
the  principle  of  rhyme  remains  entirely  free,  and  is  not 
developed  into  a  system. 

Another  occasional  peculiarity  in  Hebrew  poetry  is  asso- 
7iancg,  i.e.,  the  correspondence  of  the  vowels  but  not  of  the 
consonants  in  rhyming  syllables,  or  the  frequent  repetition 
of  a  syllable  in  a  poem  more  or  less  extended.  As  an 
example  of  assonance  of  this  latter  kind,  Ps.  cxxiii  (in  the 
Heb.j,  wherein  the  syllable  nu  occurs  frequently,  is  often 
l)ointed  out. 

As  regards  alliteration,  or  frequent  recurrence  of  an  initial 
letter  or  sound  in  the  accented  words,  it  is  well  known  that 
the  Hebrews  were  fond  of  it.  Examples  without  number 
could  be  indicated  in  connection  with  Pss.  ii,  xxii,  Ixxii 
(Vulgate  xxi,  Ixxi),  etc.,  etc. 

To  these  secondary  features  of  versification  may  be  added 
/^lavs  upon  words,  which  are  so  frequent  in   Hebrew  poetry .'■^ 

1  Pss.  viii,  xviii,  etc. 

2  For  details  regarding  these  minor  features  of   Hebrew  poetry,  see  art.  Alliteration, 
by  I.  M.  Casanowicz,  in  the  Jewish  Encyclopaedia,  vol.  i,  p.  424. 


SYNOPSIS   OF   CHAPTER    11. 
The  Book  of  Job. 


1. 

Name 

AND 

Position  in  the 
Canon: 


IT. 


Chief  Contents 


I.  The  Name  and  its  Derivation. 


Position  in  the 
Canon 


r  of  the  Jews  :  in  the  Hagi- 
ographa,   after    Psalms 
J        and  Proverbs. 

j   of    Christians  :     between 
(^       Esther  and  Psalms. 


Prologue  (i-ii). 


Poetical  Part 


r  Job's  Lament  (iii). 

Debate  between  Job  and 
his  Friends  (iv-xxxi). 

I    The     Speeches    of    Eliu 
(xxxii-xxxvii). 

Yahweh's       Intervention 
(^       (xxxviii-xlii,  6). 


III. 

Integrity 

AND 

General  Object 


IV. 

Historical 
Character  and 
Da  IE  OF  Composi- 
tion : 


3.   Epilogue  (xlii,  T-i^). 

C  Comparison  between  the 
Hebrew  Text  and  the 
Septuagint  Version. 

I 

1.  Integrity:  ^^  Difficulties  against  the 
Genuineness  of  certain 
Parts  Stated  and  Ex- 
amined. 

2.  General   Object  :    Deals  with   the  relation  of 
suffering  to  sin. 


I.   Historical 
Character  : 


2.   Date  of  Compo- 


\  The  Book  of  Job  not  ex- 
j  clusively  a  Work  of  the 
I        Imagination. 


Traditional  Data  utilized 
by  the  Writer. 

The  Author's    name  un- 
known. 


j    The  Date  of  writing  not 
[       fully  ascertained. 


28 


CHAPTER    II. 

THE    BOOK    OF    JOB. 

§  I.  JVanif  and  Positio7i  t?i  the  Canon. 

I.  Name.  The  book  of  Job  is  thus  named,  like  tlie 
books  of  Tobias,  Judith,  and  Esther,  from  its  great  liero. 
In  a  postscript  to  the  Septuagint  the  name  of  Job  is  con- 
nected with  tliat  of  the  Idumaean  king  Jobab^  and  appar- 
ently represented  as  its  shorter  form.  But  the  resemblance 
of  the  two  names  in  the  Greek  language  ^  is  most  likely  the 
main  reason  for  which  the  late  and  uncritical  author  of  the 
postscript  took  the  Hebrew  word  ' lyyob  to  be  an  abbrevi- 
ation of  Yobhab.  Having  set  aside  this  improbable  deri- 
vation, most  recent  critics  have  attempted  to  give  to  the 
word  'lyyob  such  a  derivation,  from  either  a  Hebrew  or 
an  Arabic  root,  as  would  symbolize  the  character  of  the 
patriarch  Job.  But  neither  the  derivation  of  the  name 
from  the  Hebrew  that  would  make  it  mean  **  one  perse- 
cuted "  by  Satan,  or  by  his  friends,  or  by  calamity,  nor  its 
derivation  from  the  Arabic  so  that  it  would  signify  "the 
penitent  one,  or  pious,  ever  turning"  to  God,  is  probable. 
There  is  no  indication  in  the  book  or  in  tradition  that  the 
writer  of  Job  selected  a  symbolical  name  for  his  hero,  so 
the  derivation  of  the  name  remains  doubtful. 

2.  Position  in  the  Canon.  In  the  Septuagint,  Vul- 
gate, and  English  Versions  the  book  of  Job  comes  immedi- 

'  Jobab  is  named  as  one  of  the  kings  of  Fdom  in  Cen.  xx.wi,  33. 
2  In  Greek  'Iuj,3  mij^lit  we  1  appear  to  l)e  an  abbreviated  f.jrm  of  'Ia>/3o/3. 

29 


30  SPKCIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    01. 1)    TESTAMENT. 

ately  after  tlie  book  of  Esther  and  before  the  Psalter.  This 
position  was  no  doubt  assigned  to  it  because,  on  the  one 
hand,  its  full  historical  character  in  narrating  particular 
events  was  regarded  as  no  less  unquestionably  established 
than  that  of  the  preceding  historical  books  ;  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  well-known  fact  that  the  Hebrews  of  old 
treated  it  as  one  of  their  poetical  books  seemed  to  justify 
its  place  before  the  book  of  Psalms.  So  that  in  a  list  of 
the  sacred  books  which,  like  that  of  the  Septuagint — fol- 
lowed by  the  Vulgate  and  the  English  Versions,— arranged 
tlie  inspired  writings  after  a  topical  order,  the  book  of  Job 
was,  and  is  still,  rightly  considered  as  intermediate  between 
the  historical  books  by  which  it  is  preceded  and  the  didactic 
writings  by  which  it  is  followed/ 

In  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  the  book  of  Job  is  found  in 
the  Third  Canon,  that  of  the  K'ihiibhi7n  or  "the  Writings" 
(more  commonly  called  "the  Hagiographa ").  It  stands 
third  among  them,  and  is  usually  placed  after  Psalms  and 
Proverbs.  According  to  the  Talmud,  its  place  in  the 
Th.ird  Canon  should  be  after  Ruth  and  Psalms,  and  before 
Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Song  of  Songs,  etc.  Its  inclusion 
among  the  Hagiographa  is  no  doubt  significant.  It  points 
to  a  late  date  as  the  one  at  which  Job  was  recognized  as 
canonical,  and  probably  also  to  a  comparatively  late  date 
for  its  composition.  As  regards  its  insertion  by  the  Tal- 
mudists  between  Ruth  and  Psalms,  and  the  Solomonic 
writings  of  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  etc.,  it  may  be  safely  as- 
serted that  it  has  no  critical  or  historical  importance.^ 

'  Cfr.  ViGOUKoux.  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.ii.no.  584. 

2  Cfr.  H.  E.  Ryle,  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  229  sq. 


THE    BOOK    OF    JOB.  3 1 

§  2.   Chief  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Job. 

I.  The  Prologue.  The  book  opens  with  a  Prologue 
(chaps.  1-2)  written  in  prose,  the  purpose  of  which  is  to  make 
known  the  person  of  Job  and  the  occasion  of  tlie  calamities 
which  befell  him.  Job  was  a  wealthy  man  of  exemplary 
righteousness,  living  outside  of  Israel,  in  the  land  of  Hus, 
on  the  borders  of  Edoni.  On  a  certain  day,  "when  the 
sons  of  God  had  come  to  stand  before  Yahweh,"  ^  tlie  dis- 
interestedness of  his  piety  was  called  in  question  by  "  the 
Satan,"  ^  or  Adversary j'"^  who  claimed  that  Job's  virtue  would 
not  withstand  a  reverse  of  fortune.  Then  it  was  that,  with 
God's  permission  to  afflict  Job  without  touching  his  person, 
Satan  deprived  him  so  suddenly  of  all  his  property  and 
children  that  after  each  calamity  only  one  messenger  sur- 
vived to  announce  it.  Thus  stripped  of  all  his  possessions, 
and  bereaved  of  his  children.  Job  manifested  tlie  deei)est 
grief,  but  bowed  submissively,  and  hence,  "in  all  this,  Job 
sinned  not,  and  spoke  not  impiously  against  Elohim." 

Again  the  heavenly  council  was  convened,  and  Satan 
appeared,  together  with  "the  sons  of  God,"  in  Yahweh's 
presence.  Again  Job  was  the  subject  of  commendation 
on  the  part  of  God,  who  upbraided  Satan  with  instigating 
Him  unjustly  against  His  iaithful  servant.  Satan  replied 
that  the"  trial  had  not  been  sufficiently  severe  :  if  afflicted 
in  his  person,  Job  would  prove  unfaithful.  Satan  was  there- 
fore permitted  to  afflict  Job  with  bodily  sufferings,  with  the 
restriction,  however,  that  his  life  should  be  spared.  Yet, 
tliough  smitten  with  a  loathsome  disease,  and  urged  by  his 

1  Job  i,  6. 

'  The  article  is  used  in  the  Hebrew  Text. 

3  The  word  "  Satan  "  designates  one  wlio  opposes  another  in  his  purpose,  preten- 
sions, and  claims  (Zachary  iii,  i  ;  I  Kings  xxix,  4  ;  II  Kings  xix,  22  (Heb.,  verse  23)-. 
Ill  Kings  xi,  14,  23,  25).  See  Comment,  of  Knauenuaukk,  S.J.,  Lksktkk,  A.  B. 
Daviusun,  etc.,  on  Job. 


^2  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

wife  to  "curse  Elohim  and  die,"  God's  servant  remained 
steadfast  in  his  piety.  A  few  months  intervened/  during 
which  three  of  his  friends,  having  heard  of  his  afflictions, 
came  to  condole  with  him.  Struck  dumb  at  the  sight  of 
Job's  misery,  they  sat  beside  him  in  silence  during  seven 
days,  expressing  thus  their  feelings  of  dire  distress. 

2.  The  Poetical  Part.  After  this  introduction  the 
poem  proper  begins  with  a  lament  on  the  part  of  Job,  which 
takes  up  the  whole  third  chapter  of  the  book.  His  pas- 
sionate cry  for  death  "  passes  through  three  phases.  In  the 
first  (iii,  3-10),  he  curses  bitterly  the  day  of  his  birth, 
wishing  himself  unborn;  in  the  second  (iii,  11-19),  he  asks 
why,  if  he  must  needs  be  born,  he  did  not  pass  at  once  to 
the  grave;  in  the  third  (iii,  20-26),  he  expresses  his  mourn- 
ful surprise  that  life  should  be  prolonged  to  those  who,  in 
their  misery,  long  only  for  death."  ^ 

These  loud  and  despairing  complaints  shocked  his  friends, 
who,  no  longer  able  to  restrain  themselves,  began  a  debate 
with  Job  on  the  subject  of  his  afflictions.  This  debate 
consists  of  three  cycles  of  poetical  speeches  (chaps,  iv- 
xiv;  xv-xxi;  xxii-xxxi);  and  each  cycle  comprises  six 
speeches,  one  by  each  of  the  three  friends,  with  Job's  reply 
to  each. 

In  the  first  cycle,  Eliphaz,  Baldad,  and  Soph^r,  Job's 
friends,  draw  arguments  from  the  general  conception  of 
God  to  vindicate  His  righteousness  in  His  dealings  with 
Job.  Eliphaz  appeals  to  His  universal  goodness^  which  does 
not  allow  the  righteous  to  perish  under  affliction;  to  which 
Job  replies  that  death  plainly  awaits  him,  and  that  his  sins 
have  not  merited  the  sufferings  he  undergoes.  Baldad  calls 
upon  God's   discriminating  justice   to    prove    that   if  Job's 

'  Cfr.  Job  vii,  3  ;  xix,  13  sqq. 

'■'  Driver,  Introd.  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  415. 


THE    BOOK    OK    JOB.  33 

children  have  perislied,  it  was  because  they  were  vicious 
persons;  if  Job  liiniself  is  ])ure,  let  him  turn  t()  God  and 
seek  mercy  from  Him.  To  this  Job  answers  that  God  de- 
stroys according  to  His  pleasure  the  innocent  and  the  guilty, 
and  that  he  himself  is  an  illustration  of  this  truth,  since  he 
is  innocent  and  has  no  hope  of  restoration.  Sophar  insists 
on  God's  onniscience.  He  knows — what  is  unknown  to  Job 
— Job's  guilt,  and  punishes  him  therefor.  In  answer.  Job 
maintains  that  bad  men  are  prosperous  in  this  world;  warns 
his  friends  not  to  defend  so  badly  the  justice  of  God,  and 
pleads  his  cause  before  the  Almighty. 

In  the  second  cycle,  Job's  friends  adopt  a  different  line 
of  argument.  To  prove  the  justice  of  God  they  appeal  to 
His  government  of  men,  to  the  operation  of  His  provi- 
dence in  the  world,  as  observed  in  the  fate  of  the  wicked. 
Eliphaz  contends  with  great  vigor  that  both  experience  and 
the  lessons  of  the  ancients  prove  that  wicked  men  are  not 
only  in  continual  terror,  but  meet  with  a  terrible  end.  Job, 
rejected  by  God  and  man,  affirms  that  his  innocence  is  fully 
known  to  God,  and  that  nothing  is  before  him  but  death. 
Baldad,  in  his  second  speech,  attributes  the  punishment  of 
the  sinner  *'  to  the  order  of  nature  and  the  moral  instinct  of 
mankind,  both  of  which  rise  up  against  the  sinner,"  ^  so 
that  misery  in  life  and  dishonor  after  death  are  the  sure  lot 
of  the  wicked.  Again  Jol)  asserts  his  innocence,  of  which 
he  is  so  fully  conscious  that  his  previous  wish  becomes  a 
firm  hope  that  God  will  appear  and  establish  his  innocence: 
this  he  ardently  longs  for.^  The  second  speech  of  Sophar 
enlarges  on  the  brevity  of  the  sinner's  prosperity,  and  ex- 
l^lains  it  from  the  retributive  operation  of  sin  itself.     Job 

1  A.  B.  Davidson,  Comm.  on  Job,  p.  130. 

''■  With  regard  to  the  celebrated  passage  rendered  in  the  Latin  Vulgate  by  "  Scio  quod 
redemptor  meus  vivit  .  .  .  ,"  see  "General  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures  "  by  the  present  writer,  and  tlie  works  referred  to  there. 


34  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT 

continues  to  maintain  that  sinners  are  happy,  constantly 
happy  as  proved  by  experience,  and  that  they  die  in  peace 
and  are  buried  in  honor. 

Seeing  their  inability  to  bring  home  to  Job  the  sense  of  his 
guilt  by  means  of  the  reasons  tliey  had  hitherto  set  forth, 
his  friends  start  a  new  line  of  argument  in  the  third  cycle  of 
speeches.  They  now  charge  him  openly  with  great  crimes 
as  the  reason  for  which  he  is  subjected  to  suffering.  Eli- 
phaz  is  the  first  to  prefer  this  charge  against  him.  Assuming 
that  God  deals  with  men  according  to  their  ways,  and  that 
He  cannot  chastise  Job  for  his  piety,  he  concludes  that  the 
cause  of  his  afflictions  lies  in  his  sins,  in  such  sins  as  are 
usually  committed  by  a  rich  ruler  of  the  East,  and  exhorts 
him  feelingly  to  reconcile  himself  with  God.  In  his  reply, 
Job  complains  that  while  he  himself,  though  innocent,  can- 
not secure  vindication  and  peace  from  God,  numerous 
guilty  men  live  in  prosperity  and  die  in  peace  in  the  world, 
so  that  the  divine  rectitude  cannot  be  appealed  to  in  either 
case.  The  rejoinder  of  Baldad  is  a  protest  against  Job's 
presumption  in  thinking  that  he  would  be  found  innocent 
at  God's  judgment-seat,  and  in  impeaching  the  rectitude  of 
God's  rule  in  the  world.  God  is  infinite  in  His  majesty  and 
holiness,  and  man,  who  is  but  a  worm,  cannot  be  pure  be- 
fore Him.  This,  Job  says,  was  very  well  known  to  him,  and 
he  describes  the  grandeur  and  purity  of  the  divine  majesty 
even  better  than  Baldad  had  done.  He  "  tlnis  indirectly 
reminds  his  friends  that  the  question  at  issue  turns  not  on 
God's  ^^r fatness,  hut  on  His  justice."^  In  this  last  cycle, 
the  third  speaker,  Sophar,  fails  to  reply;  and  after  a  pause 
Job  resumes  his  discourse.  In  several  chapters  "he  de- 
fends his  innocence  and  his  doctrine  of  the  divine  distri- 
bution of  happiness  and  misery.  Were  he  conscious  of 
evil,  he  would   not   have  appealed  to  the  judgment  of  his 

>  Driver,  loc.  tit.,  p.  421. 


THE    BOOK    OF    JOB.  35 

Maker.  But  although  God  does  distribute  happiness  and 
misery  according  to  His  own  ])leasurc,  yet  he  has  al\v;iys 
reasons,  whicli  man  is  incompetent  to  explore.  He  llicn 
depicts  his  former  condition  and  liis  pious  conduct,  con- 
trasting with  it,  his  present  state  of  wretchedness,  in  order 
to  show  that  his  losses  are  not  attributable  to  any  crime  of 
his.  He  expresses  at  last  another  wish  to  be  able  to  vindi- 
cate himself  before  God."  ^ 

After  Job's  earnest  appeal  to  God  with  which  "  his 
words  "  are  said  "  to  be  ended  "  (chap,  xxxi,  40),  one 
would  naturally  look  for  Yahweh's  immediate  intervention 
in  behalf  of  His  servant.  Instead  of  this,  however,  Eliu, 
a  young  bystander  during  the  debate,  is  introduced  in  a  few 
lines  of  prose.  In  his  long  poetical  speech  which  follows 
he  declares  that  both  parties  have  gone  too  far,  the  friends 
of  Job  in  charging  him  with  crimes,  and  Job  himself  in 
maintaining  his  innocence  and  so  accusing  God  of  injustice. 
He  agrees  with  the  former  that  misery  is  the  punishment  of 
sin,  and  that  the  innocent  cannot  for  ever  be  unhappy,  and 
thinks  that  the  latter  may  have  committed  sins  uncon- 
sciously. Men  are  often  afflicted  for  gracious  purposes,  to 
humble  them  and  then  restore  them  to  favor;  in  all  cases 
the  divine  chastisements  should  be  received  with  submis- 
sion. Eliu  concludes  his  discourse  with  a  fine  description 
of  several  divine  attributes. 

It  is  only  at  this  point  that  Yahweh  intervenes  to  answer 
Job  "  out  of  a  whirlwind."  He  first  proposes  to  His  ser- 
vant (xxxviii-xxxix)  ^  questions  on  the  creation  and  organi- 
zation of  the  physical  world  and  of  the  animal  kingdom,  to 
answer  which  it  would  have  been  necessary  for  Job  to  have 
taken  part  in  the  creation  and  have  mastered  its  whole 
plan.     This   leads  Job  to  acknowledge  his  ignorance  and 

'  Jno.  Jahn,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.  (Eng.  Transl.),  P-  460. 
*  In  the  Hebrew,  chaps,  xxxviii-xl,  5. 


36  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

also  his  presumption  in  having  dared  to  contend  with  God. 
In  His  second  speech,  Yahweh  convinces  Job  of  his  error 
in  charging  Him  with  injustice  in  governing  the  world  and 
afflicting  him,  and  consequently  in  his  answer  Job  gives  up 
all  doubts  and  repents  his  former  words  in  dust  and  ashes 
(xl-xlii,  6). 

3.  The  Epilogue.  The  book  of  Job  concludes  with 
an  Epilogue  in  prose  (xlii,  7-16).^  Yahweh  expresses  his 
displeasure  with  Eliphaz  and  his  two  friends,  who  had  not 
spoken  so  justly  of  Him  as  Job  himself  had  done.  He 
directs  them  to  present  a  burnt-offering  and  secure  the 
l)rayers  of  Job  in  their  behalf.  Job  is  then  restored  to 
health,  and  his  wealth  is  doubled.  He  receives  as  many 
sons  and  daughters  as  before,  and  dies  in  a  good  old  age. 

§  3.  Integrity  a?id  Didactic  Object. 

I.  Integrity.  The  book  of  Job  is  one  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament writings  concerning  the  integrity  of  which  con- 
temporary scholars  are  most  at  variance.  Students  of 
textual  criticism  widely  differ  as  to  the  extent  of  critical 
emendation  required  by  the  present  condition  of  its  text, 
and  higher  critics  are  no  less  divided  as  to  those  larger 
l)arts  of  the  book  which  should  be  considered  as  entering 
from  the  first  into  its  composition.  Only  a  brief  treatment 
of  these  two  vexed  questions  can  be  given  here.^ 

In  regard  to  the  first  point  it  is  now  generally  granted 
that  the  Massoretic  Text  of  Job,  from  which  our  Latin  Vul- 
gate is  practically  a  direct  rendering,  needs  not  a  little 
critical  emendation  on  account  of  the  obscurities  and  other 
difficulties  which  it  presents  in  many  places.      This  appears 

'  In  the  Hebrew,  chap    xlii,  7-17. 

*  For   detailed  information  the   student  is  particularly   referred  to  Jas.    Hastings, 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  663  sqq.,  and  the  works  mentioned  there. 


THE     ROOK    OK    JOM,  ^7 

all  the  more  probable  because,  on  the  one  hnni],  it  ]ia:=;  lonj; 
been  known  from  Origen's  testimony  '  that  tlie  Scptuagint 
Version,  which  was  made  from  a  Hcbrc  v  'Vc\t  older  than 
the  Massoretic,  was  shorter  than  our  Hebrew  Text  by  some 
seven  hundred  lines;  and  because,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Coptic  translation  of  the  Septua-:int  published  in  1889  by 
Ciasca,  and  exhibiting  tlie  pre-Origeni;in  stale  of  the  (ireek 
text,  has  fully  borne  out  Origen's  testimony.  In  view  of 
these  data,  and  also  in  virtue  of  their  own  metrical  theories 
concerning  Hebrew  poetry,  some  critics — among  whom 
stands  prominently  Dr.  Bickell— have  maintained  the  supe- 
riority of  the  Septuagint  Text  to  that  of  our  Hebrew  Textus 
Receptus.  They  have  attempted  to  reconstruct  the  Hebrew 
Text  ^  and  to  show  that  the  book  in  its  present  state  has 
grown  by  additions  which  were  successively  made  to  a  much 
shorter  poem.  All  such  attempts,  however,  though  evincing 
great  learning  and  ingenuity  on  the  part  of  their  authors, 
have  appeared  so  sweeping  and  arbitrary  in  many  of  the 
alterations  advocated  that  they  have  not  met  with  much 
acceptance.  Moreover,  it  has  been  felt  and  emphatically 
stated  by  the  leading  defenders  of  the  superiority  of  the 
Massoretic  Text  over  the  shorter  text  of  the  Septuagint  ^ 
"  that  the  omissions  of  the  Greek  Version  do  not  relieve  the 
chief  difficulties  which  attend  the  text  of  the  book  as  it 
stands,  whilst  in  several  cases,  at  least,  it  is  difficult  to 
understand  the  context  without  these  omitted  passages  or  to 
explain  how,  if  they  did  not  form  part  of  the  original  text, 
the  passages  in  the  Hebrew  came  to  be  added  to  it.     Glosses 

'  Epistle  to  Africanus,  §  4.     See  also  St.  Jikomk,  I'rcf.  to  Job. 

2  The  most  important  attempts  at  reconstruction  are  those  of  A.  Mrrx,  das  (Jedicht 
von  lob;  Bickell,  Carmina  Vet.  Test.,  translat.  by  E.  J.  Dii.i.on,  Sceptics  of  the 
Old  Test.;  K.  Budde,  Hiob  ;  C.  Siegfried,  the  Book  of  lob.  in  "  The  Sacred  Books 
of  the  Old  Test."  edit,  by  P.  Haupt  ;  Loisy,  le  Livre  de  Job;  D  Fi  Di  mm,  das 
Buch  Hiob. 

'  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  A.  Dillmann  ;  Prof.  Driver  ;  K.  Buudb  (in  his 
latest  work  on  Job);  etc. 


^S  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

and  amplifications  on  such  a  scale  generally  declare  them- 
selves as  such  beyond  much  possibility  of  question."  ^  The 
truth,  as  it  seems  to  us,  lies  between  the  two  extreir.e  views 
concerning  the  relation  of  the  Hebrew  Text  to  the  Septuagint 
Version  :  while  the  Massoretic  Text  is  less  pure  than  its 
defenders  are  willing  to  grant,  the  Septuagint  translation 
should  not  be  relied  on  implicitly.  The  author  of  the  latter 
is  unknown  and  his  method  of  rendering  may  have  been 
very  lax.  Yet,  from  both  extrinsic  and  intrinsic  data,  it 
may  be  safely  said  that  it  points  to  a  text  considerably 
shorter  than  our  Hebrew  Textus  Receptus. 

As  regards  the  questions  of  higher  criticism  relating  to  the 
integrity  of  the  book  of  Job,  the  tendency  among  most  modern 
interpreters  is  to  hold  that  the  book,  as  we  now  possess 
it,  is  the  outcome  of  more  or  less  gradual  accretion.  Some 
among  them^  would  reduce  the  size  of  the  book  by  at  least 
one  half.  They  think  that  the  prose  portions  (Prologue 
and  Epilogue),  together  with  the  long  poetical  parts  which 
now  make  up  the  speeches  of  Eliu  and  of  Yahweh,  did  not 
form  part  of  the  original  poem,  which  merely  controverted 
the  current  doctrine  of  reward  and  punishment  and  there- 
fore concluded  with  Job's  last  long  discourse,  where  we  now 
read  "the  words  of  Job  are  ended."  They  hold  also  that 
even  the  portions  having  a  right  to  be  considered  as  integrant 
parts  of  the  original  poem,  viz.,  the  three  cycles  of  speeches 
between  Job  and  his  friends,  have  been  added  to  in  different 
places  and  considerably  altered  in  character.  Hardly  less 
extensive  changes  are  advocated  by  Merx,  Bateson,  Wright, 
Cheyne,  and  others  ;  while  the  speeches  of  Eliu  and  a  few 
other  sections  (chaps,  xxvii,  7-xxviii  ;  xl,  lo-xli,  25)  ^  are 
practically  the  only  ones  which  such  careful  critics  as  Chas. 

1  W.  T.  Davison,  art.  Job,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  664. 

2  Such  critics  as  G.  Bickell,  D.  B.  Duhm,  etc. 
s  In  the  Heb.  xl,  15-xli,  34. 


THE    BOOK    OF    JOB.  39 

H.  H.  Wright  ^  and  A.  B.  Davidson  '  would  consider  as  later 
additions. 

The  first  to  regard  the  Prologue  and  Epilogue  as  not  be- 
longing to  the  original  book  was  Rich.  Simon.  The  main 
difficulties  now  urged  in  favor  of  that  view  arise  from  their 
apparent  inconsistency  with  the  poetical  i)art  of  the  book. 
While  it  is  granted  that  the  cycles  of  speeches  in  general 
presuppose  the  main  facts  of  the  story  in  the  Prologue,  it  is 
said  that  in  chap,  xix,  15  sqq.,  the  survival  of  Job's  children 
and  servants  is  referred  to  in  opposition  to  the  statements 
in  the  Prologue  (i,  16  sqq.).  Again,  the  Prologue  ascribes 
the  trials  of  Job  to  Satan,  whereas  no  being  of  the  kind  is 
even  hinted  at  by  Job  or  his  friends  in  the  poetical  part  of 
the  book.  In  the  prose  Prologue  Job  is  a  model  of  patience, 
and  yet  as  soon  as  he  speaks  in  verse  his  language  betrays 
impatience,  defiance,  almost  impiety.  The  ascription  of 
Job's  sufferings  in  the  Prologue  to  God's  design  to  try  his 
righteousness  is  apparently  unknown  in  the  body  of  the 
work.  As  regards  the  Epilogue,  it  "  seems  to  spoil  the  whole 
book  by  rehabilitating  the  very  doctrine  which  the  book 
was  written  to  disprove.  Job,  restored  to  health  and  pros- 
perity and  living  to  a  good  old  age,  would  have  been  a  tri- 
umphant example  of  the  doctrine  that,  sooner  or  later,  the 
righteous  were  rewarded  in  this  life."^  Finally,  in  both  the 
Prologue  and  the  Epilogue  the  offering  of  sacrifice  is  re- 
garded as  the  appointed  means  to  placate  the  Deity,*  while 
repentance  alone  is  insisted  upon  for  tluit  purpose  in  the 
body  of  the  work.^  To  account  for  these  and  other  such 
apparent  inconsistencies,  Duhm,  D.  H.  Macdonald,  and 
others  regard  the  Prologue  and  ICpilogue  as  having  formed 

1  An  Introduction  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  150  sq. 

2  The  Book  of  Job,  in  the  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools  and  Colleges. 

3  W,  H.  Bennett  and  W.  F.  Auf.nky,  I'-iblical  Introduction,  p.  127. 

*  Cfr.  i,  5  ;  xlii,  8. 

•  Cfr.  V,  8  sqq.  ;  viii,  20;  xi,  13  sqq.;  etc. 


40  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAiMENT. 

primitively  part  of  a  prose  story  of  Job/  in  which  he  was 
made  to  speak  more  reverently  of  God  than  his  friends  did,^ 
but  of  which  nothing  is  now  extant  save  the  present  Pro- 
logue and  Epilogue  in  the  book  of  Job. 

Scholars  who  are  wont  to  account  for  discrepancies  in 
Holy  Writ  by  appealing  to  divergent  sources  of  information 
faithfully  transcribed  or  utilized  by  subsequent  writers  will 
naturally  feel  inclined  to  admit  some  such  theory  in  the 
present  case.  And  yet  numerous  critics  who  have  exam- 
ined in  detail  the  various  difficulties  just  stated  consider 
them  as  insufficient  evidence.^  Furthermore,  they  remind 
us  that  "some  introduction  and  conclusion  must  have  ac- 
companied the  poetical  part,"  and  that  "  there  is  no  evidence 
or  probability  that  any  others,  different  from  those  now 
found,  ever  existed."*  Even  such  critics  as  E.  Reuss,  C. 
Siegfried,  E.  Kautzsch,  etc.,  do  not  hesitate  to  recognize 
that  the  present  Prologue  is  indissolubly  connected  with 
the  body  of  the  work,^  and  to  admit  that  in  the  writer's  time 
"  the  author  of  the  book  of  Job  felt  it  necessary  to  assert 
the  final  bliss  of  the  righteous,  even  at  the  cost  of  incon- 
sistency." ^ 

The  objections  usually  raised  against  chaps,  xxvii,  7-xxviii 
as  forming  a  part  of  the  primitive  composition  are  generally 
regarded  as  more  serious  than  those  urged  against  the  Pro- 
logue and  Epilogue.  They  are  briefly  as  follows  :  First, 
there  is  an  api)arent  contradiction  between  the  sentiments 
which  Job  expresses  in  that  section  and  those  he  gives  vent 
to  both  before  and  after.^     In  the  second  place,  it  is  diffi- 

1  DuHM  calls  it  '•  a  popular  book,"  Volksbuch. 

2  Cfr    Job  xlii.  7. 

5  For  a  detailed  examination  of  those  difficulties,  see  particularly  A.  B.  Davidson, 
the  Book  of  Job,  pp.  xxx-xxxv. 

*  A.  M   Davidson,  loc.  cit. 

^  (Jfr.  E.  Kautzsch,  An  Outline  of  the  History  of  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Test., 
p.  157  (Engl.  Transl.). 

«  W.  H.  Beknktt,  loc.  cit. 

^  Contrast,  for  instance,  xxvii,  13-23,  with  xii,  6  ;  xxi  ;  xxiv,  22  ;  etc. 


THE    POOK    OF     JOB.  4 1 

cult  to  discover  any  connection  between  chaps,  xxvii  and 
xxviii.  Lastly,  the  seventh  verse  of  chap,  xxvii  does  not 
seem  to  be  the  natural  continuation  of  what  precedes,  wliile 
the  first  verse  of  chap,  xxix  clearly  marks  off  tliis  chapter 
from  the  preceding,  and  the  second  verse  of  cliap.  xxix  can 
be  easily  considered  as  a  sequel  to  the  sixth  verse  of  chap, 
xxvii.  From  all  this  it  is  conjectured  by  many  (i)  tliat 
chap,  xxvii,  7-23  is  in  its  entirety,  or  at  least  in  part,  eitlicr 
a  misplaced  discourse  of  Sophar,  who  has  no  speech  in  the 
third  cycle,  differently  from  the  other  friends  of  Job,  or  a 
later  addition  ;  (2)  that  chap,  xxviii  is  also  a  later  addition, 
or  perhaps  an  independent  poem  in  praise  of  Wisdom, 
and  inserted  here  to  secure  its  preservation. 

Despite  these  difficulties,  the  original  character  of  chaps, 
xxvii,  7-xxviii  is  not  entirely  given  up  by  Fr.  Knaben- 
bauer,^  H.  Lesetre,^  A.  B.  Davidson,  Samuel  Davidson,' 
Abbe  Loisy,*  K.  Budde,  C.  H.  Cornill,^  etc.  These  scholars 
dispose  of  the  alleged  inconsistency  between  that  section 
and  the  preceding  and  subsequent  chapters  in  various 
ways.  Job,  it  is  claimed  by  some,  is  not  made  here  to  em- 
brace an  opinion  of  his  friends  that  is  contrary  to  his  own 
previous  statements,  but  he  simply  relates  it  somewhat  at 
length,  with  a  view  to  declare  it  foolish!'  According  to 
others,  Job  relates  this  view  of  his  friends,  and  then  uses  it 
as  an  argument  ad  hominem^  thus:  As  you  know  so  well 
the  fate  of  the  sinner,  take  the  warning  to  yourselves,  for 
you  are  behaving  wickedly.  The  connection  between 
chaps,  xxvii  and  xxviii  is  usually  explained  as  a  further 
illustration  by  Job  in  chap,  xxviii  of  the  mystery  of  God's 

'  Comm.  in  lib.  Job. 

*  Job,  in  Lhthiellfux'  Bible. 

'  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  ii  (London,  i86a). 

*  Le  Livre  de  Job,  p.  13  sq. 

6  Einleitung  in  das  A.  Test.,  4th  edit.  (Freiburg,  1896). 

*  Cfr.  Job  .xxvii,  12. 


42  SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

ways  already  set  fortli  in  the  foregoing  cliapters  ;^  while  the 
fact  that  the  whole  section  (xxvii,  7-xxviii)  does  not  seem 
to  fit  into  its  context  may  be  accounted  for  by  a  partial 
dislocation  wliich  is  the  probable  outcome  of  errors  in 
transcription.""^ 

The  descriptions  of  Behemoth  and  Leviathan  in  Yahweh's 
second  speech  (xl,  10-xli,  25  in  the  Vulg.)  have  often 
been  regarded  as  later  additions,  chiefly  on  the  following 
grounds  :  (i)  the  description  of  these  animals,  if  an  original 
part  of  the  poem,  would  have  been  in  place  in  the  first 
divine  speech  beside  the  other  animal  pictures  as  proving 
Yahweh's  power  ;  it  is  out  of  harmony  with  the  idea  of  the 
second  speech  which  deals  with  the  problem  of  divine  right- 
eousness ;  (2)  the  same  description  lengthens  uselessly  the 
second  speech,  the  natural  conclusion  of  which  is  clearly  in 
xl,  9  ;  (3)  the  style  is  in  several  ways  inferior  to  that  in  chaps, 
xxxviii-xxxix.  To  these  objections  Samuel  Davidson  has 
pertinently  replied  in  the  following  manner:^  "  Here  it  is 
incorrectly  assumed  that  the  divine  attributes  of  omnip- 
otence and  righteousness  are  treated  apart  in  the  two 
speeches  of  Jehovah.  .  .  .  This  is  not  so.  .  .  .  The  omnip- 
otence of  God  is  referred  to  in  xl,  4-9,  immediately  after 
Job  is  challenged  respecting  his  righteousness  (verses  2  and 
3).  The  difference  of  style  merely  shows  the  art  of  the 
poet  in  giving  an  appropriate  form  to  each  of  his  pictures. 
The  style  is  not  inferior  at  times  to  that  of  the  best  pas- 
sages in  the  poem.*  .  .  .  Some  connection,  too,  may  be 
traced  between  xl,  9  and  what  follows.  He  that  feels 
tempted  to  undertake  the  government  of  the  world  in  the 
place  of  God,  as  if  he  could  manage  it  better,  must  fiist  be 

^  For  other  more  or  less  satisfactory  solutions  of  those  difficulties,  see  A.  B.  Daviij- 
SON,  Driver,  Loisy,  etc. 
'  Cfr.  Loisy,  loc.  cit. 
•  Loc.  cit.,  p.  204. 
<  This  point  is  admitted  by  so  able  a  Hebrew  scholar  as  Prof.  Dkivek,  Introd.,  p  427. 


THE    BOOK    OF    JOB.  43 

sure   that  he  is  able  to  master  and  lead  at  his  pleasure  the 
monsters  of  the  animal  world.     Can  Job  do  this  ?" 

The  most  questioned  part  of  the  entire  work  is  xxxii- 
xxxvii,  which  contains  the  speeches  of  Eliu.  These  dis- 
courses are  generally  considered  by  critics  and  interpreters 
as  not  a  part  of  the  original  poem,  but  rather  as  an  addi- 
tion intended  to  tone  down  the  undue  emphasis  on  certain 
aspects  of  truth  which  was  felt  in  the  speeches  of  Job  and 
his  friends.  The  principal  arguments  brought  forward  are 
briefly  as  follows  :  First,  Eliu  is  not  mentioned  in  either 
the  Prologue  or  the  Epilogue.  And  yet  the  Prologue 
names  all  the  others  who  will  share  in  the  debate,  and  the 
Epilogue  praises  or  blames,  according  to  their  deserts,  all 
those  who  are  supposed  to  have  taken  part  in  the  contro- 
versy. In  the  second  place,  the  Eliu  speeches  are  not  con- 
nected with  the  poem  as  a  whole.  Nobody  has  addressed 
Eliu  before  he  begins  to  speak,  and  after  his  speeches  no- 
body replies  to  him,  so  that  his  words,  if  removed,  would 
not  be  missed.  But  further,  they  are  a  disturbing  element 
in  the  poetical  part.  The  opening  words  of  Yahweh  : 
"  Who  is  this  that  wrappeth  up  sentences  without  knowl- 
edge ? "  addressed  to  Job  without  naming  him  (xxxviii,  2)^ 
naturally  suggest  that  Job  has  just  been  speaking,  and  tliat 
he  has  not  been  silent  while  Eliu  has  proceeded  with  a 
long  discourse.  The  Eliu  speeches  therefore  interrupt  the 
connection  between  Job's  challenge  in  xxix-xxxi  and 
Yahweh's  apparently  direct  reply  in  xxxviii.  Indeed  tliey 
weaken  the  force  of  Yahweh's  remarks  by  anticipating 
them  at  least  in  part.  In  the  third  place,  the  full  and  ver- 
batvn  reproduction  of  Job's  words  at  the  beginning  of  sev- 
eral speeches  of  Eliu  betrays  a  reader  of  the  poem,  rather 
than  a  listener  to  the  debate.  Fourthly,  Eliu  occupies 
substantially  the  same  position  as  the  three  friends  of  Job, 
and  especially  Eliphaz,  so  that  there  is  apparently  no  need 


44  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

of  a  fourth  speaker  to  set  forth  what  lias  been  already  said. 
"And  further,  where  Eliu  differs  from  the  friends  it  is 
rather  in  deeper  reverence  and  a  somewhat  more  advanced 
view  of  sin,  both  things  betraying  a  later  age  and  suggest- 
ing that  the  original  book  perplexed  pious  minds  by  its 
extraordinary  boldness."  ^  Lastly,  tlie  Eliu  speeches  are 
characterized  by  a  language  less  vigorous  and  lucid  than 
the  rest  of  the  poem,  and  they  contain  so  many  peculiarities 
of  expression,  and  such  a  deep  coloring  of  Aramaism,  that 
it  is  only  natural  to  refer  them  to  an  author  distinct  from 
the  writer  of  the  poetical  part  of  the  book  of  Job.^ 

To  most  of  tliese  objections  answers  of  unequal  value 
have  been  given  by  the  advocates  of  the  integrity  of  the 
poem.  Indeed  it  is  frankly  admitted  by  A.  B.  Davidson, 
Prof.  Driver,  and  others  that  the  objections  urged  against 
the  genuineness  of  the  Eliu  speeches  have  not  been  fully 
disposed  of  by  the  answers  they  have  so  far  received  It 
is  hardly  true  to  fact,  for  instance,  to  contend  with  the  ad- 
vocates of  the  genuineness  that  Eliu  was  worthy  neither  of 
the  praise  nor  of  the  blame  distinguished  in  the  Epilogue  :  he 
wrongly  held  Job  guilty  in  his  words,  and  shared  the  blame- 
worthy opinions  of  Job's  friends  on  the  most  important 
points.^  In  answer  to  the  second  objection  it  has  been 
said  that  were  the  Eliu  speeches  left  out,  the  most  impor- 
tant lesson  of  the  poem  would  be  done  away  with,  viz.,  the 
disciplinary  function  of  suffering.  In  reality  this  disciplin- 
ary function  had  been  mentioned  already  by  Eliphaz  in 
chap.  V.  And  further,  this  leaves  intact  the  second  part 
of  the  objection,  viz.,  that  tlie  long  speeches  of  Eliu  look 
distinctly  like  a  long  interpolation  between  Job's  challenge 
in  chaps,  xxix-xxxi  and  its  apparently  ijmnediate  answer  by 

'  A.  B.  Davidson,  the  Rook  of  Job,  p.  li  sq. 

'See  K.  Bcdde's  admissions  in  this  regard,  quoted  by  Driver,  p.  429,  footn. 

8  Cfr.  Abb^  Le  Hik,  le  Livre  de  Job,  p.  367. 


THE    BOOK    OF    JOB.  45 

Yahweh  in  chap,  xxxviii.^  And  it  is  a  most  significant  fac  t 
that  none  of  the  advocates  of  the  genuineness  dares  to 
meet  tliis  second  part  of  tlie  objection.  Tlie  third  diffi- 
culty, as  stated  above,  has  likewise  been  left  without  an 
adequate  answer.  Finally,  the  reasons  usually  given  to 
account  for  the  larger  number  of  Aramaisms  and  other 
peculiarities  of  language  and  style  in  tlie  speeches  of  Eliu, 
viz.,  that  Eliu  was  an  Aramasan  from  the  tribe  of  Buz,""' 
that  he  was  a  timid  young  man,  and  tliat  tlie  style,  after  the 
somewhat  embarrassed  opening  of  tlie  discourse,  is  just 
what  might  be  expected  of  an  inexperienced  speaker,  etc., 
are  hardly  worthy  of  serious  consideration,  for,  apart  from 
the  improbability  that  any  of  the  speeches  as  they  now  stand 
were  uttered  by  real  personages,  the  other  friends  of  Job 
were  Aramaeans  probably  just  as  much  as  Eliu  ;  and  the 
latter,  in  view  of  his  manifest  boldness  of  language,  can 
hardly  be  called  a  timid  young  man,  while  his  style,  as  dis- 
tinctly stated  by  so  competent  a  judge  as  Prof.  Driver,  "  is 
such  as  to  produce  an  impression  upon  the  reader  who 
peruses  the  entire  group  of  speeches  that  is  unmistakably 
different  from  that  which  any  other  six  chapters  of  the 
book  leave  upon  him."  ^ 

Yet  some  positive  arguments  have  been  presented  in 
favor  of  the  genuineness  of  the  speeches  of  Eliu.  First, 
it  has  been  argued  that,  far  from  simply  repeating  those  of 
Job's  friends,  or  merely  anticipating  those  of  Yahweh,  they 
truly  correct  the  former  and  prepare  the  way  for  the  latter, 
so  that  their  position  is  very  natural  in  the  book  of  Job. 
In   the   second   place,  it  is  said  that  the  close  and  natural 

J  Fr.  ViGOUROux  (Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  No.  612)  admits  that  "the  spe-^ches  of 
Eliu  seem  to  be  less  intimately  connected  than  the  rest  with  the  body  of  the  work"; 
and  before  him,  Fr.  Le  Hir  (loc.  cit.,  p.  366)  wrote:  "it  must  be  confessed  that  the 
drama  of  Job  would  seem  complete  even  tliough  these  [Eliu's]  speeches  would  be  re- 
moved from  it  " 

3  Cfr.  Gen.  xxii,  21. 

»  Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  429. 


46  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

connection  between  Eliu's  last  speech  and  Yahweh's 
answer  from  tlie  storm  consists  in  this,  that  the  rising 
thunder-cloud  which  Eliu  describes  is  the  very  storm  out 
of  which  Yahweh  will  soon  speak.  Lastly,  *Svhat  is  really 
the  greatest  difficulty  in  the  way  of  considering  these 
si)eeches  a  later  insertion  is  just  one  of  the  facts  which  have 
been  adduced  to  show  that  they  are  an  insertion,  namely, 
the  opposition  between  them  and  the  Prologue.  If  Eliu 
spoke  like  the  three  friends  in  ignorance  of  the  Prologue 
and  the  cause  of  Job's  calamities  which  it  reveals,  his 
position  is  natural.  But  if  he  was  a  reader  of  the  book, 
tlie  way  in  which  he  completely  ignores  the  Prologue  with 
its  view  of  affliction  and  substitutes  a  theory  radically 
different  is  extraordinary.  In  such  a  case  his  censure 
would  extend  to  the  whole  cast  of  the  book."^ 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  actual  value  of  these 
arguments,  it  is  hardly  probable  that  they  will  outweigh  the 
difficulties  stated  above,  and  induce  scholars  generally  to 
regard  the  speeches  of  Eliu  as  an  original  part  of  the  book 
of  Job. 

2.  Probable  Purpose.  It  is  easy  to  notice  that  in 
whatever  way — gradual  or  otherwise — the  main  parts  of  the 
book  of  Job  were  put  together,  they  all  refer  to  one  great 
subject,  which,  on  account  of  the  imperfection  of  the  prev- 
alent eschatological  notions,  was  so  perplexing  a  problem  to 
the  Jewish  mind  :  the  relation  of  suffering  to  sin.^  Thus  the 
Prologue  suggests  that  suffering  may  be  a  trial  for  the  sin- 
less man.  In  the  debate  which  follows,  the  friends  of  Job 
maintain  that  it  is  the  punishment  of  the  sinner,  wliile  he 
himself  proclaims   his  innocence,  and  shows  that  suffering 

1  A.  B.  Davidson,  the  Book  of  Job,  p.  li  sq. 

'  Of  course,  scholars  who  regard  Job  as  a  gradual  compilation  from  divers  works  or 
yarts  of  works  assign  a  special  purpose  to  those  various  eleinents.  See,  for  instance, 
»rt.  Job  in  the  Encyclop.  Biblica. 


THE    BOOK    OF    JOB.  47 

and  sin  are  not,  in  point  of  fact,  connected  eitlicr  in  his 
own  case  or  in  case  of  many  others.  Eliu  covers  pretty 
much  the  same  ground  as  Job's  friends,  while  Yahweh 
cluefly  inculcates  man's  powerlessness  to  grapple  with  such 
a  tremendous  mystery  as  the  existence  of  evil  in  the  wurld. 
Finally,  the  Epilogue  seems  to  show  that  for  the  truly  just 
man  trials  and  misfortunes  will  have  an  end  even  in  this 
life. 

It  is  because  some  scholars  have  failed  to  grasp  this  general 
idea  to  which,  under  one  aspect  or  another,  all  the  great 
divisions  of  the  work  refer,  that  so  many  theories  have  been 
put  forth  regarding  the  purpose  of  the  book  of  Job,  and  that 
"almost  every  theory  that  has  been  adopted  has  found 
itself  in  collision  with  one  or  more  parts  of  which  the 
book  now  consists,  and  has  been  able  to  maintain  itself 
only  by  sacrificing  these  parts  upon  its  altar."  ^  Among 
these  unsatisfactory,  because  incomplete,  views,  the  follow- 
ing may  be  mentioned  :  (i)  the  book  of  Job  has  for  its 
purpose  to  inculcate  true  wisdom  or  tne  doctrine  of  un- 
limited acquiescence  in  the  divine  counsels  and  will~  (cfr. 
xxviii,  2S,  and  the  general  drift  of  Yahweh's  speeches)  ;  (2) 
its  aim  is  to  teach  the  immortality  of  the  soul  (Michaelis  ; 
Ewald)  ;  (3)  it  is  intended  to  controvert  and  discredit  the 
dominant  theory  that  all  suffering  proceeds  from  sin,  that 
God's  retributive  justice  is  the  only  principle  by  which  men 
are  governed  (Driver  and  others)  ;  (4)  its  design  is  to  cast 
some  light  upon  an  acknowledged  problem,  viz.,  how  the 
sufferings  of  the  just  in  this  world  can  be  reconciled  with 
God's  righteousness  (Hanneberg  ;  Vigouroux  ;  Kautzsch  ; 
etc.)  ;  (5)  the  author  wished  to  comfort  the  much-tried 
Jewish   nation,  symbolized  by  the  righteous  Job,  with  the 

'  A.  B.  Davidson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  x\iii. 

2  This  is  the  view  of  many  scholars,  among  whom  may  be  mentioned  Jno.  Jahn, 
Samuel  Davidson,  Loisv,  etc. 


48  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

thought  that  suffering  was  not  a  conclusive  proof  of  its  sin- 
fulness, and  the  hope  of  final  deliverance  and  greater  pros- 
perity than  in  the  past. 

§  4.  Historical  Character  a?id  Date  of  Composition, 

I.  Historical  Character  of  the  Book  of  Job.     The 

last  theory  just  mentioned  concerning  the  purpose  of  the 
book  of  Job  goes  far  towards  denying  the  historical  char- 
acter of  that  inspired  writing.  In  describing  the  hero  of 
the  poem  as  simply  a  personification  of  the  Jewish  people, 
it  practically  does  away  with  its  historical  basis,  and  sees 
little  more  in  the  book  than  the  work  of  poetical  imagina- 
tion. Indeed,  E.  Reuss,  A.  Merx,  and  even  Hengstenberg 
do  not  hesitate  to  represent  the  book  as  entirely  imagina- 
tive. In  so  doing  they  share  the  view  of  some  ancient 
Jewish  rabbis  which  is  embodied  in  the  Talmud^  to  the 
effect  that  "Job  existed  not,  and  was  not  created,  but  he  is 
[only]  a  parable."  It  is  true  that  at  a  later  date  this  pas- 
sage was  taken  by  Jewish  scholars^  to  mean:  "Job  existed 
not,  and  was  not  created,  except  in  order  to  be  a  parable  " 
(or  type),  i.e.,  a  model  for  the  children  of  men.  But  the 
celebrated  rabbi  Moses  Maimonides  (f  1204)  understood 
the  Talmudic  passage  in  its  obvious  sense  when  he  spoke 
of  Job  as  a  "  parable  meant  to  exhibit  the  views  of  man- 
kind in  regard  to  Providence." 

The  arguments  usually  set  forth  to  show  that  Job  is 
exclusively  a  work  of  the  imagination  are  :  (i)  the  mani- 
festly supposed  conversations  between  God  and  Satan, 
God  and  Job  ;  (2)  the  wonderful  literary  form  of  the  debate, 
the  disputants  being  made  to  deliver  profound  theological 
and  philosophical  discourses  in  regular  heptasyllabic 
verses  ;  (3)  the  artificial  regularity  of  the  numbers  descrip- 

1  Treatise  Baba  Hatlira,  fol.  15.  in  Magnus.  Conim..  z.  B.  Hiob.  p.  298. 
^  Among  whom  may  be  mentioned  rabbis  Hai,  Rashi,  and  Eben  Ezra. 


THE    ROOK    OF    JOB.  4Q 

tive  of  Jol)'s  possessions  in  tlic  Prologue  and  the  Ej)il(^gue 
(7  sons,  3  daughters,  7,000  slieej),  3,000  camels)  ;  (4)  the 
advanced,  and  consequently  late,  character  of  the  dog- 
matic truths  with  which  the  author  represents  Job  and 
his  friends  thoroughly  familiar,  while  the  historical  coloring 
is  apparently  borrowed  from  a  much  earlier  age. ^ 

Despite  these  and  other  such  grounds  for  regarding  the 
book  of  Job  as  a  mere  allegory,  most  scholars  admit  that 
Job  is  not  simply  a  poetical  invention.  The  Scriptural 
references  to  him  in  Ezechiel  (xiv,  14)  and  in  St.  James 
(v,  11)  seem  to  point  to  a  real  person  well  known  in  history, 
and  thus  his  name  has  been  reckoned  among  the  saints 
venerated  by  the  Church  in  the  East  and  in  the  West.^ 
The  writer  of  the  book  in  describing  the  moral  character 
of  Job,  his  riches,  trials,  etc.,  conveys  the  impression  that 
he  is  dealing  with  at  least  a  basis  of  actual  history  ;  and 
it  is  beyond  doubt  that  the  ancient  Hebrew  writers  did  not 
invent  the  personages  of  their  poems.  Furthermore,  "  as 
the  author  of  Job  comes  forward  clearly  as  a  teacher,  the 
ends  which  he  had  in  view  would  be  better  secured  if  he 
set  vividly  before  his  people  a  history  of  which  the  outlines 
were  popularly  known  than  if  he  took  as  his  hero  one 
with  whose  name  they  were  unfamiliar."^ 

But  while  contemporary  critics  and  interpreters  agree  gen- 
erally in  admitting  that  the  book  of  Job  is  not  exclusively 
a  work  of  the  imagination,  they  are  far  from  adhering  to 
the  ancient  view  of  Jews  and  Christians  which  looked 
upon  the  entire  work  as  thoroughly  historical.  They  feel 
that  Job,  in  its  present  form,  is  not  purely  and  simply  his- 
tory.    This   they  hold   not  only  in  connection  with  the  de- 

>  Cfr.  H.  Lesetre.  Introduction  ^  I'Etude  de  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  vol.  ii.  p.  370  sq. 

"  The  Eastern  Church  celebrates  the  feast  of  Job  on  the  6th,  and  the  Western 
Church  on  the   loth.  of  May. 

'  Drive ',  Introd.  to  the  I.iterat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p  412.  See  also  A.  B.  David- 
son, the  Book  of  Job,  p.  xviii  sq. 


50  SPECIAL    IXTRODTCTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

bate  between  Job  and  liis  friends, — in  wliicli  the  thought, 
the  highly  wrouglit  imagery,  the  poetical  form,  cannot  pos- 
sibly have  been  the  extemporaneous  utterances  of  four 
persons  casually  brought  together, — but  also  m  connection 
with  the  two  celestial  counsels  spoken  of  in  the  Prologue  ; 
the  symbolical  numbers,  three,  five,  and  seven,  used  to  de- 
scribe Job's  flocks  and  children  ;  the  statement  that  after 
his  restoration  the  latter  are  exactly  the  same  in  number 
as  before,  while  the  former  are  exactly  doubled  ;  the 
lengthy  speeches  put  into  the  mouth  of  Yahweh  ;  etc. 
They  are  thus  led  to  consider  the  book  of  Job  as  resting 
on  a  historical  tradition  which  the  author  used  and  drama- 
tized at  his  leisure,  and  in  consequence  they  speak  of  it  as 
"a  drama,"  ^  "a  dramatic  poem,"  ^  etc.,  wherein  the  princi- 
pal parts  are  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue,  and  the  plot  passes 
through  the  successive  stages  of  entanglement,  develop- 
ment, and  denouement. 

As  might  well  be  expected,  it  is  impossible  at  the  present 
day  to  disentangle  the  elements  which  belong  to  tradition 
from  those  which  were  added  by  the  author,^  It  may  be 
conjectured,  however,  that  tradition  told  of  Job  as  a  man 
of  exceptional  piety  and  great  wealth,  who,  suddenly 
bereaved  of  his  children,  health,  and  possessions,  was  at 
first  fully  resigned  to  God's  holy  will,  but  afterwards  broke 
out  into  complaints  against  His  providence,  remained  un- 
satisfied with  the  arguments  of  his  friends,  and  was  finally 
restored  to  his  former  health  and  prosperity.  As  regards 
the  precise  form  under  which  these  various  data  were 
circulated  in  the  author's  time  nothing  can  be  defined. 
Fr.  Lesetre*  surmises  that  "they  reached  the  author  under 


'  ViGOUKOux,   Manuel  Biblique.  vol.  ii,  No.  614. 

'  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  413. 

3  Cfr.  H.  Lesetre,  loc.  cit..  p.  372;  Driver,  loc.  cit,  p.  412;  etc. 

*  Introd.  k  I'Etude  de  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  vol.  ii,  p.  372. 


THE    BOOK    OF    JOB.  51 

the  form  of  popular  songs,  traditional  accounts,  etc.,  widely 
spread  in  Arabia." 

2.  Date  of  Composition.  The  most  obscure  question 
concerning  the  book  of  Job  is  that  which  relates  to  its 
Author  and  Date  of  composition.  Owing  to  its  title,  which 
is  simply  the  name  of  its  hero,  many  Miave  ascribed  tiie 
authorship  to  Job  himself;  but  both  intrinsic  and  extrinsic 
data  are  against  this  too  easy  way  of  dealing  with  the  prob- 
lem ;  ^  and  in  consequence  this  view  is  now  rejected  by  all 
critics.  The  opinion  expressed  in  the  Talmud  and  adopted 
by  Cajetan,  Bellarmin,  Sanchez,  etc.,  that  Moses  is  the 
author  of  the  book  of  Job,  is  likewise  inadmissible.  "  The 
antique  color  of  the  book  suggested  to  uncritical  minds  that 
it  was  an  ancient  composition,  and  such  minds  are  always 
ready  to  ascribe  an  anonymous  writing  to  some  well-known 
name.  Neither  the  Mosaic  age,  however,  nor  the  times  tliat 
followed  it — times  of  stirring  enterprise  and  warfare — were 
favorable  for  the  production  of  a  work  of  deep  reflection 
such  as  Job."  ^  The  other  great  names  put  forth  in  this 
connection  are  those  of  Solomon,  Isaias,  Ezechias,  Baruch, 
etc.,  "  and  who  not  ?  There  are  some  minds  that  cannot 
put  up  with  uncertainty,  and  are  under  the  necessity  of 
deluding  themselves  into  quietude  by  fixing  on  some  known 
name.  There  are  others  to  whom  it  is  a  comfort  to  think 
that  in  this  omniscient  age  a  few  things  still  remain  myste- 
rious. .  .  .  No  literature  has  so  many  great  anonymous 
works  as  that  of  Israel."*  The  name  of  the  author  of  Job 
is  completely  unknown.^ 

1  St   EpHRiiM  ;  St.  Gregory  ;  Pineda  ;  Lowth  ;  etc. 

2  These  data  are  well  stated  in  Lesetkk's  Introd.,  vol.  ii,  p.  365  sq. 

3  A.  B.  DwiDsoN.in  "  Book  by   Book."  p.   14S.     See  also  Lhshtkh,  loc.   cit.,  p. 
366  ;  CoRNELY,  Introductio,  vol.  ii,  part  ii,  p.  4S. 

*  A.  B.  Davidson.  Comm.  on  the  Book  of  Job,  p.  Ixviii. 

*  "In  tanta  opinionum  de  auctore  lihri  Job  varietate   consultius  est,"  s.iys  right'y 
Nata'.is  Alexander,  "  nihil  asserere,  nisi  incertum  esse,  a  quo  scriptus  fuerit  " 


52  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Tlie  date  of  composition  of  the  book  of  Job  is  liardly 
less  uncertain  tiian  the  name  of  its  author.  It  is  indeed 
true  that  some  prominent  critics^  have  referred,  and  still 
refer,  its  composition  to  the  Solomonic  age,  alleging  chiefly 
the  following  reasons  :  (i)  the  highly  elaborate  and  finished 
form  of  the  poem,  which,  they  say,  bespeaks  a  period,  such 
as  that  of  Solomon,  when  lyric  and  gnomic  ])oetry  were 
cultivated  in  a  high  degree  of  excellence  ;  (2)  the  questions- 
regarding  human  life  and  the  divine  government  of  the 
world  which  are  discussed  in  Job,  and  which  had,  it  is 
claimed,  arisen  in  Solomon's  time  ;  (3)  the  fact  that  the 
author  of  Job  seems  familiar  with  foreign  countries  and 
their  products,  and  this  familiarity  with  distant  lands  could 
have  existed  in  the  age  of  Solomon  ;  (4)  the  points  of  con- 
tact in  the  book  of  Job  and  in  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon  : 
sometimes  in  the  ideas,  such  as  the  descriptions  of  Wisdom 
and  the  Sh^ol  ;  sometimes  in  words  and  expressions  com- 
mon to  both,  which  indicate  that  they  were  composed  at 
the  same  period  ;  (5)  the  frequent  allusions  to  passages  in 
Job  which  have  been  detected  in  Isaias,  Amos,  Jeremias, 
Lamentations,  and  several  Psalms.  But  it  is  none  the  less 
true  that  more  numerous  and  no  less  able  scholars^  regard 
the  book  of  Job  as  much  later  in  date  than  the  Solomonic 
age.  From  among  the  many  arguments  they  appeal  to,^  the 
following  deserve  a  special  notice  :  (i)  While  the  literary 
form  and  character  of  the  poem  point  at  least  to  the  mature 
age  of  Hebrew  literature,  its  strongly  Aramaic  language  is 

'Welte;  Danko;  Kaulem  ;   Vigouroux  ;  Delitzsch  ;  Cornely  ;  etc. 

^Gesenius;  Ewald  ;  Samuel  Davidson;  A.  B.  Davidson;  Driver;  Loisy  ; 
W.  H.  Bennett  ;  E.  Kautzsch  ;  etc. 

3  llieyare  carefi-.lij  set  fortli  by  Driver,  Introd.,  p.  432  sqq. :  W.  T.  Davison,  art. 
Job,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  669  sqq.  Prof.  Driver  justly  calls 
attention  to  the  fact  that  ''the  comparison  of  parallel  passages  in  other  books  leads 
seldom  to  conclusive  results,  partly  because  the  dates  of  the  books  referred  to  are  oiien 
doubtful,  partly  from  the  frequent  difficulty,  even  when  the  dates  are  clear,  of  deter- 
mining on  which  side  the  dependence  lies."  (Cfr.  H.  Lesetre,  introduction,  vol.  ii, 
p.  37,  no   3.) 


THE    BOOK    OF    JOB.  q  3 

best  accounted  for  by  ascribing  its  composition  to  a  later 
period,  to  a  date  more  or  less  contemporary  with  the 
Deutero-Isaias  (Isaias,  chaps,  xl-lxvi),  which  is  usually  re- 
ferred to  about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  B.C.  (2)  The 
subject-matter  of  the  book  of  Job  is  particularly  conclusive 
for  a  late  date.  *'  The  theme  herein  discussed  and  the 
manner  of  its  discussion  necessitate  a  long  previous  history. 
The  problems  of  human  life  are  doubtless  old,  but  they 
could  not  be  raised  in  the  manner  displayed  in  Job  without 
a  previous  religious  history,  and  one  of  considerable  dura- 
tion, in  which  the  doctrine  of  the  three  friends  had  come  to 
be  the  current  and  orthodox  explanation  of  the  facts  of  life. 
The  history  of  the  Old  Testament  shows  that  only  at  a 
comparatively  late  period  were  these  maxims  (questioned; 
and  when  we  find  them  not  only  questioned  but  discussed 
in  the  thorough  manner  of  the  book  of  Job,  we  may  be  sure 
that  it  was  not  composed  till  at  least  the  closing  period  of 
the  monarchy.  Otlier  features  of  religious  doctrine — the 
doctrine  of  God,  the  way  in  which  Satan  is  mentioned,  and 
the  spiritual  doctrine  of  man,  for  example — point  likewise 
to  a  comparatively  late  date."^  (3)  Many  passages  in  the 
book  of  Job,  such  as  iii,  20  ;  vii,  6,  7  ;  ix,  24  ;  xxiv,  1 2  ;  etc., 
point  to  a  condition  of  great  disorder  and  misery  as  the 
background  of  the  poem,  and  totally  different  from  Solo- 
mon's reign  ;  and  in  particular  xii,  17-25  seems  to  have  in 
view  "  the  great  political  changes  wrought  by  the  Assyrians 
or  the  Chaldaeans  among  the  principalities  of  Palestine  and 
Syria  (cfr.  Isai.  x,  7,  13  scp)."^ 

Plainly  these  arguments  are  not  without  their  respective 
force.  But  they  are  indecisive  as  regards  the  precise  period 
— whether   the   age  of   Jeremias,   during,   shortly   after,  or 

1  \V.  T.   Davison,  art.    Job,    in   Hast  Nr.s.  Diet.,  vol.  ii,  p.  070.     See  also  A.   B 
Davidson,  the  Book  of  Job,  p.  I.xiii.  and  Dkivek,  loc.  tit.,  p.  434. 
*  Driver,  loc.  cit. 


54  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

even  long  after  the  Babylonian  Exile — to  which  the  book 
of  Job  should  be  referred.  And  this  uncertainty  has  no 
doubt  contributed  towards  keeping  up  the  theory,  to  all 
appearance  started  by  Luther,  that  Job  belonged  to  the 
Solomonic  age. 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER   III. 
The  Psalms. 

I.  r    I.    Nanu-s  :    (□"'^nn  ;   \pa\fiol;   xpaXrripiov). 

NaMKS   and    Gen-  <     ^      r^       ,       .  r^^n         1   /M  ■      .  I  ,>    •       •       ,   ^. 

]    2.   Contents  :   Cj^"cral  Object  and  Pimcipal  Classes 
ERAL  Contents:     [  of  Psalms. 


II. 

Original  Text 

AND  Principal 

Versions  : 


III. 

Numbering  and 

Titles  of  the 

Psalms: 


Original  Text  : 


Division  into  Five  Rooks. 
Substantial  Integrity 


f  Greek  :     the     vSeptuaginu 
I        (Origin  ;     Characteris- 
2.   Principal     Ancient    |        tics  ;   Importance). 

Versions  :  I    Latin  :  the  Vulgate  (His- 

I        tory  ;    Principal     Fea- 
1^       tures  ;  Authority). 


Numbering  in 


2.   Titles 


f  the  Hebrew  Text  and  the 
I        Protestant  Versions. 

I    the   Septuagint    and    the 
(_       Vulgate. 

r  Their  Antiquity  and  Va- 
J        rious  Kinds. 

(^  Their  Value 


IV. 

Gradual  For- 


< 


C  I.   Principal  Difficulties  concerning  the  Question. 
2.   Leading  Facts  Stated  and  Examined. 


the  David ic  Collections 
(Book  I.  Pss.  1-lxxi  of 
Book  Ilj. 


MATION  OF  THE      I    3.   Authorship  and 
Psalter  :  I  Date  of 

55 


the    Completion     of    the 
Whole       Psaltrr       (the 
[       Machabean  Psalms;. 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE    PSALMS. 


§  T.  Names  and  Ge?ieral  Contents. 

I.  Names.  In  tlie  ordinary  printed  editions  of  the  He- 
brew Text  tlie  Psalms  head  the  list  of  the  Hagiographa, 
under  the  name  of  C^HH,  T*^hillim/  literally  ''  praise- 
songs."  This  name  is  not  applicable  to  all  the  Psalms, 
many  of  which  have  a  different  object  from  that  of  praising 
God  ;  and  it  is  worthy  of  notice  that  only  one  Psalm  (Ps. 
cxliv,  Heb.  cxlv)  bears  the  title  *' A  Praise."  But  it  was 
most  likely  given  to  the  whole  collection,  because  the  book 
was  the  manual  of  the  Temple  service  of  song  in  which 
praise  was  considered  as  the  predominant  element.  Indeed 
such  an  application  seems  fully  justified  when  one  bears  in 
mind  the  fact  that  T^hillim  is  derived  from  a  word  (Halal) 
used  in  the  technical  language  of  the  Temple  services  to 
designate  the  execution  of  jubilant  song  of  praise  to  the 
accompaniment  of  musical  instruments.^ 

In  the  Vatican  MS.  of  the  Septuagint  the  whole  book  is 
called  if-aXf-ioi,  that  is  canticles  sung  with  the  accompani- 
ment of  a  stringed  instrument  ;  ^  while  in  the  Alexandrine 
MS.   of   the  same  Version  it  is  styled   faXrifpiov,  a  word 

'  This  word  occurs  in  the  Old  Test,  only  in  the  feminine  forms  T^hi  lah,  T'^hilloth 
(cfr  E\od.  XV,  n  ;  Pss.  x.xii,  4;  Ixxviii.  4,  etc.).  Cfr.  B.  Davidson,  Concordance  of 
the  Hebrew  and  Chaldee  Scriptures,  p.  252  (London.  Bagsier,  1876K  A  portion  of 
the  V  liurch's  public  services  is  called  in  the  Roman  breviary  Latidts,  i.e.,  praises. 

^  Cfr.  I  Paralip.  xvi,  4  sqq  ;  .\xv,  3  ;  etc. 

'  The  Septuagint  usea  the  word  i/*aA/u,6?  to  render  the  Hebrew  word  Mizpior, 

56 


THE    PSALMS.  57 

which  meant  originally  a  stringed  instrument,  a  psaltery^ 
and  was  afterwards  used  commonly  to  designate  a  collection 
of  Psalms,  a  psalter.  The  collective  names  "  Book  of 
Psalms  "  and  "  Psalms  "  found  in  the  New  Testament ' 
are  derived  directly  from  the  Septuagint,  from  which  they 
also  passed  into  the  Vulgate,  and  so  came  into  general  use 
in  the  Christian  Church. 

2.  General  Contents.  It  is  no  easy  matter  to  describe 
the  general  object  of  the  sacred  hymns  which  make  up  the 
book  of  Psalms.  Nor  is  it  less  difficult  to  set  forili  a  classi- 
fication which  will  sufficiently  take  into  account  th.eir  re- 
spective contents.  In  fact  most  Biblical  scholars  either  do 
not  attempt  to  point  out  the  general  object  of  the  Psalter, 
or  describe  it  only  in  a  vague  and  general  manner.  When 
more  than  this  is  attempted  it  leads  to  subtle  and  arbitrary 
distinctions  in  defining  the  various  classes  of  Psalms.  For 
these  reasons  we  simply  give  Prof.  Driver's  account  of  the 
general  contents  and  principal  classes  of  Psalms,  which 
seems  on  the  whole  satisfactory.  "  The  Psalms,  speaking 
generally,  consist  of  reflections,  cast  into  a  poetical  form, 
upon  the  various  aspects  in  which  God  manifests  Himself 
either  in  nature,  or  towards  Israel  or  the  individual  soul, 
accompanied  often — or,  indeed,  usually — by  an  outjjouring 
of  the  emotions  and  affections  of  the  Psalmist,  prompted  by^ 
the  warmth  of  his  devotion  to  God,  though  varying  naturally 
in  character,  according  to  the  circumstances  in  which  he  is 
placed.  Thus  in  some  Psalms  the  tone  is  that  of  praise  or 
thanksgiving  ;  in  others  it  is  one  of  penitence  or  supi)lica- 
tion  ;  in  others,  again,  it  is  meditative  or  didactic  ;  not  in- 
frequently also  a  Psalm  is  of  mixed  character  ;  it  begins, 
perhaps,  in  a  strain  of  supi)lication,  and  as  the  poet  proceeds 
the  confidence  that  his  prayer  will  be  answered  grows  upon 

1  Luke  XX,  42  ;  x^iv,  44  ;  Acts  i,  20. 


58  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

him,  and  he  ends  in  a  tone  of  jubilant  exultation  (for  in- 
stance, Pss.  vi  ;  xii,  xxi,  see  verse  22  sqq. ;  xxv;  xxx  ;  xxxv  ; 
Ixiii  ;  Ixviii  ;  Ixx).  In  the  Psalter  the  devotional  element  of 
the  religious  character  finds  its  completest  expression  ;  and 
the  soul  is  displayed  in  converse  with  God,  disclosing  to 
Him  its  manifold  emotions,  desires,  aspirations,  or  fears.  It 
is  the  surprising  variety  of  mood  and  subject  and  occasion 
in  the  Psalms  which  gives  them  their  catholicity,  and,  com- 
bined with  their  deep  spirituality,  adapts  them  to  be  the 
hymn-book,  not  only  of  the  second  Temple,  but  of  the 
Christian  Church. 

"  Individual  Psalms  often  present  a  mixed  character,  so 
that  it  is  difficult  to  classify  them  in  accordance  with  their 
subject-matter  ;  but  the  following  outline  of  the  subjects 
wliich  they  embrace  may  be  useful  (comp.  Hupfeld,  die 
Psalmen,  pp.  vii-ix):  (i)  Meditations  on  different  aspects 
of  God's  providence  as  manifested  in  creation,  history,  etc.: 
Ps.  viii  (man,  how  small,  and  yet  how  great!)  ;  xviii,  1-7 
(God's  glory  in  the  heavens)  ;  xxviii  (Jehovah's  majesty  seen 
in  the  thunder-storm)  ;  xxxii;  xxxv  ;  Ixiv  (a  harvest  Psalm)  ; 
cii  (the  mercifulness  of  God)  ;  ciii  (the  poem  of  Creation)  ; 
cvi;  cxliv-cxlvi  ;  and  with  invocations  of  a  liturgical  char- 
acter, xxiii,  7-10  ;  xlvi  ;  Ixvi  ;  xciv-xcix  ;  ex  ;  cxii  ;  cxiii 
(2d  jxirt)  ;  cxvi;  cxxxiii-cxxxv  ;  cxlviii-cl. 

(2)  Reflections  on  God's  moral  government  of  the  world: 
Pss.  i  ;  xxxiii  ;  Ixxiv  ;  Ixxvi;  Ixxxix  ;  xci  ;  cxi  ;  and  of  a 
directly  didactic  character,  Pss.  xxxvi  ;  xlviii  ;  Ixxii  ;  or  on 
the  character  and  conduct  that  is  pleasing  in  His  eyes,  Pss. 
xiv  ;  xxiii,  1-6  ;  xxxi  ;  xxxix,  1-13;  xlix. 

(3)  Psalms  expressive  of  faith,  resignation,  joy  in  God's 
presence,  etc.  :  Pss.  x  ;  xv  ;  xxii  ;  xxv  ;  xxvi  ;  xli  sq. ;  Lxi  ; 
Ixii  ;  Ixxxiii  ;  xc  ;  cxx  ;  cxxvi  ;  cxxvii  ;  cxxix  ;  cxxx  ; 
cxxxii  ;  cxxxviii  (the  sense  of  God's  omnipresence)  ;  praise 
of  the  law,  Pss.  xviii,  8-15  ;  cxviii. 


THE    PSALMS.  59 

(4)  Psalms  with  a  more  distinct  reference  to  the  circum- 
stances of  the  Psahnist  (including  sometimes  his  companions 
or  coreligionists),  viz.:  (a)  petitions  for  help  in  sickness, 
persecution  or  other  trouble,  or  for  forgiveness  of  sins 
(often  accompanied  with  the  assurance  that  the  prayer  will 
be  answered)  :  Pss.  iii-vii  ;  ix  sq.  ;  xi  ;  xii  ;  xvi  ;  xxi,  and 
many  besides  ;  {^)  thanksgivings,  Pss.  xxix  ;  xxxix,  1-12  ; 
cxiv  ;  cxxxvii. 

(5)  Natio7ial  Psalms  :  consisting  of  {a)  complaints  of 
national  oppression  or  disaster  :  Pss.  xiii  (=  Hi) ;  xliii  ;  lix  ; 
Ixxiii  and  Ixxviii  (desolation  of  the  sanctuary)  ;  Ixxix  ;  Ixxxi  ; 
Ixxxii  ;  Ixxxiv  ;  xciii  ;  ci  ;  cvii ;  cxxii  ;  cxxxvi  ;  {p)  thanks- 
givings for  mercies  either  already  received  or  promised  for 
the  future  :  Pss.  xlv  ;  xlvi  ;  xlvii  ;  Ixv  ;  Ixvii  ;  Ixxv  ;  Ixxxvi 
(Sion,  the  future  spiritual  metropolis  of  the  world)  ;  cxvii  ; 
cxxi  (prayer  for  the  welfare  of  Jerusalem)  ;  cxxiii-cxxv  ; 
cxxviii  ;  cxliii,  12-15. 

(6)  The  historical  Psalms,  being  retrospects  of  the  national 
history  with  reference  to  the  lessons  deducible  from  it  :  Pss. 
Ixxvii  ;  Ixxx  ;  civ  ;  cv  ;  cxiii. 

(7)  Psalms  relating  to  the  king  {royal  Psalms),  being 
thanksgivings,  good  wishes,  or  promises,  especially  for  the 
extension  of  his  dominion  :  Pss.  ii;  xvii  ;  xix  ;  xx  ;  xliv  (on 
the  occasion  of  a  royal  wedding)  ;  Ixxi  ;  ixxxviii  (a  suppli- 
cation on  account  of  the  humbled  dynasty  of  David)  ;  c 
(a  king's  rule  of  life)  ;  cix  ;  cxxxi  ;  cfr.  xxvii  ;  Ix  ;  Ixii. 
These  Psalms  have  often  a  Messianic  import. 

The  line  separating  (4)  and  (5)  is  not  always  clearly 
drawn."  ^ 

'  Driver,  Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  368  sq.  See  also  Jno.  Jahn, 
Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  438  sq.  For  more  systematic  classifications,  see  H.  Lhsetkf, 
le  Livre  des  Psaumes,  p.  Iviii  sqq.;  Vigouroux,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no.  656; 
Elie  Philippe,  Introd.  au  Livre  des  P.^-aumes.  p.  35  sqq.  ;  etc.  The  Messianic  aspect 
of  the  Psalter  is  well  treated  by  the  scholars  just  named,  and  also  by  A.  F.  Kikkpat- 
RICK,  The  Book  of  Psalms,  vol.  1,  p.  Iviii  sqq. 


6o 


SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 


§  2.   Original  'Text  and  Principal  Versions. 

I.  Original  Text.  The  Psalter  has  from  ancient  times 
been  divided  into  five  books.  This  division  is  indicated  in 
the  Massoretic  Text  by  distinct  headings  which  have  been 
iiuroduced  into  the  EngHsh  Revised  Version  of  1885  and 
into  the  edition  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  published  by  Father 
Fillion  in  1887.^  Besides,  at  the  close  of  the  first  four  books 
ihere  is  a  doxology,  which,  having,  as  a  rule,  no  connection 
with  the  Psalm  to  which  it  is  appended,  obviously  marks 
the  end  of  a  collection.  It  is  true  that  no  special  doxology 
is  added  to  the  fifth  book  ;  but  it  is  apparently  because  the 
last  Psalm  is  considered  as  an  appropriate  concluding  dox- 
ology for  the  whole  Psalter.  This  fivefold  division  will  be 
better  realized  by  means  of  the  following  table  : 


Hook. 

Contents. 

Do-xology. 

'■ 

Pss.  i-xL3 

Ps.  xl,  14: 

Blessed  be  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Israel, 
From  everlasting  and  to  everlasting  1 

Amen  and  Amen ! 

ir. 

Pss.  xli-lxxi. 

Ps.  l.xxi,  t8,  Tg: 
Blessed  be  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Israel. 
Who  alone  doth  wonderful  thing?  1 
And  blessed  be  His  glorious  Name  for  ever  ! 
And  let  the  whole  earth  be  filled  with  His  glory  ! 
Amen  and  Amen  !  3 

III. 

Pss.  Ixxii-lxxxviii. 

Ps.  Ixxxviii.  53  : 

Blessed  be  Yahweh  for  evermore  : 

Amen  and  Amen  I 

IV. 

Pss.  Ixxxix-cv. 

Ps.  cv,  48  : 

Blessed  be  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Israel, 
From  everlasting  to  everlasting  ! 
And  let  all  the  people  s.,  v  : 

Amen.     Alleluia: 

^- 

Pss.  cvi-cl. 

Ps.  cl. 

1  In  preparing  this  edition.  Father  Fillion  enjoyed  the  valuable  co-operation  of  Rev. 
Jos.  Bkineau,  S.S.,  D  D.     Cfr.  p.  ix  of  Killion's  Bible  i  ist  ed.) 

^  The  numeration  of  Psalms  and  verses  given  here  is  that  of  the  Vulgate. 

3  To  this  doxology  is  added  the  important  remark  :  '  the  prayers  of  David,  the  son 
of  Jesse,  are  ended  "  (Ps.  Ixxi,  20). 


THE    PSALMS.  6l 

Several  early  Church  writers  were  acciuainted  with  tlii;; 
peculiarity  of  tiie  original  text/  i)ul  lhc\  did  not  all  take 
the  same  view  of  it.  Some  regarded  tlie  fivefold  division 
of  the  Psalter  as  perfectly  admissible,  and  did  admit  it  as 
resting  on  an  ancient  Jewish  tradition.  Others,  on  the  con- 
trary, discarded  it  as  in  opposition  to  the  authority  of  St. 
Peter,  who,  in  Acts  i,  20,  speaks  of  "///<?  l?c?ok  of  Psalms." 
At  the  present  day  all  scholars,  fully  aware  that  the  prince 
of  the  Apostles  simply  used  the  common  language  of  his 
time  without  reference  to  a  question  of  literary  criticism, 
have  no  difficulty  in  attaching  much  importance  to  a  division 
which  must  be  earlier  than  the  Septuagint,  since  that 
ancient  Greek  Version  has  the  doxologies  in  the  very  same 
places  as  the  Hebrew  Text.  They  disagree  only  with  re- 
gard to  the  principle  according  to  which  the  fivefold  division 
of  the  Psalter  was  made.  *'  This  principle  has  been  variously 
stated  as  an  analogy  to  the  five  books  of  Moses,  as  a  chrono- 
logical order,  as  an  arrangement  by  authors,  by  contents, 
for  liturgical  purposes,  etc."  ^  In  reality,  all  attempts  to 
account  for  the  present  division  of  the  Psalter  by  appealing 
to  one  single  controlling  principle  are  the  outcome  of  a  priori 
conceptions,  rather  than  of  a  careful  inquiry  into  the  actual 
arrangement  of  the  book.  As  might  well  be  expected,  many 
causes  contributed  to  bring  it  into  its  present  form,  and 
their  number,  together  with  their  respective  influence,  will 
become  apparent  later  on  when  we  examine  the  important 
question  of  the  origin  and  growth  of  the  book  of  Psalms. 

But  whatever  may  have  been  the  causes  to  which  this 
fivefold  division  of  the  original  text  is  due,  it  is  beyond 
doubt  that  the  headings  themselves,  "book  i,"  "  book  ii," 
etc.,  are  not  an  integrant  part  of  the  Psalter  itself.  Th.ey 
are  justly    considered    as   belonging  to  the  later  additions 

1  Cfr.  J.  J.  Stewart  Pkkowne,  the  Book  of  Psalms,  p.  72  sq.  (7th  ed.);  H.  Lesetre, 
le  Livre  des  Psaumes,  p.  xlii. 

2  Ph.  ScHAFF,  Bible  Dictionary,  p.  710. 


62  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

whicli,  Avitli  otliCr  modifications,  the  original  text  of  the 
Psalms  naturally  received  in  the  course  of  ages,  and  to  an 
extent  little  suspected  by  the  ordinary  reader  of  those 
sacred  hymns.  From  among  sucli  various  alterations  we 
shall  simply  mention  the  following  : 

(i)  Additions  made  to  the  e?id  of  certain  Psalms  in  order 
to  adapt  them  to  circumstances  of  a  later  period,  which 
were  somewhat  similar,  but  yet  not  quite  parallel.  Of  this 
description  are  probably  the  last  two  verses  of  Ps.  1,  which 
did  not  form  part  of  the  original  Psalm,  but  were  added  to 
it  by  the  Exiles,  who  adapted  it  to  their  own  needs. ^  A 
similar  case  occurs  in  Ps.  xxiv,  22  ;  Ps.  xiii,  7  ;^  and  prob- 
ably also  in  Ps.  Ixviii,  36,  37. 

(2)  Alterations  in  the  body  of  a  Psalm  with  a  view  also  to 
apply  it  to  other  and  later  circumstances.  These  alterations 
are  more  closely  blended  with  the  context  than  the  additions 
sim})ly  appended  to  a  Psalm,  so  that  they  cannot  be  so  easily 
recognized.  This  is  apparently  the  case  with  Ps.  Hi,  which 
agrees  for  the  most  part  verbally  with  Ps.  xiii,  but  yet  differs 
in  one  passage  (verse  6)  in  a  manner  which  can  be  explained 
only  under  the  supposition  that  the  Psalm  in  its  original  state 
in  Ps.  xiii  was  subsequently  applied  to  other  circumstances, 
and  therefore  modified  into  the  form  which  Ps.  Hi  exhibits. 

(3)  "  In  other  places  a  portion  only  of  some  more  ancient 
and  longer  hymn  has  been  appropriated  at  a  later  time, 
perhaps  for  liturgical  use,  as  Ps.  Ixix  =  Vs.  xxxix,  14-18  ;  or 
two  songs  or  parts  of  several  songs  have  been  united  into 
one.  Thus  Ps.  cvii  is  made  up  from  Ps.  Ivi,  8-12  and  Ps. 
lix,  7-14.  .  .  .  Ps.  xviii  consists  of  two  sections  (1-7  ; 
8-15),  which,  both  in  purport  and  form,  are  quite  distinct 
from  each  other."  ^ 

'  Cfr.  A.  F.  KiRKPATRiCK,  the  Book  of  Psalms,  Yol.  ii,  p.  285  sqq. 

2  Cfr.  ViGouRoux,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no.  686. 

3  Friedrich  Bleek,  An  Introduction  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  ii,  §  277,  p.  249  (Bngl. 
Transl.). 


THE    PSALMS.  6$ 

(4)  Besides  changes  intentionally  made  to  adapt  certain 
Psalms  to  later  use,  many  accidental  alterations  inevitably 
crept  into  the  original  text  of  the  Psalter  during  the  long 
process  of  transcription  by  means  of  which  it  has  come  down 
to  us.  Critical  commentaries  abound  in  references  to  such 
unintentional  changes,  more  or  less  important.  The  greater 
number  of  the  alterations  thus  pointed  out  are  fully  ascer- 
tained either  by  comparing  the  original  text,  where  it  is  ob- 
scure or  apparently  defective,  witli  the  ancient  Versions,  more 
particularly  the  Septuagint  ;  or  by  examining  the  text  of  one 
and  the  same  Psalm  when  it  is  repeated  in  two  different  books 
of  the  Psalter  ;  or  by  comparing  the  recension  of  a  song  in  the 
Psalter  with  another  recension  in  some  other  inspired  writing 
of  the  Bible  ;^  or,  again,  by  testing  the  integrity  of  an  alpha- 
betical Psalm  to  see  whether  all  the  letters  of  the  Hebrew 
alphabet  follow  in  the  text  in  regular  order,  as  they  certainly 
did  at  the  time  when  the  Psalm  was  composed  ;  ^  etc. 

(5)  Lastly,  in  some  few  cases,  there  is  reason  to  suspect 
corruption,  intentional  or  accidental,  but  anterior  to  all 
extant  documentary  authorities,  and  it  is  sometimes  possible 
to  re-establish  the  original  reading  by  means  of  conjectural 
emendation.^ 

Whoever  takes  into  account  all  these  alterations  of  the 
original  text  may  well  be  tempted  to  consider  it  as  of  but 
little  value  for  critical  purposes.  And  yet  these  alterations 
are  neither  more  numerous  nor  more  important  than  one 
might  naturally  expect  in  hymns  so  long  preserved,  so  often 
transcribed  by  all  manner  of  copyists.  Yea,  more:  despite 
all  its  def.xts,  the  Hebrew   Psalter   has  not  only   preserved 

1  This  is  the  case  for  instance,  with  David's  song  of  victory,  Ps.  xvii,  which  also 
occurs  in  II  Kings  xxii. 

■^  This  test  when  applied  to  the  alphabetical  Ps.  cx!iv  shows  that  the  distich  begin- 
ning with  the  letter  j  is  missing  in  the  Hebrew,  although  still  found  in  the  Vulgate  and 
thj  Septuagint. 

•'  This  is  apparently  the  case  with  the  npenin?  verses  of  Ps.  xv  (cfr.  T.  K.  Chkvnh. 
the  Book  of  Psalms,  p    374;   H.  Li-shtkk,  Ic  I.ivre  des  Psaumes,  p.  58  sqq  ;  etc.). 


64  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD     TESTAMENT. 

what  is  commonly  called  its  substantial  integrity,  but  also 
remains  as  a  whole  undoubtedly  superior  to  any  of  the 
ancient  Versions  for  the  purpose  of  critical  and  exegetical 
study,  while  these  Versions  may  in  turn  prove  useful  for 
detecting  and  correcting  the  defects  of  the  Massoretic  Text. 

2.  Principal  Ancient  Versions.  Foremost  with  re- 
spect to  antiquity  and  importance  among  these  ancient 
Versions  ranks  the  Septuagint  translation  of  the  Psalter, 
The  exact  date  and  the  other  circumstances  of  its  origin 
are  unknown.  It  is  generally  assumed  that  when  the  grand- 
son of  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach,  about  132  B.C.,  speaks  not 
only  of  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,  but  also  of  the  other 
books,  as  differing  much  in  the  Greek  from  the  Hebrew 
original,  he  has  in  view  the  Septuagint  translation  of  the 
JIagiographa,  and  consequently  of  the  Psalter.^  But  even 
when  this  position  is  taken  for  granted,  the  obscurity  which 
surrounds  the  origin  of  the  Septuagint  Version  of  the  Psalms 
is  by  no  means  removed.  No  light  is  thereby  cast  on  the 
precise  date  when  this  translation  was  made,  nor  on  its 
authors  and  their  purpose  and  methods  in  rendering  the 
Hebrew  hymnal  into  Greek.  It  has  indeed  been  argued  by 
many  that,  owing  to  the  need  which  the  Alexandrian  Jews 
would  naturally  feel  to  have  a  Greek  Psalter  for  their  public 
services,  the  book  of  Psalms  must  have  been  rendered  into 
Greek  soon  after  the  Law  had  been  translated,  i.e.  soon  after 
280  B.C.  If  in  reality  the  Septuagint  translation  of  the 
Psalms  owes  its  origin  to  such  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
Egyptian  Jews,  it  is  highly  probable  that  only  those  of  the 
Psalms  which  were  then  employed  for  liturgical  purposes 
would  be  at  first  rendered  into  the  vernacular,  while  the 
translation  of  the  others  would  be  postponed  to  a  somewhat 
later,  and  now  unknown,  date. 

^  Cfr.  Prologue  to  Ecclesiasticus, 


THE    PSALMS.  65 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  the  Greek 
translation  of  tlie  Psahiis  was  made  from  a  text  consisting 
only  of  consonants,  which  were,  moreover,  here  and  tliere 
somewhat  indistinct.  This  Hebrew  Text  contained  also  a 
certain  number  of  glosses,  and  had  not  yet  been  fixed  in 
that  definite  form  which  is  now  known  as  the  Massoretic. 
The  translators  rendered  it  usually  in  a  literal  manner,  and 
oftentimes — especially  in  difficult  passages — without  appre- 
hending its  meaning.  In  consequence  their  work,  which  is 
generally  considered  as  "on  the  whole  fairly  good,'" 
is  marred  by  too  close  renderings  of  Hebrew  idioms  con- 
nected with  almost  all  the  parts  of  Hebrew  grammar:  nouns 
(cases,  numbers,  genders),  pronouns,  adverbs,  etc.  Their 
manner  of  translating  the  tenses  of  verbs — which  exhibit 
such  marked  differences  in  the  Hebrew  and  the  Greek — is 
particularly  defective.  At  times,  too,  they  supplied  the 
Hebrew  consonants  with  different  vowel  sounds  from  those 
found  in  our  Hebrew  Textus  Receptus,  and  even  made 
mistakes  concerning  the  letters  in  the  manuscript  before 
them.  It  is  clear,  also,  that  in  making  their  Greek  version 
of  the  Psalter  they  deliberately  softened  down  the  anthro- 
pomorphic expressions  of  the  original  text.  Thus  instead 
of  calling  God  a  rock,  a  fortress,  a  shield,  etc.,  as  is  done 
in  the  original  Hebrew,  they  speak  of  Him  as  the  strength, 
the  defence,  the  protection,  etc.,  of  the  Psalmist  or  of 
Israel.  Finally,  they  usually  misunderstood  the  technical 
terms  found  in  the  Hebrew  Psalter,  especially  the  names  of 
musical  instruments,  indications  of  tunes,  etc.^ 

These  are  some  of  the  defective  features  which  the 
Septuagint  translation  of  the  book  of  Psalms  exhibited 
from  the  first,  and  which  can  still  be  recognized  "  notwith- 
standing  the   swarm   of   various  readings  contained  in   its 

1  A.  F.  KiRKPATRiCK,  the  Book  of  Psalms.  Introduct.,  p.  Hi. 

•Cfr.  Abb^  H.  Lesetre,  le  Livre  des  Psaumes  (Luthielleux'  Bible),  p.  Ixxxv. 


66  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

jNISS."  ^  All  such  defects,  together  with  the  various  readings 
which  gradually  crept  into  the  text  of  this  ancient  transla- 
tion, should  indeed  prevent  us  from  using  indiscriminately 
the  Greek  Psalter  for  the  various  purposes  of  criticism  and 
exegesis.  But  they  should  not  betray  us  into  regarding  its 
text  as  useless  for  such  purposes.  'Die  Septuagint  Version 
was  made  from  a  Hebrew  Text  older  than  the  one  now 
embodied  in  our  Hebrew  Bibles,  and  points  many  a  time, 
on  that  account,  to  readings  preferable  to  those  exhibited 
by  the  Massoretic  Text.  Even  when  it  agrees  with  the  read- 
ings found  in  our  Hebrew  Psalter,  it  is  not  without  impor- 
tance, inasmuch  as  it  proves  their  antiquity  and  confirms 
their  correctness.  Indeed,  the  very  defect  noticed  above, 
viz.,  that  it  renders  too  closely  the  original  Hebrew,  is  not 
without  some  advantage  for  the  purpose  of  textual  criti- 
cism, since  this  closeness  enables  modern  scholars  all  the 
more  readily  and  securely  to  ascertain  the  Hebrew  words 
which  the  translators  had  in  their  own  copy  of  the  original 
text. 

Further  proofs  of  the  great  importance  of  this  Version  of 
the  Psalter  are  found  in  the  following  facts:  (i)  of  the  283 
direct  quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the  New,  no 
less  than  116  are  taken  from  the  book  of  Psalms  as  ren- 
dered by  the  Septuagint  translators;^  (2)  it  is  this  Version 
that  the  Fathers  of  the  Eastern  Church  studied  for  their 
private  use  and  commented  upon  in  their  public  homilies, 
and  that  was  indirectly  used  by  those  of  the  Western 
Church,  inasmuch  as  the  Old  Latin  Version  was  made,  and 
indeed  very  closely,  from  the  Greek   Psalter;   (3)  it  is  this 

1  Franz  Df.i.itzsch,  Comm.  on  the  Book  of  Psalms,  vol.  i,  p.  50  (New  York,  Funk 
rnd  Wagnalls).  The  principal  MSS.  of  the  Septuagint  have  been  already  pointed  out 
in  the  "General  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,"  by  the  present 
writer.  See  also  H.  B  Swete's  edition  of  the  LXX,  and  Introduction  to  the  Old  Test, 
in  Greek,  part  i,  chap,  v,  and  part  iii   cluip   vi. 

2  Cfr.  the  Speaker's  Bible,  on  the  Psalms,  p.  146. 


THE    PSALMS.  07 

same  Version  which  is  practically  embodied  in  tiie  Vulgate 
which  contains,  not  the  translation  of  St.  Jerome,  but  a 
revision  made  by  him  of  the  Old  Latin  by  means  of  the 
Hexaplar  Text  of  the  Greek  Psalter;^  (4)  even  the  English 
translation  of  the  Psalter  which  is  used  in  the  liturgy  of 
the  Church  of  England  was  not  made  directly  from  the 
Hebrew  Text,  but  "out  of  the  Douche  and  Latyn,"  i.e. 
from  the  Swiss-German  Version,  known  as  the  Zurich  Bible, 
and  from  the  Vulgate,  so  that  "many  of  its  peculiar  ren- 
derings, and  in  particular  the  additions  which  it  contains, 
are  derived  from  the  LXX  through  the  Vulgate  ";^  finally,  the 
Septuagint  Version  of  the  book  of  Psalms  remains,  down  to 
the  present  day,  the  official  Psalter  of  the  Greek  Church. 

Another  ancient  Version  of  the  Psalms  worthy  of  special 
notice  is  the  translation  embodied  in  the  Latin  Vulgate. 
It  was  made  in  the  early  days  of  Christianity,  when  the 
liturgical  and  homiletical  needs  of  the  Latin  Church  de- 
manded a  translation  of  the  Old  Testament  into  the  vernac- 
ular. The  precise  date  of  its  origin  is  unknown,  but  from 
its  first  appearance  it  naturally  formed  an  integrant  part 
of  the  Old  Latin  Version  of  Holy  Writ — one  or  manifold 
— which  is  often  spoken  of  as  the  Vetus  Itala?  The  Psal- 
ter— as  indeed  the  rest  of  this  ancient  Version  of  the  Old 
Testament — was  made  directly,  not  from  the  Hebrew  Text, 
then  regarded  as  the  Bible  of  the  Jews,  but  from  the 
Septuagint,  which  had  been  chiefly  used  by  the  New  Testa- 
ment writers,  and  had  till  then  been  considered  as  the 
official  text  of  the  Christian  Church,  both  in  the  East  and 
in  the  West.  As  time  went  on,  the  Latin  Psalter  lost  more 
and  more  of  its  primitive  correctness  and  uniformity 
through   the  ignorance  or   carelessness  of  transcribers,   so 

1  Concerning  this  Hexaplar  Text  of  the  LXX,  see  "  General  Introduction,"  p.  278  sq. 

2  A.  F.  KiKKPATRiCK,  the  Book  of  Psalms,  Introduction,  p.  Ivi. 

3  In  regard  to  the  unity  or  plurality  of  the   Old  Latin  Version,  see  "  General  In- 
troduction," by  the  present  writer,  pp.  307-312. 


68  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

that  in  tlie  last  quarter  of  the  fourth  century  of  our  era 
a  revision  of  its  text  liad  become  a  practical  necessity. 
Then  it  was  that  Pope  St.  Damasus  (f  384),  an  admirer 
and  friend  of  St.  Jerome,  called  upon  that  great  Biblical 
scholar  to  undertake  the  work  of  revision.  Conscious  of 
the  many  difficulties  which  surrounded  his  attempt  at  re- 
vising a  text  so  constantly  used  in  the  sacred  liturgy  and 
so  familiar  to  the  faithful  at  large,  St.  Jerome  went  back  to 
the  current  Greek  Text  of  the  Septuagint  Psalter  from 
wliich  the  Psalms  had  been  primitively  rendered  into  Latin, 
and  modified  but  little  the  Latin  Psalter  of  the  time.  He 
made  this  revision  at  Rome,  in  383,  "rather  hastily" 
{cursim),  as  he  puts  it,  and  without  thoroughness,  lest  by 
introducing  too  many  changes  he  should  hurt  the  feelings 
of  the  faithful  who  knew  the  Psalter  by  heart,  "  ne  nimia 
novitate  lectoris  studium  terreremus."  This  first  revision, 
introduced  by  St.  Damasus  into  the  Roman  liturgy,  and 
still  in  use  in  the  Church  of  St.  Peter,  in  Rome,  is  known 
as  the  Psalterium  Romanum} 

As  might  naturally  be  expected,  copyists  familiar  with 
the  readings  of  the  unrevised  Latin  book  of  Psalms 
either  refused  to  adopt  the  changes  introduced  by  St. 
Jerome  and  came  back  to  the  previous  readings,  or  unwit- 
tingly mixed  the  words  of  the  Vetus  Itala  with  those  of  the 
revised  version,  so  that  after  a  few  years  of  such  defective 
transcription  the  Latin  Psalter  sorely  needed  to  be  revised 
again.  A  second  revision  was  therefore  undertaken  by  St. 
Jerome,  who  by  this  time  had  settled  down  in  Bethlehem. 
He  worked  at  it  with  greater  care  than  he  had  done  for  the 
first  revision,  using  for  this  purpose  the  Greek  Text  of  the 
LXX  as  found  in  the  Hexapla  of  Origen,  and  preserving  in  his 

I  To  this  Psalterium  Romanum  belongs  the  Ps.  xciv  which  is  read  in  the 
Breviary  for  the  daily  office  at  Matins.  The  passages  borrowed  from  the  Psalms  which 
are  found  in  the  Roman  Missal  are  also  taken  from  the  Fsalteriuin  Rotnamim. 


THE    PSALMS.  69 

own  work  the  critical  signs  of  tlie  Hexaplar  Psalter.*  Thir 
second  revision  (about  389  a.d.),  whicli  tlie  churclics  of 
Gaul  were  the  first  to  adopt,  received  the  name  of  J^sixlic- 
rium  Gallicafiutn?  It  is  substantially  the  Psalter  embodied 
in  our  Latin  Vulgate  and  in  the  Roman  Breviary;  for, 
although  the  same  illustrious  Doctor  soon  afterwards  trans- 
lated the  Psalms  directly  from  the  Hebrew,  this  third 
Psalter — the  Psalterium  ex  Habrceo^  as  it  is  called, — desi)ile 
its  great  critical  and  exegetical  importance,  never  came 
into  general  use.^ 

Thus,  then,  the  Psalter  as  it  exists  in  our  Latin  Vul- 
gate is  not  a  direct  translation  from  the  original  Hebrew, 
but  only  a  revision,  and  indeed  the  second  revision,  of  the 
Old  Latin  Psalter,  which  was  itself  closely  made  from  the 
Septuagint  Version.  It  is  not,  therefore,  surprising  to  find 
that  it  bears  as  a  characteristic  feature  the  impress  of  its 
complex  origin.  Like  the  Septuagint  Version  from  which 
it  was  originally  derived  and  by  means  of  which  it  was 
twice  revised,  it  contains  Hebrew  idioms  too  closely  trans- 
lated,* and  in  particular  defective  renderings  of  the 
Hebrew  tenses,^  together  with  obscure  expressions  due  to 
the  imperfect  understanding  by  the  Septuagint  translators 
of  the  musical  and  other  technical  terms  in  the  original 
Hebrew.  Like  the  Old  Latin  Psalter  primitively  made  for 
popular  use,  it  exhibits  words  and  constructions  which  be- 

'  The  purpose  of  Origen's  critical  signs  has  been  pointed  out  in  the  "  General  Intro- 
duction," p   279. 

2  I ')Oth  Psalters,  the  "Roman"  and  the  "  Gallican,"  are  given  in  parallel  columns 
in  MiGNE,  Patr.  Lat.,  vol.  xxix,  col.  iig  sqq. 

3  St.  Jerome's  "'  Psalterium  ex  Hebraeo  "  is  found  in  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.,  vol.  xxviii, 
col.  1 127  sqq.  It  enables  us  to  realize  St.  Jerome's  own  view  concerning  the  meaning 
ot  passages  of  dogmatic  import,  and  proves  that  the  Hebrew  Text  employed  by  hira 
differed  but  little  from  the  Massoretic. 

*  Of  this  description  are  the  following  expressions:  virum  sanguinum  (Ps.  v,  7)  ; 
agua  refcctionis  (Ps.  xxii,  2)  ;  Deus  justitice  niece  (Ps.  iv,  2) ;  coni'enticula  de  sun- 
guinibus  (Ps.  XV,  4) ;   etc.,  etc, 

^This  is  well  explained  by  F.  Vigoukoux,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no.  667. 


70  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

long,  not  to  the  Latin  of  Cicero  and  other  classical  writers, 
but  to  the  lingua  rustica  of  the  period  in  which  it  origi- 
nated.^ Like  the  Old  Latin  Psalter,  too,  which  was  made 
closely  from  the  Greek  Text,  it  presents  many  Greek  idioms 
very  literally  rendered,  and  indeed  Greek  words  simply 
supplied  with  Latin  endings.^  So  that  in  these  and  other 
such  respects  it  is  clearly  inferior  to  the  '*  Psalterium  ex 
Hebrao,''  or  St.  Jerome's  direct  translation  from  the  original 
Hebrew.  It  remains  true,  however,  that  the  Latin  Psalter 
found  in  the  Vulgate  is  in  many  instances  remarkable  for 
its  precision  and  clearness  of  expression.  Its  renderings 
are  in  the  main  correct,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  it 
reproduces  the  general  substance  of  the  original  Hebrew 
Psalter.  Most  of  its  divergencies  from  the  Hebrew  are 
seldom  of  any  dogmatic  or  moral  importance.^  Be  that  as 
it  may,  we  always  remain  at  liberty  to  utilize  the  Hebrew 
Text  or  the  Septuagint  Version  to  improve  our  Latin  Psalter 
in  various  particulars,*  as  has  been  done  by  Lesetre,  Fillion, 
and  quite  recently  by  Father  M'Swiney,  S.J.^ 

'  Such  words  and  expressions  as  verba  frcecipitationis  (Ps.  li,  6) ;  resurgent  in 
jndicio  (Ps.  i,  5)  ;  inorti/icarc  (as  meaning  occidere  in  Ps.  xxxvi,  32)  ;  etc.,  belong  to 
\.\\&  lingua  rustica  (see  Van  Sieen'kiste,  in  Psalmos,  voL  iii,  p,  121  sq.;  Card. 
Wiseman.  Essays,  vol.  i). 

2  Thus  in  excelso  loqui  is  a  literal  rendering  of  eis  to  vi//os  (Ps.  Ixxii,  8);  in  Ps. 
Ixviii,  13  we  find  the  absolute  accusative  after  the  Greek  fashion  by  the  ellipsis  of 
/cara.  Again,  cases  .'.nd  genders  are  oftentimes  kept  as  they  were  in  the  Q>x&t\i—Judica 
w^centes  ///-•,  tor  instance,  instead  of  nocentes  viihi.  From  among  the  Greek  words  with 
Lat'n  endings,  we  may  mention  the  words  synagoga  (Ps.  vii,  8) ;  christos  (Ps.  civ,  15) ; 
etc.     Cfr   Van  Steenkiste,  loc.  cit.,  p.  119  sq. 

3  In  regard  to  the  dogmatic  import  of  the  difference  in  Ps.  cix.  3,  between  our  Vul- 
gate and  the  Hebrew  Text,  see  more  particularly  Coki.uv,  S.J.,  Spicilegium  do<^matico 
biblicum,  vol.  ii,  p.  189  sq.;   Abbe  Fillion,  les  Psaumes  commentes.  p    519  sq.;  etc. 

*  Cfr  ttie  r-markable  words  of  St.  Jerome  in  his  Epistle  to  Sunnia  et  Fretela,  in 
MiGNE,  Patr.  Lat.,  vol.  xxii,  col.  853.  In  regard  to  the  ancient  Versions  known  as 
the  Targuni  and  the  Peshitto,  see  Delitz.sch.  Comm.  on  the  Psalms,  p.  52  sqq.;  H. 
Lesetke,  les  Psaumes,  p.  Ixxxvii ;  A^.  F.  Kikkpatrick,  the  Book  of  Psalms,  Introd., 
p.  liii  sq.;  etc. 

*  Translation  of  the  Psalms  and  Canticles. 


THK    PSAI.MS.  71 

§  3.    The  Nutnberifig  and  Titles  of  the  Psalms. 

1.  Numbering  of  the  Psalms.  Both  the  Massoretic 
Text  and  tlie  ancient  ^'ersi()ns  just  spoken  of  reckon  a 
total  of  150  Psalms;^  but  altliough  they  agree  in  tlie  total, 
they  differ  somewhat  in  the  manner  of  computation.  'Ihe 
I.XX — followed  by  the  Vulgate — unites  Pss.  ix  and  x 
(which  originally  formed  but  one  Psalm,  as  the  alphabetical 
arrangement  shows),  and  also  Pss.  cxiv  and  cxv,  while  it 
divides  Pss.  cxvi  and  cxlvii.  The  following  table  exhibits 
clearly  these  differences  of  computation: 

Hebrew  (and  Modern  Protestant  Versions).  LXX  (Viilg   .md  ancient  English  Bibles). 

Pss.  i-viii =  .     .     .     .     Pss.  i-viii. 

ix,  X = ix. 

xi-cxiii = x-cxii. 

cxiv,  cxv = cxiii. 

cxvi = cxiv-cxv. 

cxvii-cxlvi.       .     .     .  = cxvi-cxlv. 

cxlvii = cxlvi,  cxlvii. 

cxlviii-cl = cxlviii-cl. 

2.  Titles  of  the  Psalms.  Most  of  the  Psalms  in  the 
Hebrew  Text  are  supplied  with  titles  or  inscriptions  the 
high  antiquity  of  which  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  they 
were  known  to  the  Septuagint  translators.  These  titles  are 
of  various  kinds.  Some  apparently  describe  the  character 
of  the  poem,  such,  for  instance,  as  Mizmor  (rendered  Psalm) ^ 
Shir  [canticle  or  song),  Jfaschil,  Michtam,  etc.  Others  are 
connected  with  the  musical  setting  or  performance,  as  the 
title  "  to  the  chief  musician  "  (rendered  in  the  Vulgate  by 
in  fincni)  which  is  prefixed  to  fifty-five  Psalms;  or  "on 
n^ginoth  "  (on  stringed  instruments)  ;  "upon  n'^hiloth  "  (on 
wind  instruments);  etc.      A  few  others  refer  to  the  liturgical 

'  The  151st  Psalm,  which  is  added  in  the  LXX.  is  expressly  said  by  that  Version  to  be 
"outside  the  number"  Concerning  this  spurious  composition,  see  "General  Intro- 
duction," by  the  present  writer,  p.  127 


72  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

use  of  the  Psalm.  Thus  Ps.  xcii  (xci  in  the  Vulg.)  is  en- 
titled "  Mizmor,  a  song  for  the  Sabbath-day";^  Ps.  xxx  (in 
the  Vulg.  xxix)  has  for  its  heading  "  Mizmor,  a  song  at 
the  Dedication  of  the  House"  ;  etc.  Other  titles  relate  to 
authorship:  thus  one  Psalm  (Ps.  Ixxxix)  is  ascribed  to  Moses 
''  the  man  of  God  "  (Deuter.  xxxiii,  i);  seventy-three  Psalms 
bear  the  name  of  David;  two,  that  of  Solomon;  twelve,  that 
of  Asaph,  one  of  David's  chief  musicians;  eleven  are  re- 
ferred to  the  sons  of  Core;  and  one  to  each  of  the  celebrated 
wise  men,  Heman,  and  Ethan  the  Ezrahite.  Finally,  titles 
describing  the  occasion  of  the  Psalm  are  prefixed  to  thir- 
teen Psalms,  all  of  which  bear  the  name  of  David.  They 
connect  those  sacred  hymns — '*  in  terms  borrowed  generally, 
though  not  always,  and  sometimes  with  slight  variations 
in  detail,  from  the  historical  books — with  events  in  the 
life  of  David," '"^  most  being  referred  to  the  period  of  his 
persecution  by  Saul;  two,  to  his  flight  from  before  Absalon; 
one,  to  the  Syro-Ammonite  war;  and  one,  to  his  fall. 

The  titles  found  in  the  Hebrew  Text  are  usually  faith- 
fully rendered  in  the  Septuagint  and  the  Vulgate.  But  be- 
sides, the  former  Version  contains  many  additional  ones. 
Thus  it  ascribes  to  David  Pss.  xxxii,  xlii,  Ixvi,  Ixx,  xcii, 
xcviii,  ciii,  which  are  anonymous  in  the  original  Hebrew;' 
it  has  notices  of  the  days  on  which  several  Psalms  (viz., 
Pss.  xxiii,  xlvii,  xcii,  xciii)  were  sung  in  public  services  ;  *  etc. 
As  regards  the  Vulgate,  it  exhibits  the  titles  found  in  both 
the  Hebrew  Text  and  the  Septuagint  Version,  and  moreover 
refers  to  Aggeus  and  Zachary  the  authorship  of  Ps.  cxi. 

'  In  the  time  of  the  Second  Temple,  each  da}'  of  the  week  has  its  special  Psalm  des- 
tined to  be  sung  during  the  drink  offering  which  accompanied  the  morning  holocaust, 
i.nd  the  title  to  I's.  xcii  describes  it  as  the  special  Psalm  to  be  sung  on  the  Sabbath-day. 

2  Dki\  ek,  Introd.  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  370. 

3  In  the  Alexandrine  Codex  Ps.  Ixi  is  also  ascribed  to  David;  as  also  in  a  few  MSS. 
Pss.  i  and  ii. 

*  The  Old  Latin  Version  refers  Ps.  Ixxx  to  the  fifth  day  of  the  week  (A  F.  Kirk- 
PATRicK,  the  Book  of  Psalms,  Introduction,  p.  xxiv). 


THE    PSALMS.  73 

It  is  plain  that  if  these  various  titles  are  from  the 
Psalmists,  or  from  inspired  editors,  they  must  be  re- 
garded as  enjoying  the  same  authority  as  the  rest  of  the 
sacred  Text.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  many  Fathers  of  the 
Church,  and  the  old  commentators  generally,  have  con- 
sidered them  as  genuine,  and  attributed  to  them  the 
greatest  value,  explaining  them  with  as  much  diligence  as 
the  Psalms  themselves.  Nevertheless  it  is  significant  that 
the  Church  never  ordered  that  they  should  be  sung  in  her 
services,  and  never  defined  their  canonical  character.  In 
modern  times,  some  scholars  have  treated  them  all  as 
spurious  and  worthless,*  while  most  authors,  less  venture- 
some in  matters  of  criticism,  prefer  neither  to  reject  those 
titles  bodily  nor  to  follow  them  implicitly,  but  simply  to 
abide  by  them  when  there  is  good  reason  to  do  so.^ 

The  principal  arguments  usually  set  forth  in  favor  of  the 
genuineness  of  the  titles  are:  "  (i)  the  practice  of  the  Hebrew 
and  Arabian  poets  to  prefix  their  names  to  their  songs; ^ 
(2)  the  fact  that  the  Psalms  are  not  all  provided  with  titles, 
and  that  these  titles  are  of  variable  length  and  present  the 
greatest  variety  of  form  and  matter.  (3)  It  is  admitted 
that  those  notices  which  relate  to  the  musical  execution  had 
already  become  unintelligible  in  the  age  succeeding  the 
Exile;*  moreover,  they  are  found  in  none  of  the  Psalms  of 
manifestly  late  date,  but  only  in  those  ascribed  to  David 
and  his  singers.  As  regards  the  rest  of  the  notices,  con- 
cerning the  character  of  the  Psalm,  its  author,  its  historical 
occasion,  or  its  primary  object,  they  have  these  two  proofs 
of  their  genuineness  and  originality:  on  the  one  hand,  they 

'  This  has  been  done  by  Vogel,  dh  Wette,  Ewald,  Olshausen,  Hupfeld,  and 
quite  lately  by  T.  K.  Chkyne;  etc. 

'^  This  is  the  position  adopted  by  H.  Lesetre,  Vigouroux,  Fillion,  Jas.  M'Swiney, 
S  J.,  A.  F.  KiKKPATRiCK,  etc.,  etc. 

'  Cfr.  II  Sam.  xxiii,  i  ;  Isai.  xxxviii,  q  ;  Habacuc  iii,  i ;  etc. 

*  It  is  quite  certain  that  the  Septuagint  translators  were  unable  to  understand  even 
their  general  purport. 


74  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

are  often  confirmed  by  the  historical  books,  and  yet  they 
have  not  been  drawn  from  these  sources  by  mere  conjecture  ; 
on  the  other  hand,  it  is  affirmed  "  that  they  coincide  perfectly 
with  the  contents  of  the  Psalms  ;  that  they  contain  not  a 
single  statement  which  can  be  shown  to  be  untrue,  and  they 
have  been  proclaimed  to  be  incorrect  and  unsuitable  only 
on  account  of  erroneous  dogmatic,  aesthetic,  and  critical 
prejudices."  ^ 

To  these  arguments  the  opponents  of  the  genuineness  of 
many  if  not  all  of  the  titles  of  the  Psalms  reply  (i) 
that  the  variations  found  in  MSS.  and  Versions  tend  to 
show  that,  from  ancient  times,  those  titles  were  not  regarded 
as  an  integral  part  of  the  text,  but  were  liable  to  alteration 
by  the  transcribers,  like  the  titles  of  the  books  of  the  New 
Testament ;  (2)  that  we  have  no  proofs  that  the  notices 
relating  to  musical  execution  were  unintelligible  to  the  age 
immediately  succeeding  the  Exile,  and  that  the  fact  that  the 
Septuagint  at  a  much  later  date  made  no  sense  out  of  them 
may  be  accounted  for  by  the  remoteness  of  the  Alexandrian 
translators  from  Jerusalem  and  its  Temple  worship,  without 
appealing  to  the  very  high  antiquity,  still  less  to  the  genu- 
ineness, of  such  titles  ;  (3)  that  the  fact  that  only  Moses, 
David,  Solomon,  and  David's  singers  are  mentioned  in  the 
Hebrew  titles  which  refer  to  authorship  is  probably  due  to 
the  well-known  tendency  of  Jewish  tradition  to  connect 
everything  with  names  celebrated  in  Israel  ;  (4)  that  the 
historical  notices  in  the  Hebrew  Psalter  are  almost  all  taken 
from  the  books  of  Samuel  (I,  II  Kings),  so  that  their  origin 
needs  not,  or  even  cannot,  be  traced  back  to  the  authors 
of  the  Psalms;^  (5)  chiefly,  that  "  many  of  the  titles  can 
be  conclusively  shown  to  be  erroneous,  by  the  contents  and 

1  Karl  F.  Keil,  Historico-Critical  Introduction,  vol.  i,  p.  457  sq.  (Engl.  Transl  , 
Edinburgh,  1884). 

2  Cfr.  Driver,  Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test  ,  p.  370  ;  Samuel  Davidson, 
Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  ii,  p.  250  sq.  (^ London,  1862). 


THE    PSALMS.  75 

language  of  the  Psalms  to  which  they  are  prefixed.  Many- 
Psalms  ascribed  to  David  assume  situations  and  circum- 
stances wholly  unlike  any  in  which  he  can  be  supposed  to 
have  been  placed  :  some  (for  instance,  Pss.  Ixviii,  cii)  refer 
to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  ;  the  language  of  others 
(for  instance,  Ps.  cxxxviii)  is  unquestionably  late  ;  some 
(for  instance,  Ps.  Ixxxv)  are  mere  compilations."  ^ 

In  view  of  these  and  other  such  arguments  against  the 
genuineness  of  many  titles,  it  is  easy  to  understand  the 
significance  of  the  following  remarks  of  one  of  the  latest 
Catholic  commentators  on  the  book  of  Psalms  :  ^  "  There  is 
really  no  use  in  regarding  as  an  integral  part  of  Holy  Writ 
the  Hebrew  titles  and  the  additional  notices  found  in  the 
Septuagint.  It  is  enough  to  treat  them  as  traditional  docu- 
ments which  go  back  to  a  remote  antiquity,  and  which  need 
not  be  taken  into  account  when  there  are  serious  reasons  for 
rejecting  them.  The  Fathers  of  the  Church  acted  in  this 
wise  despite  the  subtle  explanations  which  they  set  forth  to 
make  something  out  of  the  Greek  titles." 

§  4.    Gradual  Formation  of  the  Psalter, 

I.  Principal  Difficulties  concerning  the  Question. 

Several  things  concur  in  rendering  it  difficult  to  describe  the 
various  stages  through  which  the  book  of  Psalms  passed 
before  reaching  its  present  form.  There  is,  first  of  all,  the 
absence  of  positive  data  concerning  it  in  the  historical  por- 
tions of  the  Bible. ^  Next  comes  the  uncertainty  which  sur- 
rounds many  of  the  titles  prefixed  to  the  individual  Psalms, 

•  A  F.  KiRKPATKiCK,  the  Book  of  Psalms,  Introd  ,  p.  xxviii.  See  also  Dkivek, 
Introd.  to  Liter,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  374  sqq.  ;  J.  J.  Stewakt  Pekowne,  tlie  Book  of 
Psalms,  vol.  i,  pp.  96,  97  (7th  edit.)  ;  W.  R.  Smith,  Lectures  on  the  Old  Test,  in  the 
Jewish  Church,  p.  216  sq.  (2d  edit.). 

2  H.  Lesktre,  le  Livre  des  Psaumes  (in  Lethielleux'  Bible),  pp.  1,  li. 

3  Such  references  to  the  Psalter  as  are  found  in  II  Machabees  ii,  13  ;  Luke  xx,  42  ; 
xxiv,  44  ;  Acts  i,  20  ;  Hebr,  iv,  7,  are  too  general  in  their  tenor  to  be  of  any  use  in 
exanxining  the  origin  and  growth  of  that  sacred  book. 


76  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

and  which  naturally  prevents  one  from  utilizing  freely  their 
references  to  authorship  or  to  other  historical  circumstances. 
The  same  thing  must  be  said  in  regard  to  the  diverging 
accounts  respecting  authorship  which  are  met  with  in  the 
later  Jewish  traditions  embodied  in  the  Talmud  or  referred 
to  by  such  Christian  writers  as  Origen  and  St.  Jerome. 
Thus,  "  according  to  the  Talmudic  view,  Adam  is  the  author 
of  Ps.  xcii  (Vulg.  Ps.  xci),  Melchisedech  of  Ps.  ex  (Vulg. 
cix),  while  Abraham  is  identified  with  Ethan  the  Ezrahite 
(Ps.  Ixxxix-Vulg.  Ixxxviii).  But,  according  to  older  Jewish 
tradition  attested  by  Origen,  Ps.  xcii  is  by  Moses,  to  whom 
are  assigned  Pss.  xc-c  (Vulg.  Pss.  Ixxxix-xcix)  inclusive, 
according  to  a  general  rule  that  all  anonymous  pieces  are 
by  the  same  hand  with  the  nearest  preceding  Psalm  whose 
author  is  named  ;  and  Ps.  ex,  which  by  its  title  is  Davidic, 
seems  to  have  been  given  to  Melchisedech  to  avoid  the 
dilemma  of  Matt,  xxii,  41  sq.  Origen's  rule  accounts  for 
all  the  Psalms  except  i  and  ii,  which  were  sometimes  reck- 
oned as  one  poem,  and  appear  to  have  been  ascribed  to 
David  (Acts  iv,  25)."  ^  As  regards  the  opinion  of  St. 
Jerome^  and  other  Christian  writers  that  the  collector  of 
the  book  of  Psalms  was  Esdras,  it  rests  most  likely  on  the 
apocryphal  account  of  Esdras'  work  concerning  the  Sacred 
Scriptures  which  is  given  in  tlie  last  chapter  of  the  fourth 
book  of  Esdras,  and  which  represents  him  as  rewriting  the 
whole  Jewish  Bible  under  divine  dictation.^ 

But  the  intricacy  of  the  question  arises  chiefly  from  the 
fact  that  our  present  Psalter  undoubtedly  contains  hymns 
belonging  to  the  period  of  the  Exile  and  the  Restoration,* 
and  possibly  Psalms  written  in  the  time  of  the  Machabees, 
while  it  is  generally  held  to  comprise  Psalms  of  the  period 

^  W.  R.  Smith,  art.  Psalms  in  Fhicyclop.  Britannica,  gth  edit. 

2  Prajf.  in  Psal.  ex  Hebrseo,  in  Migne,  Patr.   Lat.,vol.  xxviii,  col.  1123. 

'  IV  Esdras  xiv,  22-50. 

*  Pss.  cxxv,  cxxxvi,  for  instance. 


THE    PSALMS.  ']'] 

of  David.  It  thus  embraces  witliin  its  compass  poems  which 
extend  over  a  range  of  several  centuries' — some  five  liundred 
years  even  if  we  reject  tlie  existence  of  Macliabean  Psalms 
— so  that  the  attempt  to  describe  the  origin  and  gradual 
growth  of  a  collection  formed  so  slowly  is  naturally  fraught 
with  many  difficulties. 

2.  Leading  Facts  regarding  the  Growth  of  the 
Psalter  Stated  and  Examined.  While  it  must  be 
granted  that  the  contents  of  the  Psalter  will  always  present 
the  greatest  obstacle  to  a  precise  knowledge  of  its  origin 
and  growth,  it  remains  true  that  they  also  supply  important 
facts  by  means  of  which  an  approximate  solution  of  the 
question  may  be  reached.  The  first  of  these  facts  consists 
in  the  ancient  division  of  the  Hebrew  Psalter  into  five  books, 
which  has  been  already  described,  and  which  is  most  nat- 
urally accounted  for  by  supposing  that  the  book  of  Psalms 
in  its  present  state  was  formed  out  of  pre-existing  smaller 
collections  of  sacred  hymns.  The  second  fact  is  connected 
with  the  doxologies  which  now  mark  the  end  of  the  first 
four  books  and  which,  when  closely  examined,  prove  that 
it  is  not  the  collector  of  the  whole  Psalter  who  disposed 
his  work  in  five  sections  and  added  a  doxology  to  four  of 
them.  For  the  first  three  doxologies  ^  plainly  form  no  part 
of  the  Psalm  to  which  they  are  appended,  but  mark  the 
end  of  the  first  three  books  after  the  pious  fashion,  common 
enough  in  Eastern  literature,  to  close  the  composition  or 
transcription  of  a  volume  with  a  brief  prayer  or  words  of 
praise  (cfr.  II  Esdras  xiii,  31  ;  Micheas  vii,  20  ;  Daniel 
xiv,   42).     As  regards  the  close  of   the   fourth  book,^  the 

1  Ps.  xl,  14;  Ps.  Ixxi,  18,  19;  Ps,  Ixxxviii,  53. 
'  The  last  verse  of  Ps.  cv  reads  as  follows  : 

Blessed  be  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Israel, 

From  everlasting  to  everlasting  ! 

And  let  all  the  people  say  : 

Amen  !  Alleluia ! 


7o  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

rubric  "  And  let  all  the  people  say:  Amen!  Alleluia!" 
which  follows  the  doxology,  implies  that  this  doxology  was 
actually  sung  at  the  end  of  the  Psalm,  and  so  is  it  taken  in 
I  Paralip.  xvi,  where  the  Psalm  cv  is  quoted,  and  where  the 
imperatives  are  changed  to  perfects  :  "  And  all  the  people 
sdid  Amen,  and  gave  praise  to  God."  ^  This  shows  that, 
differently  from  the  preceding  doxologies,  the  one  at  the 
end  of  the  fourth  book  of  Psalms  does  not  really  mark  the 
close  of  a  collection  once  separate,  and  in  point  of  fact 
Books  IV  and  V  have  so  many  characteristic  features  in 
common^  that  there  is  every  reason  to  regard  them  as  a 
single  great  group.  It  is  not  probable,  therefore,  that  the 
four  doxologies  are  the  work  of  one  and  the  same  collector 
of  the  Psalms. 

A  third  and  most  important  fact  to  bear  in  mind  concern- 
ing the  growth  of  the  book  of  Psalms  is  that  Psalms  occur 
in  our  Psalter  in  a  double  recension,  the  two  forms  exhibit- 
ing such  slight  differences  in  the  Original  Text  that  they  are 
not  likely  to  have  been  incorporated  by  a  single  hand  : 
thus  Ps.  liii  (Vulg.  Hi)  is  the  same  as  Ps.  xiv  (Vulg.  xiii)  ; 
Ps.  Ixx  (Vulg.  Ixix)  is  identical  with  Ps.  xl,  14  sqq.  (Vulg. 
xxxix,  13  sqq.)  ;  Ps.  cviii  (Vulg.  cvii)  =  Ps.  Ivii,  7-1 1  -J-  Ps. 
Ix,  5-12  (Vulg.  Ps.  Ivi,  8-12  -f-  Ps.  lix,  6^-14)  ;  Ps.  cxv,  4-1 1 
(Vulg.  cxiii,  second  part,  i-ii)  =  Ps.  cxxxv,  15-20  (Vulg. 
cxxxiv,  15-20). 

Another  fact  pointing  in  the  same  direction  consists  in 
the  manner  in  which  the  Psalms  ascribed  to  the  same  author 
are  often  distributed,  viz.,  in  independent  groups.  This 
distribution   is   particularly   significant   in   connection  with 

'  I  Paralip.  xvi.  36.  The  expression  "gave  praise  to  God"  corresponds  to  Aiie^ 
iuiuy  "  Praise  ye  Yahweh." 

^2  These  common  characteristics  are  :  (t")  the  use  of  the  divine  name  Yahweh  in  both 
books  ;  (2)  the  absence  of  titles  to  many  Psalms  ;  (3)  the  scarcity  of  musical  and  litur- 
gical additions  ;  (4)  obscure  titles  like  those  often  found  in  the  preceding  books  are 
entirely  absent. 


THE    PSALMS.  79 

the  first  three  books,  as  may  be  easily  seen  by  means  of  the 
following  scheme: 

PRESENT    ORDER    OF   CONTENTS    IN    BOOKS    I-III,    IN    RESPECT    OF 
ASCRIBED    AUTHORSHIP. 

Book  I.       David Pss.  i-xl. 

(Doxology  :  Ps.  xl,  14.) 
Book  11.      The  Sons  of  Core       ....     Pss.  xli-xlviii. 

Asaph Ps.  xlix. 

David Pss.  1-lxxi. 

(Doxology  :  Ps.  Ixxi,  18,  19  ;  followed  by  the 
subscription:  "The  prayers  of  David,  the 
son  of  Jesse,  are  ended.") 

Book  III.   Asaph Pss.  Ixxii-lxxxii. 

Miscellaneous Pss,  Ixxxiii-lxxxviii. 

(Doxology  :  Ps.  Ixxxviii,  53.)^ 

The  present  division  of  the  Davidic  Psalms  of  Books  I 
and  II  into  two  independent  groups  is  clearly  the  work  of 
more  than  one  collector  ;  for  if  the  final  collector  had  gath- 
ered these  poems  together  for  the  first  time,  he  would  nat- 
urally have  made  one  group,  not  two,  of  canticles  ascribed 
to  the  Royal  Prophet.  And  this  view  is  powerfully  con- 
firmed by  the  remark  that  a  collector,  knowing  that  there 
were  still  eighteen  Davidic  Psalms  to  be  embodied  in  the 
following  books,  would  scarcely  have  closed  Book  II  (Ps. 
Ixxi,  20)  with  the  words  :  "  The  prayers  of  David,  the  son  of 
Jesse,  are  ended."  Again,  the  separation  of  the  Asaphic 
Psalm  xlix  in  Book  II  from  the  great  group  of  Asaphic 
Psalms  (Pss.  Ixxii-lxxxii)  in  Book  III  leads  to  the  same 
conclusion,  viz.,  that  not  one,  but  several  collectors  w^orked 

1  The  principal  groups  of  Psalms  in  Books  IV  and  V  are  : 

Book  IV.      Moses Ps.  Ixxxix. 

Anonymous Pss.  xc-cv. 

Book    V.       David Pss.  cvii-cix;  cxxxvii-cxliv. 

Gradual  Psalms Pss.  cxix-cxxxiii. 

Alleluia  Psalms Pss.  cx-cxvii:    cxlv-cl. 


8o  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

at  bringing  the  contents  of  the  Psalter  into  their  present 
order. 

This  general  conclusion  is  borne  out  by  a  fifth  and  im- 
portant fact,  to  wit,  the  remarkable  manner  in  which  the 
use  of  the  divine  names  Yahweh  and  Elohitn  varies  in  the 
different  parts  of  the  Psalter  : 

Book.  Yahweh.  Elohim. 

1 272  times.  15  times. 

II 30  times.  164  times. 

f  Pss.  Ixxii-lxxxii     .     .  13  times.  36  times. 

■    ]  Pss.   Ixxxiii-lxxxviii  .  31  times.  7  times. 

IV 103  times.  o 

V 236  times.  7  times.' 

A  careful  examination  of  this  use  shows  that  the  prepon- 
derance of  Elohim  over  Yahweh  in  Book  II  and  in  Pss. 
Ixxii-lxxxii  of  Book  III  is  not  due  to  the  preference  of  the 
divine  name  Elohi7n  by  the  authors  of  the  individual  Psalms. 
Such  a  preference  is  improbable  in  itself,  since  Yahweh  is 
the  proper  name  of  the  God  of  Israel  ;  and  further,  it  is  in 
opposition  to  two  fully-ascertained  facts  :  (i)  the  one  and 
the  same  Psalm  which  occurs  in  the  double  recension 
spoken  of  above  has  Yahweh  in  its  first  form  (Ps.  xiii)  and 
Elohim  in  its  second  (Ps.  Hi)  ;  (2)  Ps.  Ixix,  which  repeats 
part  of  Ps.  xxxix,  reads  Elohim  no  less  than  six  times  where 
Yahweh  is  found  in  the  earlier  form  (Ps.  xxxix).  Whence  it 
is  only  natural  to  infer  that  in  their  primitive  form  Book  II 
and  Pss.  lii-lxxii  of  Book  III  had  Yahiveh  like  the  rest  of 
the  Psalter,  but  that  they  passed  through  the  hands  of  a 
compiler  who  changed  that  sacred  name  into  Elohim. 

A  sixth  fact,  also  to  be  taken  into  account,  is  supplied  by 
a  closer  examination  of  the  Elohistic  collection    (Book  ii  -|- 

1  As  well  stated  by  Vigouroux  (Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  n  651),  "Yahweh  is  exclu- 
sively used  in  Book  IV  ;  and  the  same  thing  may  be  said  01  Book  V,  for  Elohim  is 
found  only  in  two  of  its  passages  which  are  borrowed  from  Psalms  in  the  preceding 
Book." 


THE    PSALMS.  8l 

Pss.  lii-lxxii  of  Book  III).  Though  characterized  through- 
out by  the  compiler's  use  of  Elohim^  this  collection  contains 
two  distinct  elements,  which  may  be  easily  grouped  as 
follows  : 

1.  Psalms  ascribed  to  David  (Pss.  1-lxxi.) 

r  to  tlie  Sons  of  Core 

2.  Psalms  ascribed  to  Levitical  Choirs  :  -^    ,    '  *     '  i    /T,         i  • ' 

j    to  Asaph  (Pss.   xlix, 

[       Ixxii-lxxxiij. 

But  in  the  present  arrangement  of  Psalms  in  the  Elohistic 
collection/  the  group  of  Davidic  hymns  (marked  off  as  a 
distinct  section  by  the  subscription  at  the  end  of  Ps.  Ixxi)  is 
placed  behveen  two  groups  of  Levitical  Psalms,  and  even 
separates  the  Asaphic  Ps.  xlix  from  the  body  of  the  Asaphic 
collection  (Pss.  Ixxii-lxxxii).  Now  this  order  is  not  natural, 
and  probably  is  not  the  original  one. 

The  Asaphic  Ps.  xlix  goes  naturally  with  the  main  body 
of  the  Asaphic  hymns  (Pss.  Ixxii-lxxxii).  In  like  manner 
Pss.  xli-xlviii,  a  Levitical  group,  goes  with  Pss.  xlix,  Ixxii- 
lxxxii,  also  a  Levitical  group  ;  while  Pss.  1-lxxi,  a  Davidic 
collection,  would  naturally  precede  both  Levitical  groups 
as  a  sequel  to  the  great  Davidic  collection  of  Book  I.  In 
this  way  an  arrangement  at  once  simple  and  complete  is 
obtained  :  (i)  a  Davidic  collection  with  the  subscription  : 
"  The  prayers  of  David  are  ended  ";  (2)  two  collections  of 
Levitical  Psalms  (the  first  ascribed  to  the  Sons  of  Core,  the 
second  to  Asaph).  This  is  most  likely  the  older  arrange- 
ment which  was  altered  by  the  final  collector  into  the 
present  order,  because  he  wished  to  show  by  a  distinct  mark 
that  the   two   Davidic   collections   (Pss.    i-xl  ;    Pss.  1-lxxi) 

'  Here  is  the  present  arrangement  of  the  contents  in  the  Elohistic  collection  : 
Pss.  xli-xlviii  ascribed  to  the  Sons  of  Core. 

Pss.  .xlix  ascribed  to  Asaph  (leader  of  David'j  choir :  I  Paralip.  vi,  39). 

Pss.  1-lxxi  ascribed  to  David  (Subscription  in  Ps.  Ixxi,  20). 

Pss.  Ixxii-lxxxii     ascribed  to  Asaph. 


6  2  SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

were  originally  separate,  and  also  utilize  the  subscription  to 
Ps.  Ixxi  to  indicate  the  end  of  a  book. 

If  we  now  take  up  Books  IV  and  V,  we  easily  notice  the 
fact  that  "  they  are  really  one  book,  for  the  doxology  of  Ps. 
cv  belongs  to  the  Psalm,  and  there  is  no  clear  mark  of  dif- 
ference in  subject,  character,  or  editorial  treatment  in  the 
Psalms  which  precede  and  which  follow  it."  ^  If  this  prim- 
itive larger  book  appears  now  divided  into  two  smaller 
ones,  it  is  because,  as  critics  generally  suppose,  the  final 
collector  wished  to  reproduce  in  connection  with  the  first 
section  of  the  Third  Canon  in  the  Hebrew  Text  the  five- 
fold division  of  the  Torah,  or  First  Canon.  That  it  should 
be  broken  into  two  at  the  end  of  Ps.  cv  was  naturally  sug- 
gested by  verse  48,  which  reads  very  much  like  a  doxology, 
though  it  is  really  a  part  of  the  Psalm. 

Another  fact,  most  important  to  bear  in  mind,  is  that  Ps. 
cvii,  belonging  to  the  last  large  collection  (Books  IV  and  V), 
is  made  up  of  two  Elohim  Psalms  in  the  Elohistic  form. 
Now  since,  as  we  saw  above,  the  Elohim  Psalms  got  their 
characteristic  use  of  Elohim  from  their  common  editor,  it 
follows  that  the  last  large  collection  of  Psalms  (Books  IV 
and  V)  was  made  after  the  Elohistic  collection  (Book  II  -f- 
Pss.  Ixxii-lxxxii  of  Book  III)  had  received  the  editorial 
treatment  already  described.  It  follows  also  that  the  final 
editor  of  Books  IV  and  V  left  all  the  Psalms  therein  con- 
tained with  the  names  of  God  just  as  they  came  into  his 
hands.  Clearly,  then,  he  is  in  every  way  distinct  from  the 
Elohistic  editor  of  Book  II  +  Ps.  Ixxii-lxxxii  of  Book  III. 

Lastly,  an  examination  of  Books  IV  and  V  in  our  present 
Psalter  leads  us  to  admit  that  the  great  collection  which 
they  go  to  make  up  "  is  in  several  parts  based  upon  shorter, 
independent  collections:   thus   Pss.  xci-xcix  form  a  group 

1  W.  R.  Smith,  Lectures  on  the  Old  Testament  in  the  Jewish  Church,  p.  200  (2d 
edit.)  Tiie  characteristics  common  to  both  Books  IV  and  V  have  been  already 
pointed  out. 


THE    PSALMS.  83 

the  Psalms  in  which,  thougli  assigned  to  no  particular 
author,  show  much  similarity  in  both  subject-matter  and 
expression;  Pss.  cx-cxvii  form  the  series  of  the  Hallel- 
Psalms;  Pss.  cxix-cxxxiii  are  the  fifteen  Gradual  Psalms  or 
"  Songs  of  Ascents  "  ;  Pss.  cvii-cix,  cxxxvii-cxliv  are  two 
groups  of  hymns  ascribed  to  David. "^ 

All  the   facts   thus  far  stated  and  examined  suggest  the 
following  steps  in  the  formation  of  the  book  of  Psalms  : 

(i)  Formation  of   First    Davidic    Collection  with  closing    Doxology, 
Pss.  i-xl.' 

(2)  Formation  of  Second  Davidic  Collection  with  Doxology  and  Sub- 
scription, Pss.  1-lxxi. 

(3)  Formation  of  a  Twofold  Levitical  Collection,   .   .    .   Pss.   xli-xlviii, 
Pss.  xlix  -|-  Ixxii-lxxxii. 

(4')  An  Elohistic  Redaction  and  Combination  of  the  two  preceding  Col- 
lections (2,  3). 

(5)  The  Addition  to  this  Elohistic  Compilation  (4)  of  a  non-Elohistic 
Appendix  and  Doxology  (Ixxxiii-lxxxviii). 

(6)  The   Yahwistic   compilation   of   several   groups    of   Psalms,   Pss, 
Ixxxix-cl. 

(7)  The  Division  of  this  Yahwistic  compilation  into  two  books:  Book  iv. 
Pss.  Ixxxix-cv. ;  Book  v:  Pss.  cvi-cl.^ 

3.    Authorship  and  Date  of  the  Davidic  Collec- 
tions and  of   the    Completion   of  the  Psalter.    It 

would  be  a  long  and  indeed,  because  of  the  scarcity  of 
data,  an  almost  useless  task  to  treat  of  the  authors  and 
dates  that  may  be  assigned  to  the  various  stages  which 
have  just  been  indicated  in  the  growth  of  the  book  of 
Psalms.  We  shall  therefore  simply  examine  the  author- 
ship and  date   (i)  of  the  Davidic  collections  (Book  I  and 


'  Driver,  Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  373. 

2  The  anonymous  Pss.  i  and  ii  seem,  however,  to  have  been  added  to  the  general  col- 
lection after  it  had  been  practically  completed. 

3  Cfr.  W.  R.  Smith,  art.  Psalms,  in  Encyclop.  Britannica  (9th  edit.K 


84  SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Pss.  l-lx\i  of  Book    11)/  and   (2)   of  the  completion  of  the 
whole  Psalter. 

It  is  g^enerally  granted  that  if  the  titles  of  the  individual 
Psalms  in  the  Davidic  collections  could  be  relied  on  im- 
plicitly, not  only  the  authorship  of  those  Psalms,  but  also 
the  pre-exilic  antiquity  of  the  collections  themselves,  would 
be  at  once  established.  But  strong  reasons  have  led  many 
contemporary  scholars  to  reject  the  value  of  those  titles.^ 
They  think  that  in  both  collections  many  Psalms,  when 
carefully  studied  in  the  light  of  their  contents,  cannot  pos- 
sibly be  the  work  of  David.  For  example,  Pss.  xix,  xx 
contain  good  wishes  for  a  king,  who  is  either  addressed  in 
the  second  person  or  spoken  of  in  the  third;  both  evidently 
spring  out  of  the  regard  which  was  entertained  towards  him 
by  his  subjects,  and  consequently  "  are  not  spoken  by 
a  king,  but  addressed  to  him  by  his  devoted  people;  Pss. 
V,  XX vi  allude  to  the  Temple"''  (which  did  not  exist  in 
David's  time),  and  the  author  of  the  latter  hymn  desires 
''that  he  may  dwell  in  the  House  of  the  Lord  all  the  days 
of  his  life."*  Even  in  the  older  Davidic  Psalm-book  there 
is  a  whole  series  of  Psalms  in  which  the  writer  identifies 
himself  with  the  poor  and  needy,  the  righteous  people  of 
God  suffering  in  silence  at  the  hands  of  the  wicked,  with- 
out other  hope  than  patiently  to  wait  for  the  interposition 
of  Yahweh  (Pss.  xi,  xxiv,  xxxvi,  xxxvii).  Nothing  can  be 
farther  removed  than  this  from  any  possible  situation  in  the 
life  of  the  David  of   the  books  of  Samuel.     Most  of  these 

litis  true  that  St.  Ambrose,  St.  Augustine.  Cassiodorus.  St.  Thomas,  etc.,  have 
ascribed  the  authorship  of  all  the  Psalms  to  David  ;  but  as  at  the  present  day  no  scholar 
is  templed  to  do  so,  it  is  useless  to  show  that  David  did  not  compose  all  the  Psalms. 
It  is  only  in  reference  to  Psalms  of  Book  I  and  Pss.  1-Ixxi  of  Book  II,  which  are  ascribed 
to  David  and  have  apparently  the  best  right  to  be  considered  as  going  back  to  David's 
time,  that  nowadays  the  question  of  David's  authorship  is  discussed. 

■2  These  reasons  are  well  set  forth  by  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literal,  of  the  Old 
Test.,  pp   374-377- 

3  Ps.  V.  8;  Ps.  x.xvi,  4. 

*  Ps.  xxvi,  4. 


THE    PSALMS.  85 

Psalms  are  referred  by  the  defenders  of  the  titles  to  tlie  time 
when  David  was  pursueci  by  Saul.  But  it  is  quite  unhic- 
torical  to  represent  Saul  as  a  man  who  persecuted  and 
spoiled  all  the  quiet  and  godly  souls  in  Israel;  and  David 
and  his  friends  were  never  heli)less  sufferers  —  the  quiet  or 
timid  in  the  land  (xxxiv,  20),  dumb  amidst  all  oppression 
(xxxvii,  13,  14).  And  such  a  Psalm  as  xxxvi,  where  the 
Psalmist  calls  himself  an  old  man  (verse  25),  must,  on  the 
traditional  view,  be  spoken  by  David  late  in  his  pros])erous 
reign;  yet  we  have  the  same  situation — the  wicked  rampant, 
the  righteous  suffering  in  silence,  as  if  David  were  not  a 
king  who  sat  on  his  throne  meting  out  justice  and  judgment 
to  all  his  people  (II  Sam.  viii,  15).^  If  Psalms  ix,  xxxvi 
represent  the  state  of  things  in  the  time  of  David,  the 
books  of  Samuel  are  the  most  partial  of  histories,  and  the 
reign  of  the  son  of  Jesse  was  not  the  golden  age  which  it 
appeared  to  all  subsequent  generations."" 

Similar  difficulties,  we  are  told,  stand  in  the  way  of 
ascribing  to  David  Pss.  1-lxxi  of  Book  II.  For  example, 
Ps.  Ivii  is  a  denunciation  of  unjust  judges,  not  indeed  after 
the  manner  of  a  monarch  on  whose  will  it  depends  to  re- 
move them,  but  after  that  of  one  who  is  powerless  to  take 
action  himself;  **  Ps.  Iviii  is  stated  in  the  title  to  have  been 
composed  by  David  when  his  house  was  watched  by  Saul's 
messengers  (I  Sam.  xix,  11),  but  the  Psalm  shows  ])lainly 
that  the  poet  who  wrote  it  is  resident  in  a  city  attacked  by 
heathen  or  ungodly  foes,  whom  he  prays  God  to  cast  down, 
that  His  power  may  be  manifest  io  the  ends  of  the  earth 
(verses  6-9,  12-14;  notice  especially  the  'nations') — both 
inconsistent  with  the  feelings  which  David  entertained  tow- 

'  See  also  Pss.  v,  8-10;  vi,  7  sqq.;  xvi,  9-14  :  xxi,  n  sqq.;  xxv,  9  sqq  ;  xxvi,  10  (  "  For 
my  father  and  my  mother  have  forsaken  me")  12:  xx\ii,  3-5  ;  xxxiv.  11  sqq.;  etc.,  a 
careful  reading  of  which  proves  that  the  Psalmist's  word.:  do  not  correspond  reall," 
to  David's  situation,  but  are  those  of  a  man  in  entirely  different  circumstances. 

2  W.  R.  Smith,  the  Old  Test,  in  the  Jewish  Church,  p.  216  sq.  (2d  edit.). 


86  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

ards  Saul  (I  Sam.  xxiv,  6,  etc.),  and  implying  relations 
with  the  '  nations,'  which  did  not  then  exist.  The  titles  in 
these  and  similar  cases  are  palpably  incongruous,  and  ap- 
pear sometimes  to  have  been  merely  suggested  to  the  com- 
piler by  a  superficial  view  of  particular  expressions  (for  in- 
stance, Ps.  li,  4,  supposed  to  point  to  Doeg;  liii,  5,  to  the  men 
of  Ziph;  Iv,  3,  to  the  Philistines;  Ivi,  4,  to  Saul;  Iviii,  4,  to 
Saul's  messengers;  and  Ixii,  2^,  to  the  wilderness  of  Juda). 
But  the  situation  and  the  circumstances  implied  by  the 
Psalm,  lis  a  whole,  are  in  each  instance  different  from  those 
of  David."' 

Having  thus  made  sufficiently  plain  the  unreliable  char- 
acter of  so  many  titles  in  the  Davidic  collections,  critics 
felt  mere  free  to  ascribe  many  Psalms  therein  contained  to 
a  date  later  than  David's  time,  and  the  collections  them- 
selves to  a  still  later  date.  Some  of  them  doubt  that  any 
Psalm  of  the  Davidic  collections  was  really  composed  by 
David,  and  they  hold  the  collections  to  be  post-exilic. 
Most  recent  scholars,  however,  refrain  from  the  assumption 
that  David  did  not  w^ite  any  of  the  Psalms  now  found  in 
th.e  Davidic  collections.  According  to  them,  '*  David's  skill 
2,?.  ])oet  and  musician,  and  his  interest  in  the  development 
of  religious  music,  are  attested  by  the  earliest  records.*^ 
Later  limes  pointed  to  him  as  the  founder  of  the  services 
of  tlie  sanctuary.^  The  leaders  of  the  return  from  the  Exile 
believed  themselves  to  be  restoring  his  institutions.*  But, 
in  particular,  the  incorporation  of  Ps.  xvii  in  the  book  of 
Samuel'  as  a  specimen  of  David's  poetry  illustrating  his 
character  and   genius  is  the  strongest  evidence  in  favor  of 

1  Driver,  Introduction,  p.  376  sq. 

'  See  I  Samuel  xvi,  17  sqq.;  xviii,  10  ;  II  Sam.  i,  17  sqq.;  iii,  33  sqq  ;  vi,  5,   15  ;  xxii, 
i;  xxiii.  i  sqq  ;   Amos  vi,  5. 
3  il  I'aralip.  xxix,  30. 
*  Ksdras  iii.  10  ;  Nehem.  xii,  24,  35,  45. 
8  11  Samuel  xxii. 


THE    PSALMS.  87 

regarding  David  as  the  founder  of  the  Psalter.  .  .  .  This 
Psahn  has  all  the  freshness  of  creative  genius.  It  can 
hardly  have  been  the  solitary  production  of  its  autlu)r.  If 
such  a  Psahn  could  have  been  written  by  Da\'id,  so  might 
many  others,"  ^  ]\Ioreover,  tlie  fact  that  the  Royal  Proj)het 
composed  sacred  liymns  wliicli  were  treasured  up  was  clearly 
the  reason  which  induced  rabbis,  at  a  later  date,  to  ascribe 
to  him  many  others,  though  opposed  to  the  historical  cir- 
cumstances of  David's  time,  and  finally  the  entire  book  of 
Psalms. 

According  to  the  same  scholars,  the  reigns  of  Josaphat 
and  Ezechias  were  marked  by  fresh  outbursts  of  Psalm 
poetry.  Under  Ezechias  a  collection  of  Proverbs  is  known 
to  have  been  made.  So  that  it  is  only  natural  to  think  of 
the  Davidic  collections  of  Psalms  as  having  probably  origi- 
nated at  this  time,  if  not  earlier. 

To  all  this,  however,  it  is  replied  :  (i)  that  as  regards  the 
Davidic  authorship  of  certain  Psalms,  early  tradition  is 
really  silent,  since  it  connects  David's,  name  not  with  Psalm- 
writing,  but  with  musical  skill,  and  even  the  invention  of 
musical  instruments;"^  (2)  that  as  regards  the  collections 
themselves,  they  were  most  likely  made  at  a  comparatively 
late  date — apparently  after  the  Exile — else  Psalms  whose 
contents  are  so  utterly  at  variance  with  the  historical  cir- 
cumstances of  David's  reign  would  not  have  been  ascribed 
to  him  by  the  collectors.^ 

A  brief  reference  remains  to  be  made  to  the  question 
concerning  the  authorship   and  date  of  the   completion  of 

1  A.  F.  KiRKPATKiCK,  the  Book  of  Psalms,  Introd..  p  xxxii  sq.  "  Tlie  evidence  for 
Davidic  authorship  is  strongest  for  Ps.  xvii.  a  thanksgiving  for  success  in  war  .  .  . 
Other  Psalms  often  ascribed  to  David  by  modern  critics  are  iii  ;  iv ;  vi-.\ii  ;  xiv  ;  xv  ii. 
1-6;  xxiii,  7-10;  xxviii  ;  xxxi  "  (\V.  H.  Bennett,  a  Fiiblical  Introduction,  p.  144  and 
footn.  2). 

2  Amos  vi,  5  ;  Nehemias,  xii,  36  ;  II  Sam  xxiii,  i  Cfr.  W.  R.  Smith.  Old  Test, 
in  the  Jewish  Church,  p.  220  sqq.  ;  Driver,  Introduction,  p.  378  sq. 

3  W.  R.  Smith,  loc.  cit,  p.  316;  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  377. 


00  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

the  whole  Psalter.  According  to  most  Catholic  scholars, 
more  or  less  directly  influenced  by  the  view  of  such  conserv- 
ative Protestant  writers  as  Keil  and  Delitzsch,  the  important 
duty  of  bringing  the  Psalter  to  its  completion  was  dis- 
charged by  Esdras.  Apparently  the  chief  ground  for  this 
opinion  consists  in  the  fact  that  no  title  ascribes  any  Psalm 
to  a  later  period.  Several  Catholic  writers/  however,  more 
accustomed  to  judge  of  the  authorship  and  date  of  the 
Psalms  from  their  contents  than  from  their  titles,  agree  with 
a  large  number  of  independent  Protestant  critics  in  admit- 
ting Psalms  composed  during  the  Machabean  period  (about 
160-70  B.C.),  and  in  regarding  the  Psalter  as  probably 
closed  only  a  comparatively  short  time  before  the  Prologue 
to  Ecclesiasticus  (about  130  b.  c).  Of  course  the  question 
whether  such  poems  as  Pss.  xliii,  Ixxiii,  Ixxviii,  lix,  Ixxix, 
Ixxxii,  etc.,  which  are  more  commonly  styled  "  Machabean/' 
belong  really  to  the  Machabean  age  is  a  question  of  exege- 
sis. Consequently  it  had  better  be  left  to  be  solved  by  a 
detailed  study  of  their  contents.  It  seems,  however,  that 
some  of  the  Psalms  just  enumerated  present  such  features 
as  to  make  it  veVy  probable  that  they  belong  to  the  Macha- 
bean age,  and  to  no  other.^ 

In  regard  to  the  opinion  that  in  many  Psalms  the  speaker, 
though  using  the  first  person  singular,  is  not  really  an  indi- 
vidual, but  the  cofnmufiity,  see  Driver,  Introduction,  p.  389 
sqq  ,  and  the  works  referred  to  there. 

•  Among  them  maybe  mentioned  the  Jesuits  Patrizi,  Pai.mifri.  Curci,  Fathers 
ScHEGG  Van  Stef.nkiste,  etc.  In  the  current  editions  of  the  Douay  Version  Ps. 
Ixxviii  is  said  to  "  appear  to  belong  to  the  time  of  the  Machabees." 

"^  For  general  arguments ybr  and  n^ainst  the  Machabean  '  salms,  see  H.  Lesetrf. 
le  Livre  des  '  saumes,  p.  xjiv  sqq  ;  Cornei.y,  Specialis  Introductio.  in  Didacticos  et 
Propheticos  Veteris  Test.  Libros,  p.  io8  sqq.  ;  A.  F.  Kikkpatrick,  the  Book  of 
Psalms,  Introd  ,  p  xxxv  sqq.;  W.  R.  Smith,  Old  Test,  in  Jewish  Church,  p.  210  sqq, 
',2d  edit ) ;  T.  K-  Cheyne,  the  Origiii  and  Religious  Contents  of  the  Psalter ;  etc. 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  IV 
The  Book  of  Proverbs. 


I.  (  I.   Principal  Names  (Mishle  Shnomo  ;  Wisdom). 

Xames  and  Gen-   -J 
ERAL  Object  ;        (  2.   General  Object  (a  Manual  of  Hebrew  Wisdom;. 


II. 

Original  Text 

AND  Principal 

Versions  : 


III. 

Gradual  For- 
mation OF  THE 
Book  of 
Proverbs : 


1.  The  Hebrew  Text  (^Causes  of  its  Defective  Con- 

dition). 

r  The  Septuagint  (Points  to  a  Text 
different  from  the  Massoretic). 

2.  Principal       |    The     Peshitto     (its     Mixture     of 

Versions  :   1        Readings). 

I    The  Vulgate  (Relation  to  the  He- 
(^       brew  and  the  Septuagint). 


The    Vari 
ous   Collec 
tions  point-  ■{ 
ed  out   and 
described  : 


2.   Probable 
Authorship 
and  Date 


The  Title  :  Aim  and  Importance 

of  the  Work  (i,  1-6). 
Part  I  (i,  7-ix).      Introductory  to 

the  Collection  which  folio\\s. 
Part   n  (x-xxii,    16).      Collection 

ascribed  to  Solomon. 

Two    Minor    Collections  :    The 

Words    of  the   Wise  (xxii,   16- 

xxiv,  22  ;  xxiv,  23-34). 
Part  III  (xxv-xxix).      '•  Proverbs 

of  Solomon,  which    the   men   of 

Ezechias  copied  out." 

r  the     Words     of 

Two  Minor    |        Agur  (xxx). 

^    the     Words      of 

Collections:    j        Lamuel  (xxxi, 

I       1-9). 
In  Conclusion  :  Alphabetical  De- 
scription of  a  Virtuous  Woman 
(xxxi,  10-31). 

(  of  the  Minor  Collections  (the 
I  Words  of  the  Wise  ;  the  Words 
I  of  Agur  and  Lamuel  ;  the 
-}  Description  of  the  Virtuous 
I         Woman). 

I    of  the  Solomonic  Collections. 
(^  of  the  Whole  Book. 


3.   Literary  Analogy  between  the  Book  of  Proverbs 
and  the  Psalter. 

39 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    BOOK    OF    PROVERBS. 

§  I.  Names  a?id  Ge7ieral  Object. 

I.  Principal  Names.  In  the  Hebrew  Bible,  the  book 
of  Proverbs  bears  the  name  of  Mishle  ShHomo  (or  simply 
Mishle)  from  its  opening  words.  This  is  a  very  old  name, 
as  shown  by  the  fact  that  it  is  the  one  commonly  used  in 
the  Talmud,  and  that  its  Greek  literal  rendering,  TLapoiiiiai 
2oXo/i(^vro?  (or  simply  napoij.iiai),  appears  in  the  Sep- 
tuagint  Version.  In  the  early  Christian  Church,  the  Greek 
title  was  simply  adopted  at  first  from  the  Septuagint,  and 
next  rendered  by  Proverbia  Saiomonis  in  the  Old  Latin 
translation.  Under  this  form,  it  was  naturally  embodied  by 
St.  Jerome  in  the  Vulgate,^  whence  comes  directly  the  usual 
English  title  of  Proverbs. 

It  is  true  that  the  book  of  Proverbs  is  also  quoted  by 
early  Ciui re h  Fathers  as  ^O0za',  "  wisdom,"  or  H  navape- 
TOl  (jocpia^  "all-virtuous  wisdom,"  and  that  the  books  of 
Proverbs  and  Ecclesiastes  are  said,  in  the  Talmud,  to  be 
both  "  books  of  wisdom,"  but  these  designations  refer 
rather  to  the  contents  than  to  the  titles  by  which  either 
Proverbs  or  Ecclesiastes  was  known.^ 

'  In  the  official  edition  of  the  Vulgate,  the  title  is:  Liber  Proverbiorum,  quein 
Hebrcei  Mi.\le  ap/^ellant. 

^Cfr.,  in  this  connection,  W.  A.  Wright,  art.  Proverbs  (book  of),  in  Smith.  Bible 
Diet.;  Prof.  C.  H.  Toy,  the  Book  of  Proverbs  (in  the  International  Critical  Commen- 
tary), p.  V  sq.;  H.  Lesetre,  le  Livre  des  Proverbes,  p.  i;  etc. 

90 


THE    BOOK    OF    PROVERBS.  9 1 

2.  General  Object.  The  more  closely  one  infjuires 
into  the  contents  of  the  book  of  Proverbs,  the  more  fully 
he  will  realize  that  the  name  of  JVisdom  truly  sets  forth 
the  general  object  of  that  inspired  writing.  From  begin- 
ning to  end,  the  collections  of  pithy  sayings  or  descriptions 
which  go  to  make  up  the  book  of  Proverbs  aim  at  in- 
culcating wisdom  as  understood  by  the  Hebrews  of  old, 
that  is,  "perfection  of  knowledge  showing  itself  in  action, 
whether  in  the  case  of  king  or  peasant,  statesman  or  artisan, 
philosopher  or  unlearned."^  As  well  pointed  out  by  Bp. 
Hanneberg,^  "the  poet  is  a  close  observer  of  human  life, 
and  his  own  daily  experience  he  turns  into  profit  to  impart 
practical  lessons  and  give  valuable  counsels.  It  is  true 
that  he  displays  sagacity  rather  than  wisdom,  and  is  caustic 
far  more  than  kindly.  Yet  he  never  loses  sight  of  his 
moral  aim,  which  is  to  strengthen  man  against  the  ills  and 
dangers  of  his  mortal  condition.  .  .  .  Thus,  then,  those 
sentences  which  stand  apparently  isolated,  those  Proverbs 
which  seem  at  first  sight  to  be  altogether  disconnected, 
are  really  pervaded  by  one  spirit,  and  made  subservient  to 
the  one  and  the  same  purpose,  viz.,  that  of  fitting  man's 
mind  for  the  battle  of  life.  Yea,  more:  they  tend  to  impart 
to  him  something  of  the  strength  he  needs  to  overcome  all 
difficulties,  because  they  are  rays  sent  forth  from  that  Wis- 
dom which  resides  with  God,  and  are  intended  to  illumine 
and  strengthen  all  men." 

To  inculcate  that  wisdom  of  Israel  which  differed  chiefly 
from  that  of  the  neighboring  nations  by  the  way  in  which 
it  ran  up  into  morality  and  religion,  the  "wise  men "  ^ 
whose  sayings  are  gathered  together  in  the  book  of  Prov- 
erbs used  that  kind  of  literary  composition  which  is  des- 

•  W.  J.  Deane,  the  Book  of  Wisdom,  p.  25. 

"^  Histoire  de  la  Revelation  Biblique,  vol.  i,  p.  410  sq.  (French  Transl.).     See  also  W, 
Sanday,  Inspiration,  p.  201  sqq. 
^Cfr.  Proverbs  xxii,  16;  xxiv,  23. 


92  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

ignated  by  the  Hebrew  word  Mashal  (hence  the  title  of 
M ishle  given  to  the  whole  book)  and  the  precise  nature  of 
which  can  hardly  be  described,  because  of  the  want  of  a 
corresponding  kind  of  composition  in  our  Western  litera- 
tures. According  to  Prof.  Driver/  ''  the  Hebrew  term 
7fiashal  denotes  properly  a  represejitaiion^  i.e.  a  statement 
not  relating  solely  to  a  single  fact,  but  sta?idi?ig  for  or  repre- 
senting other  similar  facts.  The  statement  constituting  the 
mashal  may  be  one  deduced  from  a  particular  instance,  but 
capable  of  application  to  other  instances  of  a  similar  kind, 
or  it  may  be  a  generalization  from  experience,  such  as  in 
the  nature  of  the  case  admits  of  constantly  fresh  applica- 
tion. The  mashal  is  by  usage  limited  almost  entirely  to 
observations  relative  to  human  life  and  character^  and  is 
expressed  commonly  in  a  short,  pointed  form.  Sometimes 
tlie  mashal  includes  a  comparison,  or  is  expressed  in  figura- 
tive or  enigmatic  language  (cfr.  Prov.  i,  6)." 

This  general  description  of  the  mashal  is  in  thorough 
harmony  with  the  practical  aim  which  the  Hebrew  ''  wise 
men  "  had  always  in  view.^  Taking  for  granted  the  religious 
truths  believed  in  Israel,  they  wished  to  inculcate  in  a  con- 
crete and  striking  way  the  manner  of  conduct  which  a 
faithful  worshipper  of  Yahweh  should  follow.  But  nothing 
was  better  fitted  for  this  purpose  than  the  mashal  or  maxim 
whose  truth  was  clearly  based  on  a  close  observation  of 
human  life,  and  whose  poetical  form  appealed  powerfully 
to  the  imagination  of  those  for  whom  it  was  originally  in- 
tended. 

1  Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  594.  See  also  Toy,  Lesetre,  W,  A. 
Wright,  loc.  cit. 

2  This  view  of  the  mashal  corresponds  only  to  viosi  of  the  maxims  and  reflections 
contained  in  the  book  of  Proverbs.  It  does  not  apply  to  the  magnificent  description 
of  wisdom  in  Prov.  viii,  for  example.  The  Revised  Version  has  rendered  the  word 
vf^skalim  by  "sayings"  (in  Prov.  xxiv,  23),  which  is  certainly  a  better  rendering  than 
"  proverbs,"  or  "'words."  or  "parables."  Perhaps  the  nearest  Western  equivalent  to 
the  Hebrew  term  is  the  French  word  />e»sces,  as  applied  to  the  celebrated  prose  work 
of  Blaise  Pascal. 


THE    BOOK    OF    rKOVKKBS.  93 

§  2.   Orn]inal  Text  and  Princif'al  .luciefit  Versions. 

I.  The  Hebrew  Text  of  the  Book  of  Proverbs. 

As  might  naturally  he  expected  in  connection  with  a  book 
chiefly  made  u[)  of  jMthy  sayings,  and  apparently  intended 
to  serve  as  a  manual  of  conduct  for  the  children  of  Israel 
in  the  various  walks  of  life,  the  original  text  of  the  book 
of  Proverbs  experienced  numerous  alterations  in  the  course 
of  its  transmission.  It  is  true  that  many  of  the  textual 
imperfections  disclosed  by  the  study  of  the  original  Hebrew 
may,  with  some  probability,  be  traced  back  to  the  period 
during  which  the  maxims  of  the  Hebrew  "wise  men  "  were 
preserved  orally/  But  all  the  errors  of  the  Massoretic 
Text  which  critics  have  pointed  out,  chiefly  in  reference  to 
chap.  X  sqq.,  are  not  adequately  explained  in  this  manner.*^ 
After  they  had  been  written  down  those  sententious  or 
enigmatic  sayings  were  not  more  accurately  transcribed 
than  the  other  parts  of  the  Hebrew  Text,  so  that  the  usual 
misunderstandings  and  misrepresentations  of  copyists  must 
needs  be  admitted  here.  "  It  does  not  appear,"  however, 
"that  changes  were  made  in  Proverbs  m  the  interests  of 
theological  opinion,  or  from  a  sense  of  propriety  or  decency 
{causa  honoris,  causa  reverenticB^  etc.)  ;  .  .  .  the  immunity 
of  Proverbs  is  due  in  part  to  its  untheological  character  " 
(that  is,  to  its  pre-eminently  moral  or  practical  character), 
"  in  part  to  the  fact  that  it  was  looked  on  as  less  sacred  and 
authoritative  than  the  Pentateuch  and  the  Prophetic  writ- 
ings."^ 

'  Cfr.  Rabbi  L.  Wogue,  Histoire  de  la  Bible  et  de  la  Rdv^lation  Biblique,  p.  45  sq. 

"^  For  the  various  readings  connected  with  the  text  of  the  book  of  Proverbs,  cfr.,  be- 
side the  commentators  on  that  book,  Samuel  D.widson,  the  Hebrew  Te.xt  of  the  Old 
Test.,  revised  from  critical  sources,  pp.  167-175. 

3  C.  H.  Toy,  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  pp  xxxi,  xxxii.  Such  changes  were  made  in 
other  books  of  the  Old  Testament  before  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era.  Cfr. 
T  K.  Abbott,  Essays  chiefly  on  the  Original  Texts  of  the  Old  and  New  Test.;  and  the 
article  in  the  American  Ecclesiastical  Review  for  P'ebruary,  1896,  by  the  present 
writer. 


94  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Perhaps  the  most  influential  cause  of  the  textual  imper- 
fections of  the  book  of  Proverbs  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact 
that  the  copyists  of  the  pitliy  sayings  it  contains  knew,  or 
at  least  imagined  they  knew,  by  memory  the  exact  words 
they  had  to  write  out.  For  the  more  they  would  be 
tempted  to  trust  their  memory,  the  more  also  they  would 
be  liable  to  make  involuntary  changes  which,  once  intro- 
duced, were  preserved  or  even  added  to  by  subsequent 
transcribers. 

2.  Principal  Ancient  Versions.  The  defective  con- 
dition of  our  present  Hebrew  Text  of  the  book  of  Proverbs 
is  brought  home  to  us  not  only  by  a  close  study  of  its  con- 
tents, but  also  by  a  comparison  of  its  readings  with  those 
of  the  principal  ancient  Versions.  Prominent  among  these 
stands  the  Septuagint  translation,  for  it  represents  in  gen- 
eral an  older  text  which  exhibited  most  important  differ- 
ences from  the  Massoretic,  in  point  of  omissions,  transposi- 
tions, and  additions.  The  principal  differences  in  chaps, 
i-ix  consist  in  the  addition  of  two  verses  at  the  end  of 
chap,  iv;  of  the  commendation  of  the  bee  as  an  example, 
after  a  similar  commendation  of  the  ant  in  chap,  vi,  6-8;  of 
several  traits  in  the  description  of  the  wise  and  foolish 
women  in  chap.  ix.  In  the  rest  of  the  book  the  textual 
differences  are  more  numerous  and  important.  They  con- 
sist in  (i)  omissions:  xi,  4;  xiii,  6;  xvi,  1-4;  xviii,  23-24;  xix, 
1-2;  XX,  14-19;  etc.;  {2)  transpositions:  the  third  verse  of 
chap,  xix  in  the  Hebrew  is  the  last  verse  of  chap,  xviii  in 
the  Septuagint;  in  chap,  xx  of  the  same  Version  verses 
20-22  are  placed  between  verses  9  and  10 ;  after  verse 
22  of  chap,  xxiv  in  the  Septuagint  we  read  xxix,  27,  fol- 
lowed by  four  distichs  nowhere  found  in  the  Hebrew;  etc.; 
(3)  additions:  proverbs  are  inserted  between  x,  4  and  x,  5 ; 
xi,   16   and  xi,   17;   xii,  11  and  xii,  12;  in  chap,  xvi  no  less 


THE    BOOK    OF    PROVERBS.  95 

than  five  proverbs  not  found  in  the  Hebrew  Text  are  also 
added;  etc. 

When  these  and  otliersuch  differences  are  sifted  out,  and 
full  allowance  is  made  for  the  amount  of  liberty  which  the 
translator  has  sometimes  taken  cither  to  give  his  renderings 
a  smoother  and  more  idiomatic  Greek  form  or  to  obtain  a 
better  antithesis  between  two  lines,  etc.,  it  remains  clear 
that  the  Greek  book  of  Proverbs  is  not  a  mere  translation, 
more  or  less  faithful,  of  the  Hebrew  Text  in  the  form  in 
which  it  has  come  down  to.  us.  While  its  "  omissions  usu- 
ally indicate  a  Hebrew  scribed  p/us,"  ^  its  additions  contain 
much  new  matter  probably  based  on  a  Hebrew  original,  and 
its  transpositions  are  not  due  to  the  caprice  of  a  Greek 
translator,  but  rather  to  his  faithfulness  in  following  the 
arrangement  of  the  Text  which  lay  before  him.  Whence  it 
has  been  inferred  by  Vigouroux  that  "most  of  the  varia- 
tions of  the  Septuagint  are  derived  from  a  different  Hebrew 
original."  ^ 

Intimately  connected  with  the  Massoretic  Text  and  the 
Septuagint  translation  is  the  Peshitto  or  Syriac  Version  in 
its  present  condition.  It  agrees  sometimes  with  the  original 
Hebrew  against  the  Septuagint  ;  sometimes,  on  the  contrary, 
with  the  Septuagint  against  the  Hebrew  Text,  so  that  it  is 
difficult  to  define  the  i)recise  relation  in  which  it  stands  to 
either.  The  fact  that  it  presents  the  same  general  material 
and  arrangement  as  the  Hebrew  makes  it  probable  that  it  is 
based  on  it  ;  while  the  nature  of  its  points  of  agreement 
with  the  Septuagint  shows  that  in  certain  passages  it  has 
been  influenced  by  the  latter.  Perhaps  the  best  explana- 
tion of  these  mixed  features  of  the  Syriac  Version  is  to  be 
found  in  the  supposition  that  it  was  made  substantially  and 

1  C.  H.  Toy,  loc.  cit.,  p    xxxii. 

2  ViGOUKoux,   Manuel   Biblique.  vol.  ii,  no.  822,  §  2.     The  peculiar  nature  of  thii 
different  Hebrew  original  will  be  determined  in  the  sequel. 


96  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

directly  from  the  Hebrew  with  respect  to  the  Septuagint, 
whose  peculiar  readings  were  at  times  adopted  by  the 
Syriac  translator.^  As  the  Peshitto  is  often  free  in  its  ren- 
derings, and  its  primitive  text  may  have  been  subjected  to 
revision,  it  must  be  used  with  caution  in  the  criticism  of 
both  the  Hebrew  and  the  Septuagint. 

The  general  relation  which  exists  between  the  Latin  Vul- 
gate and  either  the  original  Hebrew  or  the  Septuagint 
Version  is  more  definitely  known.  St.  Jerome,  whose  trans- 
lation of  the  book  of  Proverbs  is  embodied  in  the  Vulgate, 
took  for  the  basis  of  his  work  the  Hebraica  Veritas,  and  for 
the  most  part  followed  closely  its  readings,  which  are  prac- 
tically the  same  as  those  of  our  present  Hebrew  Text. 
His  deviations  from  it  are  traceable  to  the  Septuagint 
through  the  Old  Latin  Version,  which  had  been  made  closely 
from  the  Greek,  and  from  which  he  did  not  always  feel 
free  to  depart.  His  renderings  directly  from  the  Hebrew 
represent  the  Jewish  exegesis  of  his  time,  and  are  seldom 
of  much  help  in  those  passages  of  the  original  text  which 
are  peculiarly  difficult. 

§  3.   Gradual  Formation  of  the  Book  of  Proverbs. 

I.  The  Various  Collections  Pointed  out  and  De- 
scribed. The  contents  of  the  book  of  Proverbs,  like  those 
of  the  Psalter,  bear  distinct  witness  to  its  compilatory  char- 
acter. The  work  begins  with  the  general  title  :  "  Mishle 
Sh^lomo,  the  son  of  David,  King  of  Israel,"  which  is  imme- 
diately followed  by  a  Prologue  (i,  2-6)  setting  forth  the 
aim  and  importance  of  the  book  ;  the  whole  collection  aims 
at  imparting  wisdom  and  enabling  men  to  understand  all 
kinds  of  7nashals. 

The  first  Part  of  the  book  (i,  7-ix)— itself  an  Introduc- 
tion to  the  collection  of  proverbs  which  foUov/s — is  a  "  com- 

»  Cfr.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  Job  and  Solomon,  p.  174. 


THE    BOOK    OF    PROVERBS.  97 

mendation  of  Wisdom.'-  ^  In  it  "  the  writer,  speaking  like 
a  father  (i,  8  and  repeatedly,  'my  son')  to  an  imagined 
pupil  or  disciple,  warns  him  against  the  dangers  and  temp- 
tations to  which  he  is  most  likely  to  be  exposed,  invites  him 
affectionately  to  listen  to  his  precepts  and  commends  to  him 
the  claims  of  Wisdom  to  be  his  guide  and  friend.  No 
definite  arrangement  can  be  traced  in  the  subjects  treated  ;^ 
nor  is  the  argument  logically  articulated  :  the  discourse 
flows  on  till  the  topic  on  hand  is  exhausted,  and  then  it 
recommences  with  another.  .  .  . 

*'  The  form  is  throughout  poetical,  and  the  parallelism  of 
members  is,  as  a  rule,  carefully  observed.  The  style  is 
flowing,  forming  in  this  respect  as  strong  a  contrast  as  pos- 
sible to  that  of  the  *  proverbs  '  which  follow  (chap,  x  sqq.)  : 
instead  of  a  series  of  thoughts,  each  forcibly  expressed,  but 
disconnected  with  one  another,  a  thought  is  here  developed 
at  length  and  presented  from  different  points  of  view."  ^ 

The  second  Part  of  the  book  extends  from  chap,  x  to 
chap,  xxii,  6,  and  bears  the  title  :  "  Mishle  Sh^lomo."  It  is 
made  up  of  independent  aphorisms  in  couplet  form,  and 
arranged  in  no  particular  order.  In  many  cases  a  proverb, 
in  its  entirety  or  in  part,  is  repeated^  at  times,  however,  with 
some  slight  changes  of  expression.*  Most  of  the  sayings 
included  in  this  large  collection  are  general  inferences  from 
facts  of  secular  life,  and  tend  to  demonstrate  the  profit  of 
wisdom  and  the  disadvantage  of  folly  by  pointing  out  their 

'  Jno.  Jahn,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  452  (Engl.  Transl.).  So  also  Ewald, 
Cheyne.  Driver,  etc. 

2  For  the  principal  subdivisions  see  C.  H.  Toy,  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  p.  vi.  This 
scholar  calls  the  first  part  of  the  book  a  series  oi philosophical di':courses  (loc.  cit.,  p. 
vii).  See  also  Vigoukoux,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no.  829,  who  admits  "  a  notable 
difference  in  composition  between  the  first  and  second  collections." 

3  Driver,  Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  395.  The  similarity  of  tone, 
warmth  of  feeling,  and  even  of  expression  between  Proverbs  i-ix  and  Deuteronomy  has 
been  rightly  remarked  by  Delitzsch,  das  Sal.  Spruchbuch. 

••  For  numerous  instances,  see  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  397  ;  ViGOUROUX,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  Uy 
no.  824  ;  Cheyne,  Job  and  Solomon,  p.  133  ;  etc. 


98  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

respective  consequences  on  the  principle  which  pervades 
the  entire  collection,  that  men  are  rewarded  in  this  life 
according  to  their  works.  The  characters  most  frequently 
delineated,  after  the  wise  man  and  the  fool,  are  the  rich  and 
the  poor,  the  diligent  and  the  slothful,  the  scorner,  etc. 
The  king  is  spoken  of  in  terms  of  respect  and  appreciation, 
and  all  the  associations  connected  with  him  are  bright  and 
happy.  The  general  condition  of  society  seems  one  of 
settled  order  and  moderate  prosperity,  an  injudicious  or 
quarrelsome  wife  being  one  of  the  most  serious  troubles  of 
life.  Many  of  the  religious  proverbs  are  very  beautiful,  and 
the  great  prophetic  teaching  that  righteousness  is  more 
acceptable  to  God  than  sacrifice  is  included  among  them.* 

Appended  to  this  second  part  of  the  book  of  Proverbs  are 
two  minor  collections  (xxii,  17-xxiv,  22  ;  xxiv,  23-34)^ 
chiefly  made  up  of  aphoristic  quatrains.  The  first  Appen- 
dix begins  with  a  few  introductory  verses  (xxii,  17-21) 
requesting  attention  to  the  counsels  which  follow  and  which 
are  called  the  "  words  of  the  wise."  These  counsels  them- 
selves are  not  a  mere  collection  of  individual  proverbs,  like 
the  second  part  of  the  book  ;  but  a  body  of  maxims  worked 
up  usually  into  a  more  or  less  consecutive  argument,  after  the 
manner  of  treatment  of  the  "  praise  of  Wisdom  "  in  chaps, 
i-ix.  "  The  maxims  are  mostly  of  a  very  practical  charac- 
ter ;  for  instance,  against  becoming  surety  for  another  (xxii, 
26  sq.),  against  indulging  to  excess  in  unwonted  dainties 
(xxiii,  1-3),  against  the  undue  pursuit  of  riches  .(xxiii,  4  sq.), 
and  especially  against  gluttony  and  drunkenness  (which,  it 
is  rather  remarkable,  is  only  commented  on  twice  in  the 
numerous  proverbs  contained  in  the  second  part)  (xxiii, 
20  sq.,  29-35)."  ^    The  second  minor  collection  (xxiv,  23-24), 

1  For  details,  see  Cheyne,   loc.  cit.,   p.   134  sqq.      His  valuable  remarks  are  well 
summed  up  by  Dkiver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  398. 
'  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  399. 


THE    BOOK    OF    PROVERBS.  99 

which  is  regarded  by  some  scholars  as  an  appendix  to  the 
preceding  small  collection  (xxii,  17-xxiv,  22),  has  for  its 
title  :  "  These  also  are  sayings  of  tlie  wise."  The  proverbs 
it  contains  conclude  with  a  parable  or  apologue  apparently 
drawn  from  the  writer's  experience/ 

The  third  Part  of  the  work  comprises  chaps,  xxv-xxix 
with  the  title  :  "  These  are  also  Mishle  Sh'lo?no^  which  the 
men  of  Ezechias,  king  of  Juda,  copied  out."  Like  the  sec- 
ond part  (chaps,  x-xxii,  6)  it  is  chiefly  made  up  of  aphoristic 
couplets,  many  of  which  are  likewise  antithetic.  But  while 
in  these  and  other  respects  these  two  parts  resemble  each 
other,  they  exhibit  several  important  differences.  Not  only 
are  the  maxims  more  frequently  grouped  by  real  community 
of  subject  in  the  third  than  in  the  second  part,  but  a  new 
type  of  proverbs,^  which  is  almost  altogether  foreign  to  this 
second  part,  prevails  in  chaps,  xxv-xxvii  of  the  third. 
Again,  the  state  of  society  which  is  reflected  in  these  two 
parts  is  widely  different.  On  the  whole,  the  proverbs 
in  chaps,  xxv-xxix  imply  less  settled  and  prosperous  times 
than  those  in  chaps,  x-xxii,  6  ;  and  the  king  or  ruler  is  not 
presented  in  the  same  favorable  light.^ 

As  the  second  part  of  the  book  of  Proverbs  is  followed 
by  two  minor  collections,  so  is  it  also  with  the  third  part. 
The  first  of  these  minor  collections  (chap,  xxx)  has  for  its 
title  :  "  The  words  of  Agur,  the  son  of  Yakeh."  Among 
its  contents  we  may  more  particularly  notice  "  Agur's  medi- 
tation on  the  Divine  Transcendence"*  and  several  groups 
of  7iu7?ierical  proverbs,  thus  called  from  the  use  made  in 
them  of  the  number  four  (cfr  verses  15-16  ;   18-20  ;   21-23  \ 

'  Verses  33,  34  of  chap,  xxiv  seem  to  have  been  taken  over  from  vi,  10,  11. 

2  This  is  the  comparative  type  wherein  "  an  object  is  illustrated  by  some  figure  de- 
rived from  nature  or  human  Hfe,  the  comparison  being  sometimes  expressed  distinctly, 
sometimes  left  to  the  reader  to  be  inferred  from  the  mere  juxtaposition  of  two  ideas  " 
(Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  400).     Cfr.  Prov.  xxvi,  2  ;  xxv,  25  ;  etc. 

3  Cfr.  xxv,  3-5  ;  xxviii,  2,  15  sq.,  28  ;  xxix,  2,  4,  16. 
<  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  155. 


IOC         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

etc.).  The  second  minor  collection  (xxxi,  1-9)  isinscnbed  : 
"  The  words  of  Lamuel,  a  king  :  the  oracle  which  his  mother 
taught  him."  In  it  the  queen-mother  warns  her  son  against 
sensuality  and  immoderate  use  of  wine,  and  exhorts  him  to 
relieve  the  necessities  and  vindicate  the  rights  of  the  poor. 
The  language  of  xxxi,  1-9  in  the  original  contains  strong 
Aramaisms. 

The  book  concludes  with  the  description  of  a  virtuous 
woman  (xxxi,  10-39)  in  which  the  initial  letters  of  the 
verses  follow  the  exact  order  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet.^ 

2.  Probable  Authorship  and  Date.  As  the  early 
Fathers  were  not  aware  of  the  differences  with  respect  to 
contents  and  form  which  have  just  been  briefly  pointed  out 
between  the  various  collections  embodied  in  the  present 
book  of  Proverbs,  they  naturally  ascribed  the  whole  work  to 
Solomon.  This  they  did  all  the  more  readily  because,  be- 
sides following  implicitly  the  inscriptions  in  i,  i  ;  x,  i  ;  xxv, 
I,  which  bear  direct  witness  to  the  Solomonic  authorship  of 
large  collections  of  proverbs,  "  they  were  misled  by  the 
Greek  rendering  of  the  titles  xxx,  i  ;  xxxi,  i,"^  which  does 
away  altogether  with  the  references  to  Agur  and  Lamuel  as 
authors  distinct  from  Solomon.^  The  ecclesiastical  writers 
of  the  West  who  came  after  them  had  indeed,  in  the  Vul- 
gate, a  more  faithful  rendering  of  the  original  titles,  which 
might  have  suggested  to  them  the  non-Solomonic  authorship 
of  the  sections  ascribed  to  Agur  and  Lamuel.  But  preoccu- 
pied as  they  were  by  the  testimony  of  the  titles  in  Prov.  i, 
I  ;  X,  T  ;  xxv,  i,  which  repeatedly  spoke  of  Solomon  as  the 
author,  and  also  by  what  had  been  the  universal  opinion  of 

•  The  Hebrew  epithet  applied  to  the  woman  described  in  this  alphabetical  poem  can 
hardly  be  rendered  by  a  single  English  word  ;  it  denotes  "  goodness  as  including 
probity  and  housewifely  capacity  "  (Toy,  loc.  cit.,  p.  243). 

-  Abbe  H.  Lesetre,  Introduction  a  TEcriture  Sainte,  vol.  iii,  p.  402. 

3  Cfr.  H.  B.  SwETE,  the  Old  Test,  in  Greek,  vol.  ii,  pp.  463,  467  (Cambridge,  1891). 


THE    BOOK    OF    PROVERBS.  1 01 

the  earlier  Fathers,  they  interpreted  the  words  Agu?'  and 
Lamiiel  as  symbolical  names  of  Solomon.  This  interjireta- 
tion  was  no  doubt  incorrect/  but  it  is  no  less  sure  that  it 
contributed  powerfully  to  keep  alive  the  view  that  Solomon 
was  the  author  of  the  whole  book  of  Proverbs.  At  the 
present  day,  very  few  scholars  indeed  would  attribute  the 
whole  work  to  Solomon,  while  an  equally  small  number  of 
critics  would  deny  positively  that  some  at  least  of  the 
maxims  included  in  the  book  of  l^roverbs  go  back  to  that 
Hebrew  monarch.  In  like  manner  the  non-Solomonic 
authorship  is  generally  granted  with  regard  to  the  alpha- 
betical poem  concerning  the  virtuous  womaji  wliich  is 
appended  to  the  whole  collection.  Again,  most  scholars,^ 
taking  notice  that  the  minor  collections  ascribed  to  '*  the 
wise  "  (xxii,  i6-xxiv,  22  ;  xxiv,  23-34)  are  denied  to  Solo- 
mon by  their  titles  no  less  than  the  collections  ascribed  to 
Agur  and  Lamuel,  and  further  that  the  same  collections 
are  in  the  form  of  quatrains  differently  from  the  collections 
attributed  to  Solomon,  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that 
xxii,  16-xxiv,  22  ;  xxiv,  23-34  should  not  be  considered  as 
Solomon's  work.^  It  seems,  therefore,  that  the  questions  of 
authorship  and  date  are  naturally  narrowed  down  first  to 
those  regarding  the  collections  which  are  ascribed  to  Sol- 
omon by  their  titles,  and  secondly  to  those  regarding  the 
completion  of  the  whole  book  of  Proverbs. 

In  reference  to  the  Solomonic  collections  of  Proverbs — 
as  indeed  in  reference  to  the  Davidic  collections  of  Psalms 
— the  easiest  way  to  dispose  of  the  questions  of  date  and 
authorship  is  simply  to  abide  by  the  titles  which  are  pre- 

*  This  is  clearly  shown  by  H.  Lesetke,  le  Livre  des  Psuumes,  p.  24  sqq.  See  also 
CoRNELY,  Introd.  Specialis,  vol.  ii.  part  ii,  p.  148  sq. 

■■^  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  such  Catholic  writers  as  Lksetre,  Hekbst- 
Whlte,  Schoi.z,  etc. 

3  For  other  arguments  against  the  Solomonic  authorship,  see  H.  Lesetke,  loc.  cit., 
p.  21.  The  probable  date  of  the  non-Solomonic  collections  will  be  given  in  connec- 
tion with  that  of  the  completion  of  the  whole  book. 


I02         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

fixed  to  them.  Acting  in  this  wise,  many  scholars  still 
regard  the  maxims  in  i-ix  ;  x-xxii,  i6  ;  xxv-xxix  as  the  work 
of  Solomon,  and  assign  those  collections  to  the  period  before 
the  Exile.  Most  critics,  however,  distrustful  of  the  titles, 
have  looked  carefully  into  the  contents  of  the  Solomonic 
collections  to  find  data  whereby  to  test  the  value  of  the  in- 
scriptions and  determine  the  probable  authorship  and  date 
of  those  antique  collections  should  the  titles  prove  unrelia- 
ble.    Their  principal  conclusions  are  briefly  as  follows  : 

The  opening  title  :  '^  Mishle  Sh^lomo,  the  son  of  David, 
king  of  Israel,"  is  certainly  incorrect  if  taken  strictly  as 
ascribing  the  entire  book  to  Solomon,  for,  as  granted  on  all 
hands,  the  minor  collections  are  not  the  work  of  that 
Hebrew  monarch.  And  yet  it  is  difficult  to  understand  this 
general  title  as  not  applying  to  the  whole  book,  since  it  is 
immediately  followed  by  a  few  verses  (i,  2-6)  the  obvious 
purpose  of  which  is  to  set  forth  the  aim  and  importance,  not 
of  one  particular  collection,  but  of  the  various  collections 
making  up  the  book  of  Proverbs.  It  has  been  argued,  it  is 
true,  that  this  opening  title  stood  at  the  head  of  the  collec- 
tion comprising  i,  7-ix  before  it  was  prefixed  to  the  whole 
book,  and  that  consequently  at  its  primitive  place  it  simply 
ascribed  to  Solomon  the  authorship  of  i,  7-ix.  But  this 
supposition,  however  plausible  it  may  have  appeared  to 
many,  rests  on  no  distinct  piece  of  evidence  ;  and  further, 
scholars  who  do  not  choose  simply  to  abide  by  the  title  are 
well-nigh  unanimous  in  declaring  that  such  an  inscription, 
when  confronted  with  the  contents  of  i,  7-ix,  is  inaccurate.^ 
"The  didactic  tone  of  i,  7-ix,"  says  Samuel  Davidson,^ 
"  with  its  strict  admonitions  respecting  chastity,  do  not  suit 

1  In  this  connection  Prof.  Driver  says  advisedly :  "  Chap,  i-ix  is  not  stated  to  be 
Solomon's  ;  and  in  fact  both  its  style  and  contents  point  to  a  date  considerably  later  as 
that  at  which  it  was  composed  "  (Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  406). 

2  Introd.  to  the  Old  Testament,  vol.  ii,  p.  325  sq.  See  also  Cheynb,  Job  and  Solo- 
mon, chaps.  V,  vi. 


THE    BOOK    OF    PROVERBS.  IO3 

a  king  so  well  as  a  prophet  or  priest.  Various  parts  do  not 
resemble  the  precepts  of  one  who  kept  a  royal  harem  and 
was  the  fruit  of  adultery  with  Bersabee,  as  v,  i8,  etc.,  vi,  24, 
etc.,  vii,  5-23,  except  he  had  repented.  Occasionally  the 
writer  speaks  like  a  man  occupying  the  condition  of  a  citi- 
zen, for  instance  vi,  31.^  A  few  local  references  to  Jerusa- 
lem (i,  21  ;  viii,  3),  and  perhaps  mention  of  the  new  moon 
(vii,  20),  show  that  the  levitical  worship  was  observed. 

"  The  same  tone  of  theocratic  purity  which  appears  in 
x-xxii,  16  did  not  exist  when  these  proverbs  were  written. 
The  kingly  office  no  longer  corresponded  to  its  ideal.  .  .  . 
We  must  therefore  date  this  section  (i,  7-ix)  subsequently 
to  the  reigns  of  Solomon  and  David  ...  at  a  time  when 
the  proverbs  had  become  more  rounded  and  developed." 

In  like  manner  ''the  personification  of  wisdom  (in  chaps, 
i-ix)  marks  the  highest  point  to  which  Hebrew  thought  on 
the  world  rose,  and  cannot  belong  to  an  early  age.  It  is 
scarcely  conceivable  except  at  a  time  when  the  operations 
ot  the  wise  had  been  long  pursued.  Wisdom,  pausing  in  the 
work  of  expounding  Providence  and  the  laws  of  human 
happiness,  which  she  had  long  instinctively  pursued  with 
self-forgetful  fascination  in  her  task,  becomes  self-conscious, 
and,  turning  her  eyes  upon  herself,  displays  her  own  graces 
and  beauty  before  the  sight  of  men.  A  philosophy  of  wis- 
dom has  now  been  reached.  These  facts  point  to  a  time 
not  very  long  anterior  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  .  .  . 
With  this  agrees  the  language  of  the  section  (i,  7-ix),  which, 
though  generally  good,  has  several  marks  of  a  somewhat 
late  age,  for  instance  the  frequent  formation  of  abstracts 
in-«/i."2 

Finally,  it  has  been  suggested,  not  without  some  proba- 
bility, that  the  fact  of  a  new  inscription  heading  x,  i-xxii, 

1  Cfr.  C.  H.  Toy,  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  p.  140. 

2  A.  B.  Davidson,  art   Proverbs,  in  Encyclop.  Britannica,  9th  edit. 


104         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

i6,  and  ascribing  it  to  Solomon,  implies  that  the  preceding 
collection  is  not  the  work  of  that  monarch. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  title  Mishle  Sh^lo77io,  which  is  pre- 
fixed to  the  Solomonic  collection  in  chaps,  x-xxii,  is  not 
considered  by  critics  at  large  as  more  reliable  than  the  same 
title  at  the  beginning  of  the  book  of  Proverbs.  They 
appeal  to  the  contents  of  that  collection,  and  apparently 
not  in  vain,  as  proving  (i)  that  the  state,  religious  and 
moral,  of  society  described  therein  is  not  that  of  Solomon's 
time  ;^  (2)  that  the  writer  speaks  just  like  a  private  citizen;  ^ 
(3)  that  the  king,  being  spoken  of  in  the  third  person  and 
in  a  favorable  manner,  can  hardly  be  King  Solomon;  (4) 
that  the  repetitions — in  whole  or  in  part — of  the  same  say- 
ing, noticed  in  this  collection,  point  to  minor  anterior  col- 
lections, and  to  a  long  circulation  before  such  varying 
forms  were  assumed  by  a  proverb,^  etc. 

The  title  to  the  last  Solomonic  collection  (xxv-xxix) 
reads  as  a  definite  historical  statement:  "These  also 
are  Mishle  Sh^lo77io^  which  the  men  of  Ezechias  copied 
out."  On  that  account  it  is  oftentimes  said  that  it  must 
have  a  historical  basis,  and  so  careful  a  scholar  as  Driver* 
writes:  "The  title  (xxv,  i)  the  accuracy  of  which  there  is 
no  reason  to  question."  Could  we  rely  absolutely  on  that 
heading,  we  would  not  only  be  made  aware  of  the  existence 
of  literary  activity  in  the  time  of  King  Ezechias  (727-698 
B.c),^  but  also  of  the  fact,  much  more  important  for  our 
present    purpose,    that    the   collection  made  up  of    chaps. 

J  The  theology  of  chaps,  x-xxii,  16  presupposes  the  higher  teaching  of  the  prophets, 
the  practical  extinction  of  polygamy,  etc. 

2  Cfr.  xvi,  10,  12   15  ;  xix,  12  ;  xx.  2,  z^,  2S  ;  xxiii,  1-3. 

3  A.  B.  Davidson,  art.  Proverbs,  in  Encyclop.  Britannica ;  Cheyne,  Job  and  Solo- 
mon, p.  133,  etc. 

■*  Introd  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  407. 

6  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the  Chronicler  mentions  no  such  literary  activity  in 
Ezechias'  time,  though  one  might  expect  a  mention  of  it,  if  the  title  in  Prov.  xxv,  1  lay 
before  hini. 


THE    BOOK    OF    PROVERBS.  IO5 

xxv-xxix  was  even  then  a  supplement  to  a  Solomonic  col- 
lection already  in  existence,  and  which  we  may  reasonably 
presume  to  have  been  that  which  now  stands  close  to  it  in 
the  present  arrangement  of  the  book.  In  reality  most 
contemporary  critics  reject  the  testimony  of  the  title 
(xxv,  i)  for  the  same  reasons  which  induce  them  to  reject 
tlie  Solomonic  authorship  of  chaps,  xx-xii,  i6.  To  those 
reasons,  however,  they  add  two  worthy  of  special  mention. 
First,  "  many  of  the  proverbs  in  this  collection  (xxv-xxix) 
are  mere  repetitions,  with  slight  variations,  of  some  which 
occur  in  the  previous  section.  Compare,  for  example, 
xxv,  24  with  xxi,  9;  xxvi,  13  with  xxii,  13;  xxvi,  15  with 
xix,  24;  xxvi,  22  with  xviii,  8;  xxii,  13  with  xx,  16;  xxvii, 
15  with  xix,  13;  xxvii,  21  with  xvii,  3;  xxviii,  6  with  xix, 
i;  xxviii,  19  with  xii,  11;  xxix,  22  with  xv,  18,  etc.  We 
may  infer  from  this  that  the  compilers  of  this  section  made 
use  of  the  same  sources  from  which  the  earlier  collection  was 
derived."^  In  the  second  place,  "the  antithesis  between 
the  righteous  and  the  wicked,  and  the  qualities  assigned  to 
them,  remind  us  of  post-exilic  psalms,  and  the  references  to 
the  Law  suggest  a  post-exilic  date."^ 

Having  thus  disposed  of  the  titles  of  the  Solomonic  collec- 
tions, critics  endeavored  to  describe  the  probable  stages 
through  which  the  principal  collections  in  the  book  of 
Proverbs  passed  before  reaching  their  present  arrangement, 
and  to  assign  to  the  collections  themselves  an  approximate 
date.  The  conclusions  most  commonly  accepted  among 
them,  at  the  present  day,  are  briefly  as  follows  : 

(i)  The  oldest  collection — the  title  of  which,  Mishle 
Sh'lomo,  was  later  transferred  to  the  whole  book — is  made  up 
of  chaps,  x-xxii,  16.     From  its  contents  many  would  assign 

1  William  A.  Wright,  art.  Proverbs  (book  of),  in  Smith,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  iii, 
p.  261 1  (Amer.  Edit.). 

2W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  155.  For  further  information  see 
Chhyne,  Job  and  Solomon,  chap,  iv ;  Toy,  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  p.  xxvii  sqq.;  etc. 


I06         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

its  formation  to  the  best  days  of  the  Hebrew  monarchy, 
about  the  eiglith  century  B.C.  It  is  generally  considered 
as  presupposed  by  i,  7-ix.^ 

(2)  The  first  section  to  be  added  to  this  oldest  collection 
was  apparently  i-ix.  Many  scholars  would  place  it  shortly 
before  the  Exile,  about  the  same  time  chaps,  xxii,  17- 
xxiv,  22  were  appended,  so  that  this  first  book  of  Proverbs 
— as  it  may  be  called — was  thereby  supplied  with  an  Intro- 
duction and  a  Conclusion. 

(3)  At  a  somewhat  later  date — hardly  before  the  Exile — 
chaps,  xxiv,  23-34  were  placed  as  a  second  appendix  to 
the  first  book  of  Proverbs,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact 
that  it  has  for  its  heading  :  "  These  also  are  Words  of  the 
Wise,"  instead  of  having  its  short  contents  simply  embodied 
in  xxii,  17-xxiv,  22,  which  has  for  title  "  The  Words  of  the 
Wise."  About  the  same  date  chaps,  xxv-xxix  were  added 
after  xxii,  17-xxiv  had  been  attached  to  x-xxii,  16,  other- 
wise these  additional  Mishlc  ShHomo  would  have  followed 
directly  xxii,  16. 

(4)  Scholars  at  large  regard  as  added  at  a  still  later  date, 
and  as  decidedly  post-exilic,  the  last  three  sections  (xxx; 
xxxi,  1-9;  xxxi,  10-31)  of  the  book  of  Proverbs. 

As  data  are  absolutely  wanting  in  regard  to  the  author  of 
the  whole  compilation  and  the  precise  circumstances  under 
which  it  was  carried  through,  contemporary  critics  do  not 
venture  an  opinion  on  these  difficult  topics.^  It  remains 
probable,  however,  according  to  W.  H.  Bennett,^  that 
"  Proverbs,  as  the  national  storehouse  of  proverbial  wis- 
dom, would  receive  additions  as  long  as  Hebrew  was  a 
living  language,  or  at  any  rate  till  some  edition  of  it  had 
been   current   long  enough  to  receive   a  canonical   status. 

1  Prof.   A.  B.    Davidson   argues  that  the  oldest  proverbs  are  embodied  in   chaps, 
xxv-xxix  (art.  Proverbs,  in  Encycl.  Br  tannica). 

2  Cfr.  Abbe  J.  B.  Fei.t,  I.istoire  de  I'Ancien  Testament,  voL  ii,  p.  66  sq. 

3  A  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  152. 


THE    BOOK    OF    PROVERBS.  IO7 

The  production  of  a  new  collection  of  proverbs  in  Ecclesi- 
asticus  instead  of  an  enlarged  edition  of  our  book  shows 
that  the  latter  was  completed  some  time  before  B.C.  200." 

3.  Literary  Analogy  between  the  Book  of  Prov- 
erbs and  the  Psalter.  There  are  close  analogies  be- 
tween the  literary  features  of  the  book  of  Proverbs  which 
have  been  described  and  those  of  the  Psalter.  Each  of 
these  inspired  writings  is  manifestly  a  collection  of  collec- 
tions provided  with  distinct  headings.  As  the  Psalter  con- 
tains two  earlier  collections  ascribed  to  David,  separated 
by  Psalms  bearing  the  name  of  other  authors,  so  the  book 
of  Proverbs  comprises  two  earlier  collections  with  the  title 
"  Solomon,"  separated  by  proverbs  entitled  "  Words  of  the 
Wise."  In  regard  to  the  Psalter  the  tendency  was  to  refer 
to  David  the  complete  hymn-book  of  the  Jews,  because 
that  monarch  was  the  typical  representative  of  the  psalmody 
of  Israel,  so  with  regard  to  the  book  of  Proverbs  the  ten- 
dency was  to  ascribe  the  complete  work  of  gnomic  poetry 
to  King  Solomon,  the  typical  representative  of  Hebrew 
wisdom.^  In  connection  with  both  the  Psalter  and  the 
book  of  Proverbs  the  style  and  contents  have  gradually  led 
scholars  to  give  up  the  testimony  of  the  titles  which 
attributed  certain  collections  in  the  one  case  to  David, 
and  in  the  other  to  Solomon.  As  the  Davidic  collections 
of  Psalms  do  not  contain  exclusively  hymns  composed  by 
David,  but  also  Psalms  belonging  to  a  much  later  date,  so 
in  like  manner  the  Solomonic  collections  of  Mashals  do  not 
i  iclude  simply  maxims  going  back  to  Solomon,  but  also 
;il)horisms  belonging  to  a  much  later  period.^     As  the  num- 

'Cfr.  Ill  Kings  iv,  20-34. 

-The  Fathers  of  Trent  m  their  enumeration  of  the  sacred  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment preferred  the  expression  "  Psalterium  Davidicum  "  to  "  PsaUerium  Davidis," 
used  by  the  Council  of  Florence,  because  the  latter  seemed  to  convey  too  explicitly  the 
idea  that  David  is  the  real  author  of  the  whole  collection.  The  same  Fathers  of  Trent 
called  the  book  of  Proverbs  simply  "  Parabolae"  instead  of  "  Parabolae  Salomonis"  ; 


Io8         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

ber  of  the  Psalms  really  written  by  David  cannot  be 
defined,  so  likewise  that  of  the  proverbs  truly  composed  by 
Solomon  cannot  be  given  with  anything  like  certainly. 
Both  the  Psalter  and  the  book  of  Proverbs  passed  through 
several  stages  in  their  formation,  contain  post-exilic  ele- 
ments, and  were  completed  by  an  author  and  at  a  date 
which  must  ever  remain  unknown.  The  Psalter  is  not  the 
collection  of  the  whole  lyrical  poetry  of  Israel  ;  neither  is 
the  book  of  Proverbs  a  complete  collection  of  the  gnomic 
poetry  of  the  chosen  people.  Finally,  the  repetitions  of 
Psalms  or  parts  of  Psalms  in  separate  collections  of  the 
Psalter  have  their  counterpart  in  the  repetitions  of  maxims, 
in  whole  or  in  part,  in  different  collections  of  the  book  of 
Proverbs. 

the  name  of  Solomon  is  also  omitted  from  the  title  in  the  official  Vulgate,  which  has 
"Liber  Proverbioruni  quem  Hebraei  Misle  appellant." 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  V. 

ECCLESIASTES. 


I.  r  ftlie  Hebrew  Bible  :  Qohcleth  (Its  Proba- 

Names  and    I  i-  Names  in  \      ^^^  leaning). 

Place  in       )  [  Septuagiut  and  other  Versions. 

THE  Canon  :  I 

1^2.   Place  in  the  Canon  of  Jews,  of  Christians. 


II. 

Contents 

AND 

Object  : 


Chief  Contents 


Prologue  (i,  i-ii). 

1st  Part(i-vi):  The  good  and  bad 
things  of  the  World  equally 
vanity. 

2d  Part  (vii-xii,  8):  Practical  Ex- 
hortations. 


[  Epilogue  (xii,  9-14). 

2.  General  Object  (inculcates  the  moderate  enjoyment 
of  life's  good  things  as  God's  gifts). 


III. 

Authorship 

AND 

Date. 


I.  The     Traditional 
View  : 


2.  The  More  Recent 
Theories ; 


'  Statement  (Solomon  the  author, 
more  likely  in  his  old  age,  and 
repentant). 

Grounds  (The  Title;  Tradition, 
constant  and  invariable  ;  Lin- 
guistic Features). 

Improbability  (Principal  Difficul- 
ties). 

'  Origin  and  Gradual  Admission  by 
Unbiassed  Scholars. 


f  Statements  in  Pro- 
logue and  Epi- 
logue. 


Grounds  :  -/ 


Appeals  to  Contents 

iand         Linguistic 
Features     of     the 
(^     Body  of  the  Work. 


3.   Author  and  Precise  Date  Unknown. 


IV.     The  Integrity  of  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes. 
109 


CHAPTER   V. 


ECCLESIASTES. 


§  I.  Names  and  Place  in  the  Canon,  ' 

I.  Names.  The  book  of  Ecclesiastes  is  called  in  the 
Hebrew  Bible  Qoheleth,  a  name  which  has  been  variously 
understood.  The  word  is  manifestly  connected  with  qahal^ 
"  assembly,"  and  is  in  form  an  active  feminine  participle, 
meaning  literally  "  one  who  calls  an  assembly."  On  account 
of  its  feminine  form,  it  has  been  supposed  to  agree  with  the 
feminine  word  for  "  wisdom  "  understood  ;  but  as  it  is  reg- 
ularly construed  as  a  masculine  in  the  Hebrew  Text,^  and 
distinctly  made  to  refer  to  a  Jewish  king,^  this  supposition 
cannot  be  admitted.  The  feminine  form  is  rather  "  to  be 
explained  in  a  neuter  sense,  either,  in  a  manner  frequent  in 
late  Hebrew,  as  denoting  the  holder  of  an  office  (properly 
that  which  holds  the  office),^  or  as  in  Arabic,  with  an  inten- 
sive force,  the  neuter  gender  exhausting  the  idea  expressed 
by  the  word,  and  so,  applied  to  an  individual,  denoting 
him  as  one  who  realizes  the  idea  in  its  completeness."  *  It 
is  usual  to  connect  with  the  idea  of  "one  who  convenes 
an  assembly  "  that  of  "  one  who  addresses  a  gathering  of 
hearers,"  and  this  seems  to  be  in  harmony  (i)  with  the  gen- 

1  Cfr.  i,  I,  2,  12  ;  xii,  8,  q,  io.  The  present  division  of  words  in  vii,  27  in  the  original 
Hebrew  is  certainly  defective ;  so  that  there  also  the  word  Qoheleth  should  be 
treated  as  a  masculine,  not  as  a  feminine,  subject. 

2  Cfr.  i,  12  :  "  I,  Qoheleth,  was  king,"  etc. 
'  Cfr.  Esdras  ii,  55. 

4  Driver,  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  466. 

1 10 


ECCLESIASTES.  HI 

eral  purpose  for  which  an  assembly  of  men  would  be  con- 
vened ;  {2)  with  the  meaning  naturally  coupled  with  the 
name  Qoheleth  in  Eccles.  xii,  9,  where  we  are  told  that 
Qoheleth  ""taught  people  knowledge";  and  (3)  with  what 
we  read  of  Solomon  (III  Kings  viii,  1,  2,  5,  55-61),  who, 
having  assembled  the  people,  addressed  to  them  a  pressing 
exhortation  to  continue  faithful  to  Yahweh,  their  God.^ 

This  twofold  meaning  of  Qoheleth  as  a  "  convener  "  or 
"assembler"  and  a  "speaker"  or  "preacher"  had  been  from 
ancient  time  realized  by  the  Septuagint  translators,  who 
rendered  that  Hebrew  word  by  the  Greek  JLk k\i](j laar i]'^\ 
and  more  distinctly  still  by  St.  Jerome,^  who,  commenting 
on  the  Greek  title,  which  had  been  simply  transliterated  as 
Ecclesiastes  in  the  old  Latin  Version,  says:  "  EKKXifcriacrry^ 
graeco  sermone  appellatur  qui  coetum,  i.e.  ecclesiam  congre- 
gat :  quem  nos  nuncupare  possumus  concionatorem  eo  quod 
loquatur  ad  populum  et  ejus  sermo  non  specialiter  ad 
unum,  sed  ad  universos  generaliter  dirigatur."  The  Latin 
Vulgate  naturally  preserved  the  Latinized  form  Ecclesiastes, 
which  is  now  generally  adopted  as  the  title  of  the  book.^ 

2.  Place  in  the  Canon  of  the  Jews  and  Christians. 

The  book  of  Ecclesiastes,  like  that  of  Proverbs,  is  num- 
bered in  the  Hebrew  Bible  among  the  "  Writings  "  (Hagi- 
ographa)  or  Third  Canon  of  the  Jews.  According  to  the 
Talmudic,  that  is  the  oldest,  order  of  the  sacred  books 
within  that  Third  Canon,  Ecclesiastes  was  placed  between 
Proverbs  and  Canticle  of  Canticles,  and  thus  formed  with 
them  the  group  of  the  Solomonic  writings.  In  the  printed 
editions  of  the  Hebrew  Text,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  sep- 
arated from  both  Proverbs  and  Canticle  of  Canticles,  and  is 

1  Cfr.  Chas.  H.  H.  Wright,  the  Book  of  Qoheleth,  p.  85. 
■*  Comm.  on  Eccles.  i,  i  (Migne,  Patr.  Lat.,  vol.  xxiii.  col.  loii). 

'  In  the  official  Latin  Vulgate  the  full  title  is  "  Ecclesiastes,  qui  ab  HebraeisCoheleth 
appellatur,"  and  in  the  Protestant  English  Versions,  "  Ecclesiastes  ;  or,  the  Preacher." 


I  I  2         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

reckoned  among  the  Five  Rolls  or  M^ghilloth,  and  placed 
between  Ruth  and  Lamentations.  It  seems,  therefore,  that 
the  place  assigned  to  Ecclesiastes  by  the  Talmudists  was 
fixed  with  reference  to  its  Solomonic  authorship,  while  its 
insertion  at  a  later  date  among  the  M*^ghilloth  was  due  to 
tlie  fact  that,  like  the  other  Four  Rolls  (Canticle  of  Canticles, 
Rutli,  Lamentations,  Esther),  it  was  solemnly  read  once  a 
year  in  the  Jewish  services.  Its  public  reading  is  still  obli- 
gatory among  the  Jews  for  the  annual  Feast  of  Taberna- 
cles/ 

In  the  Christian  lists  of  the  sacred  books  of  the  Old 
Testament  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes  is  given  between 
Proverbs  and  Canticle  of  Canticles.  This  order  does  not 
come  directly  from  the  ancient  arrangement  in  the  Hebrew 
Text,  to  which,  as  stated  above,  the  Talmudic  tradition 
bears  witness,  but  from  that  in  the  Septuagint  Version, 
which  was  the  primitive  Christian  text  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment and  which  had  preserved  the  oldest  order  known 
to  us. 

§  2.    Chief  Contents  and  General  Object, 

I.  Chief  Contents.  The  book  of  Ecclesiastes  opens 
with  the  Title:  "  The  words  of  Qoheleth,  son  of  David, 
king  of  Jerusalem  "  (i,  i),  and  a  short  Prologue  (i,  2-1 1) 
stating  briefly  the  general  conclusions  reached  by  Qoheleth: 
"  All  things  are  vanity,"  and  all  human  efforts  can  achieve 
nothing  permanent  in  the  world. 

In  the  body  of  the  work  (i,  12-xii,  8)  the  writer  recounts 
his  experiences,  identifying  them  with  those  of  Solomon, 
the  wise  and  powerful  king  of  Israel.  The  first  part 
(i,  i2-vi)  is,  as  we  might  say,  theoretical,  being  devoted 
chiefly  to  show  how  the  good  and  bad  things  of  the  world 

1  Cfr.  H.  E.  Ryle,  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  229  sqq.;  Chas.  H.  H.  Wright, 
loc.  cit.,  p.  452  sq. 


ECCLESIASTES. 


113 


are  equally  vanity.  Wisdom  is  vanity,  for  increase  of 
knowledge  means  an  increase  of  dissatisfaction  and  per- 
plexities (i,  12-18).  Kingly  estate,  enjoyments,  and  lux- 
uries are  vanity,  as  bringing  no  enduring  satisfaction 
(ii,  i-ii).  It  is  true  that  wisdom  is  better  than  folly,  but 
the  end  of  the  wise  and  the  fool  is  alike,  so  that  the  ad- 
vantage of  wisdom  over  folly  is  short-lived  (ii,  12-17). 
Riches,  though  gathered  by  toil,  are  little  worth,  for  none 
can  tell  who  will  inherit  them  (ii,  18-23).  Better  it  is, 
therefore,  for  man  not  to  strive  hard  after  such  fleeting 
goods,  but  rather  *'  to  eat  and  drink  "  and  enjoy  such  pleas- 
ure as  God  provides  for  him  (ii,  24-26). 

As  the  good  things  of  the  world  are  vanity,  so  is  it  also 
with  its  evil  things.  Man's  shortsightedness  and  powerless- 
ness  before  God,  the  Disposer  and  Arranger  of  all  things, 
should  convince  him  that  it  is  better  simply  "  to  eat  and 
drink"  and  enjoy  the  present  (iii,  1-15).  Injustice  prevails 
in  the  world,  and  there  is  no  remedy  for  it,  man's  fate  being 
like  unto  that  of  the  beast  (iii,  16-22);  man  is  irremediably 
oppressed  by  his  fellow  (iv,  1-3);  jealousy,  isolation,  popu- 
lar discontent,  formalism  in  religion,  avarice,  are  also  wide- 
spread and  unavoidable  evils;  and  in  all  these  occurrences 
the  best  thing  to  do  is  "  to  eat  and  drink,"  and  enjoy  what- 
ever pleasure  God  provides  for  man  during  the  brief  span 
of  life  which  is  his  lot  (iv,  4-v).  All  the  more  so,  because 
abundance  of  good  things  if  not  enjoyed  is  the  greatest 
evil  (vi). 

The  second  part  of  the  book  (vii-xii,  8)  is  chiefly  made 
up  of  practical  exhortations.  After  a  group  of  proverbs 
(vii,  1-6)  concerning  things  to  be  preferred  by  man,  the 
Preacher  recommends  patience  and  wisdom  in  adversity 
(vii,  7-14);  insists  on  the  importance  of  keeping  "  the  mid- 
dle mean,"  and  on  the  practical  advantages  of  wisdom  (vii, 
15-24);  cautions  all  against  the  wicked  woman,  who  usually 


114  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

proves  a  terrible  snare  to  men  (vii,  25-29)  ;  describes  the 
benefit  of  Wisdom  in  the  days  of  oppression  and  doubt  (viii, 
1-15;  reverts  to  the  thought  of  human  ignorance  and  power- 
lessness  (viii,  i6-ix,  2);  speaks  in  gloomy  terms  of  the  fate 
which  awaits  all,  and  the  state  of  the  dead,  and  exhorts  man 
to  enjoy  the  good  things  of  this  world,  which  are  his  portion 
(ix,  3-12).  A  little  parable  proving  the  utility  of  wisdom  is 
given  without  comment  in  ix,  13-16,  and  is  followed  by  a 
collection  of  proverbs  on  the  value  of  wisdom  and  the  re- 
sults of  folly,  and  on  the  misery  of  a  land  cursed  with  a 
foolish  king  (ix,  17-x,  20).  Exhortations  follow  to  labor  in 
spite  of  uncertainty  as  to  results,  and  to  make  the  most  of 
youth,  before  advancing  years  deprive  man  of  his  various 
faculties  (xi,  i-xii,  8). 

The  book  closes  with  an  Epilogue  (xii,  9-14)  describing 
Qoheleth  as  a  wise  man  who  spoke  and  wrote  to  impart 
wisdom,  counselling  implicit  trust  in  the  sayings  of  the 
"wise,"  and  concluding  with  the  one  great  precept  of  He- 
brew wisdom,  "  Fear  God,  and  keep  His  commandments."^ 

This  Epilogue  clearly  connects  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes 
with  that  part  of  the  Old  Testament  which,  from  its  general 
object,  is  known  under  the  name  of  the  "Wisdom  Literature." 
It  looks  upon  all  the  contents  of  that  sacred  writing,  how- 
ever varied  and  disjointed  they  may  appear  to  us,  as  making 
for  the  same  general  purpose,  viz.,  that  of  giving  lessons 
whereby  the  reader  will  be  enabled  to  lead  a  quiet,  honor- 
able, and  happy  life  in  this  world.  As  is  well  stated  by  E. 
Philippe,^  "  Ecclesiastes  aims  at  showing  that  man's  happiness 
in  this  world  consists  in  the  fear  of  God  and  the  fulfilment 
of  His  commands  while  enjoying  moderately  the  good  things 
which  He  has  placed  at  his  disposal."  To  this  end,  Qoheleth 
describes  and  criticises  the  erroneous  ways  usually  followed 

1  Cfr.  Job  xxviii.  28. 

2  Art.  Ecclesiasie  (le  livre  de  T),  in  Vigouroux,  Diet,  de  la  Bible. 


ECCLESIASTES.  I  '5 

by  men  in  their  pursuit  after  happiness.  Without  being  in 
the  worst  sense  sceptical,  pessimistic,  or  materiaHstic, — as  he 
has  been  said  to  be,' — he  shows  the  vanity  of  a  presumptu- 
ous desire  for  increased  knowledge  on  account  of  the  limita- 
tions of  man's  intellectual  power;  that  of  an  insatiable 
pursuit  of  this  world's  goods  because  of  tlie  uncertainty  with 
which  even  their  possession  is  surrounded;  that  of  the  ex- 
cessive fear  of  death  by  pointing  out  the  resemblance  be- 
tween man's  death  and  that  of  beasts,  and  insisting  on  the 
oblivion  into  which  the  best-known  name  soon  falls  after 
death,  and  the  dismal  condition  of  the  shadowy  existence 
which  was  then  regarded  as  the  common  fate  of  mortals  in 
the  Sh^ol.  "  It  is  vanity  to  consider  one's  self  able  to  heap 
up  treasure  and  preserve  possessions,  since  all  things  must 
needs  alternately  appear  and  disappear,  since  nothing  is 
permanent  save  what  refers  to  God,  and  since  true  wisdom 
consists  in  the  fear  of  God  and  the  keeping  of  His  com- 
mandments. Far  better  it  is  for  man  to  enjoy  life  and  fear 
God  than  to  frame  theories,  however  plausible,  concerning 
the  mysteries  of  the  world.  By  the  best  efforts  of  his  mind 
he  can  obtain  nothing  but  a  superficial  view  of  the  universe, 
and  can  in  no  way  subject  outward  objects  to  himself  orfind 
rest  in  their  possession.  On  the  other  hand,  through  the 
enjoyment  of  life  with  the  fear  of  God,  even  though  this  en- 
joyment is  a  fleeting  one,  he  secures  for  himself  that  amount 
of  quiet,  peace,  and  happiness  which  the  supreme  Dispenser 
and  Arranger  of  the  world  has  intended  he  should  enjoy."  ^ 

^  For  an  examination  of  these  objections  against  Qoheleth's  doctrine,  see  Abbe  A. 
MoTAis,  Salomon  et  TEcclesiaste  ;  Card.  Meignan,  Salomon  :  son  rugne,  ses  ecrits ; 
C.  H.  H.  Wkight,  Ecclesiastes  in  relation  to  Modern  Criticism  and  Pessimism; 
ViGouKOux,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no.  S52  sqq.  ;  etc..  etc. 

2  Bp.  Hanneberg,  Histoire  de  la  Revelation  Biblique,  vol.  i,  p.  402  (French  Transl.). 


Il6         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

§  3.   Authorship  and  Date. 

I.  The  Traditional  View.  The  commonly  received 
view  among  Catholics  in  regard  lo  the  authorship  and  date 
of  Ecclesiastes  is  the  time-honored  position  which  main- 
tains that  this  sacred  writing  goes  back  to  the  Solomonic 
age.  According  to  this  traditional  view  there  is  no  doubt 
that  Solomon  composed  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes,  and  there 
can  be  question  only  as  regards  the  period  of  his  reign  as 
the  precise  time  at  which  he  penned  its  various  contents. 
Moreover,  the  opinion  more  commonly  received  among 
Catholic  writers  concerning  the  period  of  Solomon's  life  to 
which  the  composition  of  Ecclesiastes  should  be  ascribed 
holds  that  it  is  the  time  when  the  son  of  David  had  already 
tasted  all  the  pleasures  of  the  world  and  realized  their  vanity. 
It  is  also  supposed,  though  less  generally  taken  for  granted, 
that  this  work  of  Solomon's  declining  years  was  inspired  by 
God  after  the  great  monarch  had  repented  of  his  various 
sins. 

The  first  argument  usually  brought  forward  in  favor  of 
the  Solomonic  authorship  is  drawn  from  the  very  title  of 
the  book  :  '*  The  words  of  Qoheleth,  the  son  of  David,  king 
in  Jerusalem."  ^  In  this  inscription  Solomon  is  not  indeed 
explicitly  mentioned,  but  he  is  certainly  intended  under  the 
name  of  ^'  Qoheleth."  He  is  the  only  one  of  David's  sons 
who  reigned  in  Jerusalem,  and  the  things  attributed  to 
Qoheleth  in  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes  agree  too  well  with 
what  is  told  of  Solomon  in  the  third  book  of  Kings  to  allow 
us  to  think  that  any  one  else  is  intended.  Like  Solomon, 
Qoheleth  excels  all  his  predecessors  in  wisdom  (Eccles. 
i,  16  ;  xii,  9  ;  III  Kings  iii,  12),  and  set  forth  many 
proverbs  (Eccles.  xii,  10  ;  III  Kings  iv,  32).  The  descrip- 
tion of  Qoheleth's  state  (Eccles.  ii,  1-20)  corresponds  with 

^  Ecclesiastes  i,  i. 


ECCLESIASTES.  \IJ 

what  is  recorded  of  Solomon  in  III  Kings  x  ;  while  his  '.in- 
favorable  experience  of  women  (Eccles.  vii,  27)  is  just  what 
might  be  expected  from  the  same  monarch  (III  Kings  xi, 
i-io.)*  Lastly,  even  the  word  Qoheleth,  though  it  is  not 
the  personal  name  of  Solomon,  was  prefixed  to  the  book  of 
Ecclesiastes  as  most  suggestive  by  its  meaning  ('*  one  who 
calls  or  addresses  an  assembly  ")  of  the  great  son  of  David 
who,  in  the  days  of  his  wisdom,  assembled  the  people  of  God 
and  bade  them  to  be  faithful  to  His  service  (111  Kings  viii, 
I,  2,  5,55-61). 

This  interpretation  of  the  title  is  powerfully  confirmed  by 
the  unquestionable  tradition  of  Jews  and  Christians,  who  have 
always  regarded  Solomon  as  the  author  of  the  book  of  Eccle- 
siastes. As  we  have  already  stated,  the  place  between  the 
Solomonic  writings  of  Proverbs  and  Canticle  of  Canticles 
which  the  Talmudists  assigned  to  Qoheleth  in  their  list  of  the 
sacred  books,  and  which  was  certainly  its  primitive  place,^is 
an  indirect  but  strong  proof  of  the  ancient  belief  of  the  Jews 
in  the  Solomonic  authorship  of  Ecclesiastes.  It  was  because 
Solomon  was  considered  as  identical  with  Qoheleth  that  the 
doctrine  of  Ecclesiastes  objected  to  in  several  particulars  by 
Jewish  doctors  belonging  to  the  school  of  Shammai  was 
declared  justified  in  the  second  Hebrew  synod  at  Jamnia 
(118  A.D.),  and  that  the  book  itself  was  maintained  among 
the  inspired  writings.^  The  Talmudic  and  Massoretic  in- 
terpreters have  always  believed  in  the  Solomonic  authorship 
of  the  book,*  and  modern  rabbis  are  practically  unanimous 
in  holding  the  same  view. 

Ancient  Christian  tradition  naturally  reflects  the  tradition 

1  Cfr.  Ahh6  Motais,  Salomon  et  rEcck'siaste.  vol.  ii,  p.  38  sq.  ;  Prof.  G.  Salmon, 
Ecclesiastes,  in  Ellicott's  Plain  Introductions  to  the  i^ooks  of  the  Bible,  vol  i.  p.  220; 
Rabbi  L.  Wogue,  Histoire  de  la  Bible  et  de  I'ExegJse  Riblique,  p.  63. 

'■'  This  is  the  place  which  Ecclesiastes  always  occupied  in  the  Septuagint  Version. 

3  Cfr.  T.  K.  Chevn'E,  Job  and  Solomon    p.  280. 

*  Cfr.  Abbe  Motais,  I'Ecclosiaste,  in  I.ErHiEi.LEix'  Bible,  p.  4. 


Il8         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT, 

of  the  Jews,  and  it  would  be  a  waste  of  time  to  give  the 
countless  testimonies  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  Fathers  who 
have  admitted  the  Solomonic  authorship  of  Ecclesiastes.^ 
They  all  agree  in  regarding  Solomon  as  the  wTiter  of  the 
book,  and  they  diverge  only  as  to  which  precise  period  of 
this  monarch's  reign  the  composition  of  Ecclesiastes  should 
be  ascribed.  Indeed  the  traditional  view  held  undisputed 
sway  till  the  first  part  of  the  seventeenth  century,  when  the 
Dutch  scholar  Hugo  Grotius  (f  1645)  ventured  to  assign 
critical  arguments  against  the  Solomonic  authorship  of 
Qoheleth.^  In  so  far,  then,  as  the  tradition,  ancient  and 
constant,  of  the  Jewish  and  the  Christian  Church  is  an 
argument  in  favor  of  the  authorship  of  a  book  of  Holy 
Writ,  to  the  same  extent  it  testifies  in  support  of  the  view 
that  Ecclesiastes  was  written  by  Solomon. 

A  third  argument  often  proffered  as  making  for  the 
Solomonic  authorship  is  derived  from  the  linguistic  fea- 
tures of  Qoheleth.  It  is  claimed,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the 
style  and  diction  of  that  sacred  book  belong  to  the  golden 
age  of  Hebrew  literature;  and  on  the  other  hand,  that  the 
multitude,  variety,  and  character  of  the  coincidences  in 
style  and  phraseology  which  exist  between  Ecclesiastes  and 
the  other  (so-called)  Solomonic  writings  (Proverbs,  Can- 
ticle of  Canticles)  are  more  than  sufficient  to  prove  that  all 
these  works  were  composed  by  one  and  the  same  author, 
viz.,  "the  Son  of  David,  who  reigned  in  Jerusalem."^ 

Lastly,  the  advocates  of  the  Solomonic  authorsliip  con- 
sidered as  a  point  in   their   favor  the  lack  of  agreement  as 


>  For  references  to  the  work  of  the  individual  Fathers  and  ecclesiastical  writers,  see 
Abbe  MoTAis,  loc.  cit.,  p.  4  sqq. 

2  Before  Grotius,  Luther  questioned  in  his  Table  Talk  the  Solomonic  authorship  of 
Ecclesiastes  ;  but  in  his  Latin  commentary  issued  in  1532  he  maintained  the  traditional 
view. 

=*  This  argument  is  developed  at  lengtli  by  Rev.  David  Johnston,  A  Treatise  on 
the  Authorship  of  Ecclesiastes  (issued  a'lonymously). 


ECCLESIASTES.  II9 

to  date  and  authorship  whicli  prevails  among  critics  who 
have  given  up  the  traditional  view.^ 

Such  are  the  principal  arguments  which  are  confidently 
appealed  to  by  scholars  who  still  regard  Ecclesiastes  as  the 
worV  of  Solomon.  They  are,  in  their  eyes,  such  convincing 
proofs  of  the  Solomonic  authorship  that  no  real  difficulty 
can  be  raised  against  them.  And  yet  when  examined 
closely  these  and  other  such  arguments  lose  much  of 
their  apparent  cogency.  It  is  clear,  first  of  all,  as  well 
stated  by  Condamin,  S.J. ,^  that  "the  disagreement  among 
critics  in  regard  to  a  positive  point  is  in  no  way  incom- 
patible with  the  denial^  reasonable  and  fully  grounded,  of 
the  Solomonic  authorship.  In  presence  of  certain  charac- 
teristics in  a  writing,  one  may  safely  say:  'this  work  is  not 
the  product  of  this  or  that  century';  while  he  may  hesitate, 
when  called  upon  to  assign  a  precise  date  to  its  composi- 
tion, between  several  centuries  about  equally  similar  or 
about  equally  unknown,  such,  for  instance,  as  those  which, 
in  Jewish  history,  followed  the  Babylonian  captivity." 

In  the  second  place,  to  argue  from  resemblances  in  re- 
gard to  style  and  vocabulary  between  Ecclesiastes  on  the 
one  hand  and  Proverl)s  and  Canticle  of  Canticles  on  the 
other  that  these  three  writings  have  one  and  the  same 
author,  and  that  this  author  is  no  other  than  Solomon,  will 
ever  appear  an  unsatisfactory  process  of  reasoning.  The 
resemblances  between  these  three  books,  according  to  the 
verdict  of  the  best  Hebrew  scholars  of  the  day,  are  neither 
striking  nor  numerous.^  The  Solomonic  authorship  of  the 
collections   which    make   u])  the  book  of  Proverbs,  even  of 

1  Cfr.  ViGOURoux,  Manuel  Biblique.  vol.  ii.  no.  ?44.  footn.  i  ;  \'\.  Lesktkk,  Introd. 
k  r Etude  de  I'Fcriture  Sainte   vol.  ii,  p.  .ji3,  footn    i. 

2  Revue  Hiblique  Internationale,  ',""  annee  Cuillet  iqoo\  p.  ^63. 

3  Of  Ecclesiastes,  Drivkr  says  :  "  Linguistically,  Qoheleth  stands  by  its- If  in  the  Old 
Testament"  (Introd  to  the  Literal,  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  473. 1  See  also  G.  Salmon, 
Ecclesiastes.  p.  223;  etc. 


I20         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

those  which  are  ascribed  to  him  by  distinct  titles,  is  more 
than  doubtful;  and  the  same  thing  must  be  said,  as  we 
shall  see  in  the  next  chapter,  in  reference  to  the  Canticle 
of  Canticles. 

Thirdly,  any  one  fairly  acquainted  with  the  unscientific 
manner  in  which  the  Hebrews  of  old  were  wont  to  ascribe 
to  their  great  men  of  past  ages,  such  as  Moses,  Samuel, 
David,  etc.,  literary  productions  of  a  later  date,  and  then 
tenaciously  adhered  to  such  an  arbitrary  view,  will  not  be 
prone  to  attach  much  importance  to  the  Jewish  tradition, 
however  ancient  and  constant,  regarding  the  Solomonic 
authorship  of  Qoheleth.  Besides,  it  should  be  borne  in 
mind  that  in  one  passage  at  least  of  the  Talmud^  the 
writing  of  Qoheleth  is  ascribed,  not  to  Solomon,  but  to 
"  Ezechias  and  his  college,"  so  that  even  Jewish  tradition 
does  not  seem  to  be  consistent  with  itself  in  reference  to  the 
authenticity  of  Ecclesiastes.  As  regards  the  testimony  of 
Christian  tradition  concerning  such  scientific  questions  as 
those  of  authorship,  date,  etc.,  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  it  is 
not  infallible,  and  that,  since  it  simply  reflects  the  opinions 
of  the  Jews  in  those  matters,  its  weight  is  not  greater  than 
that  wliich  attaches  to  the  grounds  on  which  Jewish  tradi- 
tion rests.^ 

Lastly,  even  though  the  title  of  the  book  should  be  un- 
derstood as  designating  Solomon  as  the  author  of  Ecclesi- 
astes, under  the  name  of  Qoheleth,  and  even  though  Solo- 
mon should  be  regarded  as  speaking  in  the  body  of  that 
inspired  writing,  the  question  of  the  authorship  should  nr.t 
be  too  confidently  affirmed  as  settled  thereby.  Tlie  deutero- 
canonical  book  of  Wisdom  is  also  ascribed  to  Solomon  by 
its   title,  and  it  represents   that  monarch  as  the  speaker  of 

'Treatise  Balm  Bnthra,  i5».  Cfr.  Chas.  H.  H.  Wright,  loc.  cit.,  p.  454,  and 
"General  lutrod.  to  the  Holy  Scriptures."  by  the  present  writer,  p,  -o. 

2  See  in  '•  Revue  Biblique  Internationale"  (Janv.  luoo),  p.  30  sqq.,  very  valuable 
remarks  \\\  this  connection  by  Albert  Condariin,  S.J. 


ECCLESIASTES.  121 

the  discourses  it  contains;  and  yet,  as  granted  by  practi- 
cally all  contemporary  scholars,  Wisdom  is  not  the  work  of 
Solomon.  The  same  thing  may  be,  and  indeed  is,  true  in 
connection  with  Ecclesiastes.^ 

2.  The  More  Recent  Theories.  As  already  stated, 
the  first  writer  who  truly  departed  from  the  traditional 
view  was  the  Arminian,  Hugo  Grotius  (De  Groot).  Liv- 
ing at  "a  time  when  it  had  become  customary  with 
Biblical  scholars  to  scrutinize  the  Hebrew  Text  more 
carefully  than  in  past  ages,"^  he  inferred  from  his  own 
study  of  the  original  text  of  Ecclesiastes  that  the  book 
was  not  the  work  of  Solomon.  "  Ego,"  says  he,  "  Solo- 
monis  [hunc  librum]  esse  non  puto,  sed  scriptum  serius  sub 
illius  regis,  tanquam  poenitentia  ducti,  nomine.  Argumen- 
tum  ejus  rei  habeo  multa  vocabula  quae  non  alibi  quam  in 
Daniele,  Esdra,  et  Chaldaeis  interpretibus  reperias."^  This 
bold  denial  of  the  Solomonic  authorship,  which  was  first 
l)ut  forth  in  1644,  did  not  then  attract  much  notice  out- 
side the  circle  of  the  Arminians,  who  for  a  considerable 
time  were  the  only  Protestant  sect  that  made  much  use  of 
Grotius'  "  Annotationes  in  Vetus  Testamentum."  In  fact 
throughout  the  eighteenth  century  the  traditional  view 
was  well-nigh  universally  received;  and  it  is  only  with  the 
iiineteenth  century  that  Grotius'  denial  of  the  Solomonic 
autliorship,  together  with  its  general  linguistic  ground,  be- 
gan to  be  received  with  favor.  The  eminent  Catholic  Prof. 
Jahn  fully  endorsed  it,  and  from  that  time  forth  prominent 
unbiassed  scholars,  Protestant  and  Catholic,*   have   in  in- 


*  See  CoNDAMiN,  S.J.,  loc.  cit.,    p.  42  sq. 

'^  R.  CoRNHLY,  S.J.,  Introd.  in  Libros  Sacros,  vol.  ii,  part  li,  p.  .42. 

3  Pref.  in  Ecclesiast.,  in  Critici  Sacri,  vol.  ii,  col.  2055  (Francfort,  1695). 

*  Among  the  Catholic  scholars  who  reject  tlie  Solomonic  authorship  may  be  men- 
tioned Hekbst,  Movers,  Veith,  Kaii.en,  Ldisv,  Von  H  ugel,  Bickell;  the 
Jesuits  CoNDAMiN,  Zennbr,  Pkat,  Durand,  etc. 


122  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

creasing  number  admitted  that  Ecclesiastes  was  written 
long  after  Solomon. 

The  first  ground  for  the  non-Solomonic  authorship  ot 
Qoheleth  consists  in  the  very  language  which  is  quoted  by 
tlie  defenders  of  the  traditional  view  in  favor  of  their  posi- 
tion. The  general  title  in  i,  i:  "The  words  of  Qoheleth, 
the  son  of  David,  king  in  Jerusalem,"  especially  when 
viewed  in  the  light  of  i,  12  :  "  I,  Qoheleth,  was  king  over 
Israel,  in  Jerusalem,"  seems  to  have  been  worded  "  at  a 
time  when  Israel  had  ceased  to  be  looked  upon  as  an  inde- 
pendent nation,  and  when  Jerusalem  was  no  longer  a  royal 
residence."^  At  that  time  ''Qoheleth,  the  son  of  David," 
whereby  Solomon  is  certainly  meant,  had  long  ceased  to 
rule  over  Jerusalem,  so  that  he  could  be  truly  made  to  speak 
in  the  past  tense  :  "I  ivas  king. "^  In  agreement  with  the 
same  view,  Qoheleth  says  in  i,  16:  "I  spoke  with  my  heart, 
saying  :  '  Behold  I  have  become  great,  and  have  gathered 
wisdom  above  all  who  were  before  me  over  Jerusalem  '  ";  for 
the  passage  is  naturally  considered  to  have  been  written  at 
the  time  when  the  author  could  look  back  to  a  long  line  of 
Jewish  kings  who  had  reigned  in  the  Holy  City.^  The  fact 
that  the  general  title  of  the  book  is  immediately  followed 
by  a  reference  to  Qoheleth  in  the  third  person  :  "Vanity  of 
vanities,  said  [or  sait/i]  Ecclesiastes  "  (i,  2),  points  also  to  a 
distinction  between  the  writer  and  Solomon. 

This  last  remark  applies  likewise  to  Eccles.  xii,  8,  with 
w^hich  the   book  of   Qoheleth    properly  ends,  and   which  is 

1  Chas.  H.  H.  Wright,  loc.  cit..  p.  go. 

"^  Despite  ail  assertions  to  the  contrary,  the  Hebrew  perfect  in  Eccles.  i,  12,  must  be 
taken  as  a  /  ist  tense,  for  the  perfect  tenses  which  follow  are  all  used  in  a  past  significa- 
tion. Besides,  as  well  remarked  by  Jahn  (Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  495),  if  the  He- 
brew perfect  were  taken  as  equivalent  to  the  present  "  I  ntn  king,"  verse  12  would  make 
Solomon  state  "  a  fact  of  too  much  publicity  to  be  mentioned  by  him." 

"  It  is  true  that  some  scholars  see  in  Eccles  i,  16  an  allusion  to  the  old  Chanaanile 
kings  who  had  lived  centuries  before  Solomon,  but  such  an  allusion  is  hardly  probable  ; 
none  of  those  rulers,  as  far  as  we  know,  was  especially  renowned  for  wisdom  (cfr.  also 
Eccles.  ii,  7,  9). 


ECCLESIASTES. 


123 


identical  with  i,  2.  In  thus  speaking  of  Ooheletli  in  tlie 
third  person  ar  the  very  close  of  tlie  book,  the  true  writer 
seems  to  conchide,  as  he  has  begun,  by  liinting  at  an  actual 
distinction  between  himself  and  tlie  only  son  of  David  who 
reigned  in  Jerusalem. 

But  it  is  more  particularly  in  the  Epilogue^  that  the  writer 
of  the  book  makes  himself  known  as  not  being  the  Solomon 
of  history.  He  speaks  of  himself  as  a  *' wise  man,"  not  as 
an  actual  king  or  ruler  in  Israel.  With  a  view  to  instruct 
his  contemporaries  he  has  adopted  the  plan  of  teaching  by 
means  of  proverbs,  and  made  use  only  of  such  "  sayings  of 
the  wise  "  as  were  really  ''words  of  truth,"  so  that  his  own 
book  is  one  of  the  many  valuable  collections  of  the  maxims 
of  the  wise  in  Israel.  Plainly,  in  thus  speaking  of  himself 
and  his  work,  the  actual  w^riter  excludes  the  possibility  of 
being  mistaken  for  Solomon,  who  had  not  been  preceded  by 
a  series  of  wnse  men,  and  would  not  be  represented  as  bor- 
rowing from  them  the  elements  of  his  ow^n  book.^ 

The  second  proof  of  the  non-Solomonic  authorship  of 
Ecclesiastes  is  drawn  from  the  contents  of  the  body  of  that 
inspired  writing.  "  Qoheleth  speaks  in  the  tone  of  a  subject, 
not  of  a  sovereign.  Some  passages  of  which  this  may  be 
said  can  be  paralleled  by  passages  in  the  book  of  Proverbs  ; 
but  one  class  of  passages  is  of  a  special  character.  Qoheleth 
complains  (iii,  16)  that  wickedness  was  in  the  place  of  judg- 
ment ;  he  tells  (iv,  6)  how%  looking  on  the  tears  of  the 
oppressed  who  had  no  comforter  (for  with  their  oppressors 
there  was  power),  he  deemed  it  better  to  be  dead  than 
to  be  alive  ;  twice  more  (v,  8;  vii,  7)  he  returns  to  the  sub- 
ject of  the  tyranny  of  the  powerful  and  the  corruption  of 
the  judges  ;  he  complains  of  the  bad  choice  of  rulers  by  the 
sovereign — '  folly  set  in  great  dignity,  and  the  rich  sitting  in 

'  Eccles.  xii,  9-14. 

"^  For  details,  see  Chas.  H.  H.  Wright,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  100-105. 


I  24         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

low  places.'  All  is  written  in  the  tone  of  a  man  who  looked 
on  bad  government  as  an  infliction  of  Providence,  against 
which  it  was  hopeless  to  contend,  not  of  one  who  was  i)er- 
sonally  responsible  for  the  evil  he  failed  to  set  right  as  he 
was  bound  to  do."^  The  king's  system  of  spies,  spoken  of 
in  X,  20,  togetlier  with  the  writer's  bitter  advice  based  on  it, 
can  hardly  be  seriously  regarded  as  coming  from  a  king. 
These  and  other  such  complaints  against  bad  government 
clearly  come  from  one  who  had  himself  writhed  under  a 
tyrannical  yoke,  not  from  *' Solomon,  who  could  scarcely 
complain  so  bitterly  concerning  oppressions,  the  unrighteous 
acts  of  judges,  and  the  elevation  of  fools  and  slaves  to  high 
honors,  to  the  neglect  of  the  rich  and  the  noble,  unless  he 
had  wished  to  write  a  satire  on  himself."^ 

Nor  does  it  avail  in  the  least,  with  a  view  to  get  rid  of  this 
argument,  to  maintain  that  the  book  was  composed  by 
Solomon  "  in  his  old  age,  after  he  had  yielded  to  female 
influence  to  trust  into  unfit  hands  power  which  he  was  not 
afterwards  strong  enough  to  revoke."  ^  This  is  a  supposition 
which  has  no  positive  proof  in  its  favor,  or  rather  which 
goes  directly  against  the  obvious  meaning  of  the  words  of 
Qoheleth.  Still  less  can  it  be  admitted,  in  accordance  with 
a  widely-received  opinion,  that  the  aged  Solomon  composed 
Ecclesiastes  as  an  expression  of  self-condemnation,  of 
penitence  for  the  errors  and  crimes  of  his  middle  life. 
There  is  no  tangible  trace  of  self-condemnation  or  of  peni- 
tence.* The  writer's  "  different  experiments  in  search  of 
happiness  are  recorded   as  failures,  but  without  shame  or 

1  Prof.  G.  Salmon,  Ecclesiastes,  p,  222. 

'  Jno.  Jahn,  Introduction  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  495  (Engl.  Transl.).  See  also  Fr. 
Condamin's  words  to  exactly  the  same  effect,  in  Revue  Biblique,  July  iqoo,  p.  359 

3  G.  Salmon,  loc.  cit.  Cfr.  George  C.  M.  Douglas,  in  Keil's  Introduction,  p.  518 
(Engl.  Transl.). 

4  This  is  so  true  that  some  defenders  of  the  Solomonic  authorship  have  thereby  been 
led  to  think  that  Ecclesiastes  was  written  before  Solomon  had  given  full  scope  to  his 
sensuality  and  despotism. 


ECCLESIASTES.  1 25 

repentance ;  and  in  particular,  not  only  is  the  sin  of  coun- 
tenancing idolatry,  with  which  Solomon  is  charged  in  the 
book  of  Kings,  not  deplored,  but  no  warning  against  idol- 
atry is  given  in  the  whole  book."  ^ 

More  decisive  still  against  the  Solomonic  authorship  of 
Qoheleth  is  the  post-exilic  character  of  the  language  used 
throughout  that  sacred  writing.  The  cogency  of  this  argu- 
ment has  long  been  admitted  by  such  conservative  scholars 
as  Keil  among  Protestants,'^  and  Kaulen  among  Catholics,' 
and  at  the  present  day  it  is  denied  only  by  a  few  scholars 
absolutely  bent  on  holding  ancient  positions  however 
untenable.*  The  post-exilic  character  of  the  language  of 
Ecclesiastes  is  well  and  briefly  described  by  Driver  in  the 
following  manner :  "  Linguistically,  Qoheleth  stands  by 
itself  in  the  Old  Testament.  The  Hebrew  in  which  it  is 
written  has  numerous  features  in  common  with  the  latest 
parts  of  the  Old  Testament — Esdras,  Nehemias,  Chronicles, 
Esther — but  it  has  in  addition  .many  not  met  with  in  these 
books,  but  found  first  in  the  fragments  of  Ecclesiasticus 
(Ben-Sira,  about  b.c.  200)  or  in  the  Mishnah  (which  includes 
no  doubt  older  elements,  but  received  its  present  form 
c.  200  A.D.).  The  characteristic  of  the  Hebrew  in  which 
these  latest  parts  of  the  Old  Testament  are  written  is  that, 
while  many  of  the  old  classical  words  and  expressions  still 
continue  in  use,  and  in  fact  still  preponderate,  the  syntax 
is  deteriorated,  the  structure  of  sentences  is  cumbrous  and 
inelegant,  and  there  is  a  very  decided  admixture  of  words 
and  idioms  not  found  before,  having  usually  affinities  with 
the  Aramaic,  or  being  such  as  are  in  constant  and  regular 
use   in   the   Hebrew  of  post-Christian  times  (the  Mishnah, 

'  G.  Salmon,  loc.  cit  ,  p.  222  sq. 

2  Keii,.  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  i.  p.  518  sq.  (Engl.  Transl.). 

3  Franz  Kaulen,  Einleitung  in  d.  heilige  Schritt.  A.  u.  N.  Testaments,  p.  272  (3d 
edit.). 

•*  Cfr.  CoNUAMiN,  S.J  ,  loc    cit  ,  pp.  359  362,  376,  ^77. 


126         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

etc.).  And  this  latter  element  is  decidedly  larger  and  more 
prominent  in  Ecclesiastes  than  in  either  Esther,  or  Esdras, 
Nehemias,  Chronicles."^  The  detailed  evidence  has  been 
given  by  Delitzsch  in  his  German  commentary  on  Ecclesi- 
astes, and  although  it  has  been  objected  to  in  some  few 
particulars,  it  has,  on  the  whole,  stood  the  test  of  criticism. 
It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  defenders  of  the  Solomonic 
authorship,  as  justly  remarked  by  Kaulen  and  Condamin, 
S.J.,  have  been  satisfied  with  an  offhand  treatment  of  the 
linguistic  argument  so  ably  put  forth  against  the  traditional 
view.^ 

3.  Author  and  Precise  Date  Unknown.  From  the 
foregoing  remarks  it  plainly  follows  that  a  writer  other  than 
Solomon  must  be  regarded  as  the  author  of  the  book  of 
Ecclesiastes,  although  this  monarch  is  certainly  designated 
under  the  name  of  Qoheleth,  and  represented  as  speaking 
of  his  own  experiments  of  life  in  the  body  of  the  work. 
This  is  simply  a  literary  device  identical  with  the  one  now 
universally  admitted  in  connection  w^th  the  book  of  Wis- 
dom, and  analogous  to  the  one  frequently  insisted  upon  by 
contemporary  scholars  in  reference  to  the  book  of  Job. 
"  Solomon,"  says  one  of  them,^  "  is  introduced  as  the 
speaker  in  the  same  way  as  Cicero  in  his  treatises  '  On  Old 
Age  '  and  *  On  Friendship '  selects  Cato  tlie  eider  as  the 
exponent  of  his  views,  or  as  Plato  in  his  Dialogues  brings 
forward  Socrates.  Similarly  in  the  literature  of  tlie  Old 
Testament  the  writer  of  the  book  of  Job  introduces  into  his 
magnificent    dialogue    that    patriarch    and    his    friends    as 

'  Prof.  Driver.  Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  473  sq.  See  also  Dkivek's 
Use  of  the  Tenses  in  Hebrew,  p.  162  sq.  (3d  edit.). 

■■2  It  has  been  treated  more  seriously  by  Mr.  Johnston  (the  AuthorMiip  of  Eccles'- 
astes,  Macmillan,  1880) ;  but  his  handling  of  the  topic  is  unsatisfactory  in  tnanv  way 
(cfr.  Chas.  H.  H.  Wright,  Ecclesiastes,  p   no,  and  Excursus  iv). 

3  Chas.  H.  H.  Wright,  loo.  cit.,  p.  118.  See  also  A.  S.  Peake,  art.  Ecclesiastes. 
p.  637,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible  ;  etc. 


ECCLKSIAST:<:S.  1 27 

sneakers."  Solomon,  the  ty[>ic:al  representative  of  wisdom 
in  Israel,  and  the  king  of  unsuri)assed  splendor  and  i)ros- 
perit}',  of  widest  experience  of  life  uiuier  its  Naiioiis  forms, 
was  rightly  chosen  by  the  autlioi  of  Q(jhcleth  as  ihc  speaker 
whose  words  would  teach  most  forcibly  the  failure  of  all 
things  in  the  world  to  satisfy  man's  craving  for  happiness.^ 
But  this  in  no  Avay  binds  us  to  take  the  writer  of  Qoheleth 
to  be  Solomon,  or  even  a  Jewish  king.  The  contents  of  the 
book  clearly  point,  not  to  a  monarch,  but  to  a  subject  in  full 
sympathy  with  his  fellow  subjects,  yet  complaining  with 
caution  for  fear  of  the  spies  by  whom  he  is  surrounded;  to 
a  wise  man  who,  "  from  his  observations  on  the  course  of 
human  affairs,  has  been  taught  by  his  own  experience  the 
vanity  and  vexatiousness  of  all  things  and  the  miseries  and 
calamities  of  mankind,  and  who  felt  in  himself  the  efificacy 
of  those  counsels  he  imparted  to  others."^  Of  course  the 
name  and  place  of  residence  of  this  wise  man  will  ever  re- 
main unknown,  for  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes  does  not  afford 
any  data  concerning  them. 

Positive  data  are  likewise  wanting  as  regards  the  precise 
date  at  which  the  author  of  Qoheleth  composed  his  work. 
Hence  it  is  that,  while  contemporary  critics  are  practically 
unanimous  in  regarding  the  book  as  post-exilic,  they  are 
divided  between  two  periods  posterior  to  the  Babylonian 
Captivity.  Many  maintain  that  Ecclesiastes  belongs  to  the 
closing  years  of  the  Persian  period,  which  came  to  an  end 
332  B.C.;  while  a  larger  and  increasing  number  of  scholars' 
refer  its  composition  to  the  Greek  period,  to  about  200  b.c. 
This  latter  view  seems  the  more  probable   one,  on  the  fol- 

'  It  is  by  appealing  to  some  such  literary  device  that  the  author  of  Ecclesiastes  is 
usually  vindicated  from  the  cliarge  of  a  "  pious  fraud  "  (cfr.  Chas.  H.  H.  Wkight,  loc. 
cit.  ;  E.  Ren  AN,  I'Ecclesiaste.  p.  7). 

2  Jno    Jahn.  Introd   to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  495  sq.  (Engl.  Transl.). 

s  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  N(>ldeke,  Hitzig,  Kuenen,  Tyler,  Cornill, 
Driver,  Wii.dikokr,  Pe\ke,  Condamin,  S.J.,  etc. 


128         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTrON    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

lowing  general  grounds  :  (i)  the  linguistic  features  of  the 
book  are  such  as  most  likely  require  a  date  later  than  the 
Persian  period.  "This  linguistic  argument  pleads  strongly 
for  such  later  date,  and  there  is  no  argument  to  set  against 
it  on  the  other  side";^  (2)  many  a  passage  of  Qoheleth  ^  is 
best  understood  when  viewed  in  the  light  of  the  Jewish  cus- 
toms and  tendencies  about  200  B.C.;  (3)  a  general  influence 
of  Greek  philosophy,  especially  upon  the  eschatological  con- 
ceptions of  Qoheleth,  can  hardly  be  denied,  and  it  points 
to  the  same  late  date  ;^  (4)  it  is  highly  probable  that  the 
book  of  Wisdom  was  written  with  a  view  to  oppose  certain 
erroneous  interpretations  of  Ecclesiastes  after  this  latter 
book  had  been  rendered  into  Greek  and  had  become  suf- 
ficiently known  among  the  Jews,  and  this  Avould  likewise 
suggest  about  200  B.C.  as  the  date  of  its  composition.* 

§  4.    The  Integrity  of  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes. 

Few  problems  of  higher  criticism  are  more  complex  and 
difficult  than  the  one  which  concerns  the  integrity  of  the 
book  of  Ecclesiastes.  The  divergent  views  which  have  been 
propounded  in  regard  to  it  are  well  summed  up  by  W.  H. 
Bennett '"  as  follows :  "  Apart  from  the  first  two  chapters,  the 
book  is,  as  Cheyne  says  (Job  and  Solomon,  p.  204),  '  rough  ' 
and  'disjointed.'  'The  thread  of  thought  seems  to  break 
every  few^  verses  ;  .  .  •  the  feelings  and  opinions  embodied 
in  the  book  are  often  mutually  inconsistent.'  The  theories 
framed  to  account  for  these  facts  may  be  grouped  thus  : 

1  A.  S.  Peake,  art.  Ecclesiastes,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  p.  639;  see  also 
CoNDAMiN,  S.J.,  Revue  Biblique  (1900),  p.  376. 

2  Cfr.  Eccles.  iv,  17 ;  v.  i,  2  ;  vii,  16,  17  ;  x,  5,  6,  7  ;  xi,   i,  as  interpreted  by  Conda- 
MiN,  loc.  cit  ,  p.  375. 

3  Cfr.  L.   Atzberger,  die  Christliche  Eschatologie,  quoted  approvingly  by  Con- 
DAMiN,  loc.  cit  ,  p.  372. 

4  Cfr.  Chas.  H.  H.  Wright,  Ecclesiastes,  pp.  67-72  ;  Condamin,  loc.  cit,  pp.  367- 
369. 

'  A  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  163  sq. 


ECCLF.SIASTES.  1 29 

"  (i)  That  the  book  was  written  as  it  stands,  and  that  the 
lack  of  colierence  and  consistency  either  reflect  the  un- 
certainty and  varying  moods  of  the  autlior,  as  in  Tenny- 
son's Two  Voices  (thus  Nowack,  Plumptre,  Wildeboer), 
or  that  the  book  contains  a  kind  of  report  of  the  discussions 
of  a  religious  academy  (Tyler),  or  that  the  more  sceptical 
passages  are  the  sayings  of  an  infidel  objector,  quoted  to 
be  refuted. 

"  (2)  That  the  lack  of  order  is  due  to  an  accident  to  the 
MS.  by  which  leaves  were  transposed  (Bickell,  who  also 
holds  that  there  are  important  editorial  additions,  e.g.  all 
the  passages  implying  authorship  by  Solomon),  or  to  the  fact 
that  iii-xii  were  compiled  from  loose  notes  of  the  author 
after  his  death  (Cheyne,  Job  and  Solomon,  p.  204).  This 
view  would  explain  the  presence  of  the  collection  of  prov- 
erbs (ix,  17-X,  20). 

*'  (3)  That  the  confusion  arises  from  omissions  and  inter- 
polations made  by  editors  to  correct  the  sceptical  tone  of 
the  book  (Paul  Haupt).^  This  view  is  supported  by  the 
probable  analogy  of  Job. 

"  The  epilogues,  xii,  9-14,  especially  verse  13  sq.,  are  often 
regarded  as  additions  (Bickell,  Cheyne,  Nowack,  Plump- 
tre). They  certainly  read  like  a  subscription  by  a  later  hand 
(cfr.  John  xxi,  24  sq.),  and  verse  it^  sq.  seems  to  contradict 
the  teaching  of  many  passages  of  the  book.  The  rejection, 
however,  of  this  section  carries  with  it  that  of  passages 
which  are  considered  as  notes  enforcing  ordinary  religious 
views  (ii,  26*;  iii,  17;  vii,  26^;  viii,  12  sq.;  xi,  9'^;  xii, 
I,  7).  The  difficulty  as  to  verse  13,  sq.  is  not  that  its  teach- 
ing is  necessarily  incompatible  with  the  rest  of  the  book. 
.  .  .  But  verse  13  sq.  is  not  'the   sum  of  the  matter'  either 

1  This  theory  is  reconcilable  with  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  Inspiration,  provided  k 
be  admitted  that  the  book  passed  finally  through  the  hands  of  an  inspired  editor.  Cfr. 
Card.  Newman's  Inspiration  of  Scripture  in  "the  Nineteenth  Century,"  Febni«lf 
1884,  p.  195  sq. 


130         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT, 

as  a  summary  of  the  book  or  of  Qoheleth's  feelings  as  tc 
the  subject.  .  .  .  The  simplest  theory  of  the  book  seems  to 
be  the  last  (no.  3). 

"  An  interesting  variety  of  this  theory  supposes  that  the 
Epilogue  was  added  at  the  Synod  of  Jamnia,  a.d.  90,  to 
adapt  Ecclesiastes  for  reception  into  the  Canon,  and  to 
formally  close  the  Canon  of  the  Hagiographa." 


SYxNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  VI. 
The  Canticle  of  Canticles. 


Name  and  - 
Unity  ; 


II. 

Author- 
ship AND 
Date  : 


I.   NaiiK 


2.  Unity 


(  in   the  Hebrew  Text,  and   in  Vatican   and 
Ephroemi  MSS.  ofLXX. 
in  the   Alexandrian    MS.  of  I,X\.  the  Old 
Latin  Version,  the  Tar^nun,  etc. 

f  Identity    of    person  a  t^es    and 
Grounds  characteristic       expressions 

fQj.         i        throughout. 

I    Difficulty  of  dividing  tlie  bo(jk 
t       into  distinct  Idyls. 

'  Disconnection  of  principal 
Parts,  and  Absence  <.f  Real 
Development  in  the  Pcjeni. 
Title  in  Alexandrian  MS.  of 
LXX,  the  Old  Latin  Ver- 
sion, etc. 


Reasons 
against 


I.  The  Tra- 
ditional 
View: 


2.  More 
Recent 
.     Theories : 

f  I.  The  Al- 
legorical 
Method  : 


III. 
Principal 
Modes  of   - 
Interpre 

TATION  : 


2.  The 
Literal 
Method. 


r  Canticle  ascribed  indeed  to 
State.  J  Solomon,  but  the  Exact 
ment:     |        Period    of  his    Reign     left 

(^       undetermined. 

f  The  Title  of  the  Book;   His- 
I        torical  Allusions  in  the  Can- 
Grounds:  ^        tide  ;    Diction    pointing    to 
the  same  authorship  as  that 
[       of  Proverbs, 

f  Solomonic   Authorship   denied  on  various 

■{        Grounds. 

(.  Real  Author  and  Precise  Date  Unknown. 

Its  Origin  and  Gradual  Development. 
Its  Grounds  and  Principal  Difficulties. 

"  (A)    A    Dra-   (   Two  or  Three  Characters 
matic  Com- 
position. 


(B)  A  Com- 
pilation of 
Idyls  : 


admitted. 
How  far  probable  ? 

f  Origin  and  Gradual  Ad- 
(        mission  of  this  View. 
Advantages  and  Difficul- 
ties   connected     there- 
with. 


3.  The 
Typical 
1.      Method  : 


Notion  and  Origin. 
Its  Grounds  and  Probability, 
131 


CHAPTER  VL 

THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES. 

§   I.  Name  and  Unity  of  the  Work. 

I.  Name.  The  book  which  immediately  follows  Eccle- 
siastes  in  our  Christian  Bibles^  is  called  the  Canticle  of 
Canticles  or  Song  of  Songs.  This  name — like  the  Aa^xa 
acriAocTGJv  in  the  Vatican  and  Ephraemi  MSS.  of  the  Septua- 
gint  and  the  Canticum  Canticorum  in  the  official  Latin 
Vulgate — is  a  literal  rendering  of  the  Hebrew  idiom  Shir 
Jlashshirifn^  which  appears  as  the  title  in  the  Original  Text. 
Its  meaning  naturally  corresponds  to  that  of  the  expression 
Shir  Hashshirim^  and  must  therefore  be  regarded  as  equiva- 
lent to  the  most  beautiful  Canticle  or  Song,  for  the  construc- 
tion of  a  noun  with  its  own  plural  in  the  genitive  conveys  in 
the  Hebrew  a  superlative  sense  :  the  Song  of  Songs  means 
the  most  excellent  Song,  in  the  same  way  as  the  Holy  of 
Holies^  means  the  Most  Holy;  the  Heaven  of  Heavens^ 
the  Highest  Heavens  ;  etc. 

A  second  and  probably  older  form  of  the  name  is  Can- 
ticles of  Canticles.  This  plural  form,  which  is  found  as  the 
heading  in  the  Alexandrian  MS.  of  the  Septuagint  ('A(T}xa- 
ra  ao-fxaroDv)^  can  be  traced  back  to  a  much  earlier  date. 

1  In  the  ordinary  printed  editions  of  the  Hebrew  Text  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  is 
placed  between  Job  and  Ruth.  It  is  the  first  of  the  five  M^ghilloth,  or  "  Rjlls,"  which 
are  read  in  Jewish  services  at  certain  sacred  seasons.  The  Canticle  of  Canticles  is 
read  at  the  Passover. 

2  Exodus  xxvi,  33. 

3  Deuter.  x,  14. 

13a 


THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES.  1 33 

Not  only  was  it  known  to  Origen  (f  254  a.d.)  and  bis  con- 
temporaries ;  ^  but  it  was,  to  all  appearances,  the  title  pre- 
fixed to  the  book  in  the  Old  Latin  Version,^  and  conse- 
quently also  in  the  MSS.  of  the  Septuagint,  from  which  the 
Old  Latin  translation  was  made  in  the  early  days  of  Chris- 
tianity."'^ Again,  the  reading  of  such  ancient  Greek  copies 
— with  which  that  of  the  Alexandrian  MS.  may  well  be 
connected — naturally  suggests  a  corresponding  plural  form 
in  Hebrew  MSS.  anterior  to  our  era.  It  may  also  be  men- 
tioned, as  confirming  this  last  inference,  that  the  Targum 
on  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  seems  to  point  to  a  plural  form 
in  its  paraphrase  of  the  title  of  the  book,  speaking  of  "  the 
songs  and  hymns  which  Solomon  uttered."  * 

2.  Unity  of  the  Book.  It  must  be  readily  granted 
that  the  form  Shir  Hashshirim,  "  the  Canticle  of  Canticles," 
was  prefixed  to  the  book  to  signify  the  unity  of  its  contents. 
It  was  because  the  various  parts  of  the  book  were  regarded 
as  integrant  elements  of  a  practically  continuous  poem  that 
they  were  designated  under  the  collective  form  Shir^  "  Can- 
ticle "  (in  the  sing.).  And,  as  might  well  be  expected,  the 
title  which  had  been  thus  framed  contributed  powerfully  to 
spread  and  preserve  the  view  that,  differently  from  the 
Psalms,  for  example,  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  is  not  made 
up  of  disconnected  poetical  pieces.  In  fact  that  view  is 
still  the  one  most  prevalent  among  contemporary  scholars, 

>  Cfr.  EusifBius,  Eccles.  History,  Book  VI,  chap  xxv. 

2  That  the  Old  Latin  Version  read  Cautica  Caniicoruvi  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
Rufinus,  St.  Ambrose,  and  otlier  Latin  writers  freely  used  that  title  (cfr.  H.  B.  Swete, 
Introd.  to  the  Old  Test,  in  Greek,  p.  210  sqq.;  G.  Gietmann,  S.J.,  in  Cant.  Cantic, 
p.  337).  The  official  edition  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  published  by  Si.xtus  V.  read  Cantica 
Canticorum. 

3  This  inference  is  also  grounded  on  the  use  of  the  plural  form  by  Junilius,  St.  John 
Damascene,  and  other  authorities,  whose  Eastern  affinities  must  be  admitted  (cfr.  espe- 
cially SwETic,  loc.  cit.). 

^  See  also  tlie  words  of  Rabbi  Jonathan,  quoted  by  L.  Wogue,  Histoire  de  la  Bible 
et  de  re-xegcsa  Biblique,  p.  54. 


134         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

partly  on  account  of  the  title,^  partly  also  for  the  following 
reasons  :  (i)  the  same  persons  appear  throughout  in  the 
same  relations  :  the  bridegroom,  who  is  spoken  of  as  a  king 
in  i,  3  (Heb.,  verse  4)  ;  iii,  7,  11  ;  viii,  11  ;  the  young 
maiden  who  is  treated  as  a  spouse,  and  who  has  her  own 
mother,  brothers,  vineyard,  etc.,  in  i,  5  (Heb.,  6)  ;  ii,  15, 
16  ;  iii,  4  ;  vi,  2,  8  ;  vii,  10  ;  viii,  2,  8, 12,  13  ;  the  daughters 
of  Jerusalem,  in  i,  4  (Heb.,  5)  ;  ii,  7  ;  iii,  5  ;  v,  8,  16  ;  viii, 
4  ;  (2)  the  same  characteristic  expressions  and  images  are 
found  in  all  the  parts  of  the  poem  :  the  bridegroom  is  com- 
pared to  a  "roe  or  a  young  hart,"  ii,  9,  17  ;  viii,  14  ;  he 
feedeth  his  flock  among  the  lilies,  ii,  16  ;  iv,  5  ;  vi,  2  ;  the 
daughters  of  Jerusalem  are  adjured  in  the  same  words,  ii, 
7  ;  iii,  5  ;  viii,  4,  and  they  call  the  bride  "  the  fairest  among 
women,"  i,  7  (Heb.,  8)  ;  v,  9  ;  v,  17  (Heb.,  vi,  i)  ;  the  in- 
terrogative forms  are  identical  throughout,  iii,  6  ;  vi,  9  ; 
viii,  5  ;  sh  is  always  used  in  the  poem  instead  of  the  full 
relative  particle '<7j'/^<fr  ;  etc. ;  ^  (3)  if  the  Canticle  of  Can- 
ticles was  made  up  of  a  few  idyls  loosely  strung  together, 
it  should  be  easy  to  distribute  the  work  into  its  several 
parts  ;  in  reality,  scholars  who  have  attempted  this  distribu- 
tion have  signally  failed  in  reaching  anything  like  a  fair 
amount  of  agreement  among  themselves,  which  shows  that 
the  book  is  a  unit  the  various  elements  of  which  cannot  be 
severed  except  through  arbitrary  analysis. 

It  can  hardly  be  denied  that,  despite  these  and  other 
more  or  less  plausible  arguments  in  favor  of  the  unity  of 
the  Canticle  of  Canticles,  scholars  in  increasing  number 
admit  the  composite  character  of   its  contents.     They  are 

1  Cfr.  Samuel  Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  ii,  p.  420;  Keil,  Introd., 
vol.  i,  p  504  (Engl.  Transl.) ;  R.  Cornkly,  Introduction  vol.  ii,  part  ii,  p.  184  ;  etc. 
Of  course,  if  the  title  had  been  prefixed  by  the  very  author  of  the  book,  as  is  affirmed 
by  Cornely  (loc.  cit.),  it  would  at  once  establish  the  unity  of  the  book  ;  but  the  genu- 
ineness of  t)ie  title  is  neither  proved  no:  probable,  as  is  rightly  admitted  by  Abb^  J.  B- 
Pei.t.  Rabbi  L.  WoGi  e,  and  nearly  all  recent  critics. 

3  For  details,  see  Keil,  loc.  cit. 


THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES. 


:>r 


forcibly  struck  by  the  fact,  whicli  is  indeed  granted  by  many 
advocates  of  the  unity  of  the  poem/  tliat  the  various  parts 
of  so  short  a  book  are  disconnected.  The  absence  of 
a  real  connection  is  manifest  at  ii,  8  ;  iii,  i  ;  iii,  6  ;  iv,  i  ; 
iv,  8  ;  vi,  4  ;  etc.  Within  certain  sections,  tlie  continuity 
of  which  might  naturally  be  expected,^  there  are  details 
tending  to  disprove  a  real  unity  :  thus  in  i,  4  (Heb.,  verse 
5) ;  ii,  7  ;  iii,  2  ;  v,  i  sqq.,  the  scene  is  in  Jerusalem  ;  but  it 
is  in  the  country  in  i,  6  (Heb.,  7)  ;  ii,  8  sqq.;  etc.;  again, 
the  speakers  are  not  clearly  distinguished  :  i,  3  (Heb.,  4), 
7,  8  (Heb.,  8,  9)  ;  ii,  15  ;  etc.  The  general  subject-matter 
of  the  book  is  indeed  "  the  mutual  love  of  a  bridegroom  and 
his  bride  "  ;^  but  it  is  not  treated  with  anything  like  regard 
for  regular  succession  of  ideas  and  artistic  progress,  so  that 
no  real  development  is  observable  throughout  the  poem. 
It  is  not  therefore  surprising  to  find  that  the  supporters  of 
the  unity  of  the  book  disagree  both  as  to  its  main  parts  *  and 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  the  parts  should  be  connected. 
Yea,  more  :  one  of  them  has  felt  obliged  to  confess  that  "  it 
would  almost  seem  as  if  the  author  wrote  little  pieces,  and 
put  them  together  afterwards,'"  and  that  "  there  is  ground 
for  the  assertion  of  those  who  deny  coherence  and  strict 
unity  in  the  Song";'^  while  another  significantly  writes: 
''  Etsi  unus  est  liber  et  argumento  et  origine,  tamen  non  est 
sine  ulla  intercapedine  continuatum,  sed  quasi  separatis  de 
eadem  materia  carminibus  ordinate  tamen  coagmentatum  ; 
cf.  v.  g.  transitum  minime  continuum  a  ii,  7  ad  ii,  8."^ 

1  It  is  granted  by  Pelt,  Gietmann,  S.J.,  S.  Davidson',  etc. 

2  Cfr.  De  Wi-TTE,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  ii,  p.  536  (Enijl.  Transl.). 

3  Abbe  H.  Lesetkr,  art.  Cantique  des  ("antiques,  in  Vigouroux,  Diet,  de  la  Bible, 
col.  186.     See  also  J.  B.  Pelt,  Histoire  de  I'Ancien  Test.,  vol.  ii,  p.  67. 

*  "  Le  desaccord  le  plus  complet  regne  parmi  les  auteurs  qui  se  sont  occupes  do 
diviser  le  Cantique  "  (H.  Lesetke,  Introduction  ii  I'Etude  de  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  vol, 
ii,  p.  4 -,2). 

6  Samuel  Davidsom,  Introduct.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  ii,  p.  421. 

^  Gerardus  Gietmann,  S.J.,  in  Eccl.  et  Cant.  Canticorum,  p.  339.  Cfr.  also  J.  B. 
Pbli,  loc.  cit.,  p.  68. 


136         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

In  thus  regarding  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  as  made  up  of 
distinct  poetical  pieces  which  all  deal  with  the  same  general 
topic,  viz.,  the  mutual  love  of  a  bridegroom  and  his  bride, 
the  opponents  of  the  unity  of  the  book  think  that  they  ac- 
count sufficiently  for  the  identity  of  persons,  as  also  of  ex- 
pressions, comparisons,  etc.,  which  are  appealed  to  as  proving 
t'.ie  unity  of  contents.  They  also  explain  in  this  manner 
how  it  came  to  pass  that  these  distinct  songs  or  parts  of  songs 
\A'ere  gathered  together  into  one  book  the  natural  title  of 
which  was  in  the  plural  form.  The  reason  for  which  these 
canticles  were  made  to  form  one  collection  consists  in  the 
fact  that  they  all  dealt  with  the  same  general  subject  ;  and 
as  they  were  clearly  distinct  pieces  they  received  a  title  in  the 
plural,  the  existence  of  which  is  made  known  to  us  through 
the  inscription  "Acrfxara  acr^AaTGOv  in  the  Alexandrian 
MS.  of  the  Septuagint,^  the  title  Cajitica  Canikortim,  which 
was  found  in  the  Old  Latin  Version,^  and  the  plural  form 
used  in  the  Aramaic  Paraphrase  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles. 
As  regards  the  title  in  the  singular.  Shir  Hashshirim  (Canticle 
of  Canticles),  it  may  be  easily  regarded  as  the  outcome  (i) 
of  the  fact  that  the  canticles  had  long  formed  one  distinct 
book  or  collection;^  (2)  of  the  desire  to  render  the  contents 
of  the  book  more  acceptable,  by  describing  the  collection 
ns  **  the  most  excellent  song."* 

'  The  simple  title  T^hillim  (Praises)  prefixed  to  the  general  collection  of  Psalms 
r.uggests,  through  analogy,  the  equally  simple  title  Shirivi  (Songs)  for  the  canonical  col- 
lection of  Hebrew  songs.  The  fuller  form  now  found  in  the  Original  Text  does  not 
appear  to  be  the  primitive  one. 

^2  The  formulas  "  Incipiunt  Cantica  Canticorum,"  "  De  Canticis  Canticorum,"  found 
frequently  in  the  Roman  liturgy,  as  indeed  the  plural  form  "Canticles"  in  the  VI. 
/  rticle  of  the  Church  of  England,  are  probably  traceable  to  the  reading  of  the  Old  Latin 
Version. 

3  It  is  in  this  way  that  the  Psalter  came  to  bear  a  twofold  title  :  (i)  T'^hillim  (Praises) ; 
(2^  Sepher  T'"hiliim  (IJook  of  Praises). 

*  1  he  Jewish  opposition  met  by  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  on  the  ground  of  some  of 
its  contents  was  overcome  by  Rabbi  Aqiba  through  a  device  of  that  kind.  In  the 
Synod  of  Jamnia  he  solemnly  protested  that   "the  writings  are  indeed  ^o/y,  but  that 


I 


THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES.  I37 

§  2.  Authorship  and  Date, 

I.  The  Traditional  View.  Like  the  book  of  Eccle- 
siastes,  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  is  regarded  as  the  work 
of  Solomon  by  those  who  implicitly  rely  on  the  teaching  of 
Jewish  and  Christian  tradition.  This  position  they  hold  all 
the  more  firmly,  because  "  even  those  rabbis  or  heretics  of  old 
who  denied  the  sacred  character  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles 
nevertheless  did  not  question  its  Solomonic  origin."  ^  They 
therefore  think  that  the  only  point  about  which  there  may 
be  some  doubt  concerns  the  precise  period  of  Solomon's 
life  to  which  the  composition  of  the  book  should  be  referred. 
Many  of  them,  however,  consider  it  far  more  probable  that 
the  Canticle  of  Canticles  was  written  by  the  monarch  while 
a  youth  and  as  yet  innocent ;  while  some  add  that  it  may 
have  been  composed  by  him  on  the  occasion  of  his  mar- 
riage with  the  daughter  of  Pharao.^ 

The  first  and  simplest  argument  in  favor  of  the  Solomonic 
authorship  consists  in  the  full  title  of  the  book,  as  found  in 
the  first  verse  of  the  Hebrew  Text  :  *'  Shir  Hashshirim,  which 
is  Solomon's."  In  this  title  the  ascription  to  Solomon  is  ex- 
plicit. "  It  is  made  by  means  of  the  prefix  7  (to),  as  in  the 
superscriptions  of  the  Psalms  ;  and  the  relative  particle 
'dsher  (which)  is  added  in  consequence  of  the  article  in  the 
preceding  expression  Shir  Hashshiriiny^  It  is  true  that 
this  first  verse  of  the  original  Hebrew  is  not  translated  in 
the  official  Latin  Vulgate,  but  its  ascription  of  the  work  to 
Solomon  is  sufficiently  stated  in  this  heading  of  the  Vulgate: 
"  Canticum  Canticorum  Salomonis,"  and  is  certainly  anterior 
to  the  Septuagint  Version,  the  various  MSS.  of  which  con- 

Shir  Hashshirim  is  holy  of  holies."     (Cfr.  L.  WoGUE,  Histoire  de  la  Bible  et  de 
I'Exegt-se  Biblique,  p.  56.) 

'  C  ORNELY,  Introd.,  vol.  ii,  part  ii,  p.  ig6. 

2  Cfr.  H.  Lesetre,  Introd.  il  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  vol.  ii,  p.  435. 

3  Keil,  Introd.,  vol.  i,  p.  501  (Engl.  Transl.). 


138  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

tain  a  rendering  of  tlie  first  Hebrew  verse. ^  It  is  even 
claimed  by  some  defenders  of  the  Solomonic  authorship 
that  the  full  title  of  the  book  goes  back  to  Solomon  himself. 
As  it  is  granted,  however,  by  most  critics  that  the  title 
betrays  in  many  ways  its  later  origin,"  and  in  consequence 
might  not  be  more  reliable  than  the  inscriptions  of  the 
Psalms,  scholars  who  regard  Solomon  as  the  writer  of  the 
Canticle  of  Canticles  endeavor  by  other  arguments  to  show 
that  the  traditional  ascription  to  that  prince  which  is  em- 
bodied in  the  title  is  really  correct. 

They  affirm — repeating  here,  as  in  many  other  places,  the 
statements  of  Keil  ^ — that  the  images  used  in  i,  5  (Vulgate, 
verses  4,  8);  iii,  7  sqq.  ;  iv,  4  ;  viii,  11,  and  others,  show 
that  the  writer  was  at  home  in  the  age  of  Solomon  ;  that  the 
multitude  of  plants  and  animals  which  occur  in  the  book — 
nuts,  aloes,  cedar,  cypress,  vine,  mandrakes,  rose,  cam- 
phire,  frankincense,  myrrh,  spikenard,  cinnamon,  lily,  and, 
again,  hinds  of  the  field,  lions,  kids,  doves,  leopards,  mare, 
she-goats,  young  roes,  gazelles,  ewes,  foxes,  turtle — as  well 
as  of  other  natural  objects  and  products  (ivory,  marble, 
sapphires,  etc.) — favor  the  belief  that  he  was  King  Solomon, 
renowned  equally  as  a  prolific  composer  of  songs  and  as  an 
eminent  naturalist.* 

They  also  urge  that  the  writer  speaks  of  the  places  he 
mentions  as  one  who  lived  before  the  disruption  of  the  king- 
dom which  occurred  upon  the  demise  of  Solomon.  Thus 
he  draws    comparisons    from  Jerusalem,  Thersa,^    Galaad, 

1  The  authentic  edition  of  the  LXX  by  Sixtus  V.  renders  also  the  full  Hebrew  title. 

2  For  instance,  Solomon  would  hardly  have  prefixed  to  his  work  the  laudatory  title  : 
"  ir.ost  excellent  or  beautiful  song";  he  would  hardly  have  used  the  full  particle  "usher 
for  the  title,  and  never  in  the  body  of  the  book,  etc.,  whereas  this  is  very  natural  on  the 
part  of  a  later  title-writer. 

3  Introduction  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  i,  p.  502  (Engl.  Transl.). 

*  Cfr.  Ill  Kings  iv,  32  sq. 

•  Canticle  ri,  4  in  Hebrew  Text.  But  the  reading  of  the  Hebrew  Text  is  hardly 
defensible  (cfr.  art.  Canticles  in  Encyclop.  BibUca*. 


THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES.  1 39 

Hesebon,  Mt.  Carmel,  the  Lebanon  range,  Mt.  Hermon, 
etc.,  as  if  they  belonged  to  one  and  the  same  kingdom.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  these  localities  ceased  to  belong  to  the 
same  kingdom  after  the  death  of  Solomon,  and  Thersa 
actually  became  the  capital  of  Jeroboam.  Whence  it  may 
be  inferred  that,  had  the  author  lived  after  the  disruption, 
he  would  have  exclusively  borrowed  his  comparisons  from 
places  in  either  the  Northern  or  the  Southern  Kingdom, 
according  to  his  own  political  allegiance.* 

Lastly,  they  insist  on  the  beauty  of  the  descriptions,  the 
elegance  of  the  language,  as  well  worthy  of  the  eminent 
poetical  author  (Solomon  ?)  of  the  book  of  Proverbs.  In  fact, 
according  to  them,  the  affinities  of  diction  are  so  great  and 
numerous  between  Proverbs  and  Canticle  of  Canticles  that 
they  may  be  readily  ascribed  to  one  and  the  same  author.^ 

2.  More  Recent  Theories.  The  foregoing  argu- 
ments have  appeared  inconclusive  to  many  scholars  of  the 
nineteenth  century  on  some  such  grounds  as  the  following: 
(i)  the  composite  character  of  the  contents  requires  diversity 
of  authorship;^  (2)  the  position  of  the  book  among  the 
Hagiographa  (or  Third  Canon  of  the  Hebrews)  points  to 
a  date  later  than  Solomon's  time  for  its  composition  ;  (3) 
"the  diction  of  the  poem  exhibits  several  peculiarities 
(especially  in  the  uniform  use  of  the  relative  ]l}  for  "itt^'N,  and 
in  the  frequent  recurrence  of  many  words  found  never  or 
rarely  besides  in  Biblical  Hebrew,  but  common  in  Aramaic) 
which  show  either  that  it  must  be  a  late  work  (post-exilic), 

1  Cfr.  H.  Lesetre,  art.  Cantique  des  Cantiques,  in  Vigouroux,  Diet,  dela  Bible,  co'. 
i85  sq.  ;  Coknely,  loc.  cit.,  p.  196  sq.  The  latter  writer,  however  is  more  guarded  in 
his  inferences. 

■^  Cfr.  Keil.  loc.  cit.  ;  Cornely,  loc.  cit.  ;  etc.  Of  course  Solomon  cannot  be 
thought  of  any  longer  as  the  sole  writer  of  the  book  of  Proverbs.  (Cfr.  Cornely,  loc. 
cit.,  p.  142.) 

^  Of  course  this  argument  is  set  forth  by  those  only  who  deny  the  substantial 
unity  of  the  contents. 


I40         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

or,  if  early,  that  it  belongs  to  North  Israel,  where  there  is 
reason  to  suppose  that  the  language  spoken  differed  dialecti- 
cally  from  that  of  Juda.^  .  .  .  The  title  was  prefixed  at  a 
time  when  the  true  origin  of  the  poem  had  been  forgotten, 
on  account  of  Solomon  being  a  prominent  figure  in  it  ";^  (4) 
the  importance  attached  to  rare  exotic  plants  and  to  garden- 
cultivation  points  to  Babylonian  influence  ;  (5)  the  mention 
of  Solomon  in  the  third  person,  both  in  the  title  and  in  the 
body  of  the  work. 

Of  these  various  arguments,  the  one  most  frequently 
insisted  upon  by  the  opponents  of  the  Solomonic  author- 
ship is  that  drawn  from  the  striking  characteristics  of  the 
language  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles.  In  fact  they  tell 
us  that  the  more  closely  it  is  examined  the  more  it  seems 
not  only  to  disprove  the  Solomonic  authorship,  but  also  to 
require  a  post-exilic  date  for  the  composition  of  the  book. 
The  linguistic  resemblances  between  the  Canticle  of  Can- 
ticles, on  the  one  hand,  and  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  and 
other  post-exilic  works,  on  the  other,  point  distinctly  in  that 
direction.  Nor  does  it  avail  to  appeal  to  the  peculiarities 
of  the  Northern  dialect  to  account  for  those  of  the  Canticle 
of  Canticles,  and  therefore  ascribe  that  book  to  the  period 
anterior  to  the  Exile  ;  for  although  "  there  is  every  proba- 
bility that  the  language  of  Northern  Israel  had  dialectic 
peculiarities,  there  is  no  sufficient  evidence  to  establish  the 
unlikely  theory  that  these  peculiarities  coincided  with 
those  of  the  latest  stage  of  the  Hebrew  language.  These 
are  entirely  absent  from  the  one  Old  Testament  document 
which  certainly  belongs  to  Israel,  the  book  of  Osee."^   This 

1  Either  supposition  plainly  excludes  direct  authorship  by  Solomon.  H.  Lesetke 
does  not  reject  absolutely  the  theory  of  the  compilation  of  the  book  after  Solomon's 
death.      (Cfr.  art,  Cantique  des  Cantiques,  in  Vigouro'x,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  col.  189.) 

2  Driver,  In;rod.,p.  448.  For  philological  examination  of  those  linguistic  peculiari- 
ties, cfr.  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  in  footn.  to  pp.  448.  449 ;  Chevne,  art.  Canticles,  in  Encyclo- 
paedia Biblica.  col.  6)2  sq.  ;  etc. 

3  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  167. 


THE  CANTICLE  OF  CANTICLES.  I4I 

view  is  further  confirmed  by  actual  allusions  in  the  book 
to  Greek  customs/  and  by  the  word  \ippiryon  (palancjuin) 
in  iii,  9,  which  is  certainly  tlie  Greek  (pofjelovj^ 

While  there  is  a  growing  tendency  among  recent  critics 
to  consider  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  as  post-exilic,  the 
divergence  among  them  perseveres  undiminished  in  regard 
to  the  approximate  date  to  which  the  work  should  be 
referred.^  This  is  due  to  many  causes.  There  is,  first  of 
all,  the  variety  of  the  contents,  some  parts  of  which  may  be 
of  a  more  recent  date  than  others.  Again,  it  is  difficult  to 
determine  the  precise  time  at  which  certain  forms  of  words 
or  construction  were  in  actual  use  in  post-exilic  Hebrew.* 
Lastly,  and  perhaps  chiefly,  there  is  the  very  imperfect  con- 
dition in  which  the  original  text  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles 
has  come  down  to  us,  so  that  the  primitive  reading  of 
words  and  expressions  having  a  real  bearing  on  the  date  of 
the  book  is  doubtful  or  positively  unknown.^  For  these 
and  other  such  reasons  not  only  the  real  name  of  the 
author  of  the  poem,  but  also  the  precise  date  of  its  compo- 
sition, must  remain  unknown. 

§  3.  Principal  Modes  of  Interpretation. 

!•  The  Allegorical  Method.  Among  the  vexed 
questions  which  gather  around  the  Canticle  of  Canticles 
must  be  reckoned  that  which  refers  to  the  subject  of  the 
book.  A  very  old  view  concerning  the  matter  takes  the 
subject  to  be  the  mutual  love  of  God  and  the  people  of 
Israel.  The  Canticle  of  Canticles  is  thus  regarded  as  an 
allegory  setting  forth  the  relation  between  the  theocratic 

*  Cfr.  i,  II  (Heb.,  12);  iii,  9,  11  ;  v,  7;  viii,  5;  etc. 

'  Cfr.  Driver's  reluctant  admission  in  this  regard  (Introd.,  p.  450), 
'  The  amount  of  variation  is  comprised  within  the  early  post-exilic  period  and  the 
second  or  third  century  B.C. 

*  Cfr.  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  450. 

*  BiCKBLL,  Cheyne,  Buude,  Haupt. 


142         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

nation  and  i>.s  king,  in  figurative  language  borrowed  from 
that  of  a  bridegroom  to  his  bride,  or  of  a  husband  to  his 
wife.  The  first  probable  traces  of  this  allegorical  method 
of  interpretation  are  found  in  the  apocryphal  writing  known 
as  the  Fourth  Book  of  Esdras,  or  the  Apocalypse  of  the  year 
97  A.D.^  "In  the  Talmud  the  beloved  \%  expressly  taken  to 
])e  God,  and  the  loved  one^  or  bride,  the  congregation  of 
Israel.  This  general  relation  is  expanded  into  more  par- 
ticular detail  by  the  Targum,  or  Aramaic  Paraphrase,  which 
treats  the  Song  of  Songs  as  an  allegorical  history  of  the  Jew- 
ish people  from  the  Exodus  to  the  coming  of  the  Mes- 
sias  and  the  building  of  the  third  Temple.  In  order  to  make 
out  the  parallel,  recourse  was  had  to  the  most  extraor- 
dinary devices  ;  for  instance,  the  reduction  of  words  to 
their  numerical  value,  and  the  free  interchanging  of  words 
similar  to  each  other  in  sound.  Elaborate  as  it  was,  the 
interpretation  of  the  Targum  was  still  further  developed  by 
the  mediaeval  Jews;  but  generally  constructed  upon  the 
same  allegorical  hypothesis.  .  .  .  The  influence  of  the 
scholastic  philosophy  found  also  an  expression  in  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  Canticles  in  the  theory  of  Ibn  Caspi  (1280- 
1340),  which  considers  the  book  as  representing  the  union 
between  the  active  intellect  (intellectus  agens)  and  the  recep- 
tive or  material  intellect  (intellectus  materialis)."^ 

In  was  in  full  harmony  with  Origen's  readiness  to  set 
forth  allegorical  interpretations  of  Holy  Writ  in  order  to 
get  rid  of  historical  or  doctrinal  difficulties,^  that  this  great 

'  Cfr.  IV  Esdras  v,  24-26 ;  vii,  26.  These  passages  of  IV  Esdras  appear  all  the  more 
probably  to  contain  traces  of  the  allegorical  interpretation  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles 
because  the  writer  was  contemporary  with  Rabbi  Aqiba.  that  is  with  the  man  who  is 
usually  regarded  as  having  set  afloat  the  allegorical  view  of  the  book  to  secure  its 
retention  among  the  sacred  writings  of  Israel. 

■^  Thos.  E.  Bkown,  art.  Canticles,  in  Smith,  Bible  Diet.,  vol.  i,  p.  378  (Amer. 
Kdit.). 

3  For  illustrations  of  Origen's  arbitrary  way  of  allegorizing  historical  or  doctrinal 
statements  of  Scripture,  see  '  General  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures," by  the  present  writer,  pp.  433-435- 


THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES.  14^ 

Christian  scliolar  slioiild  adopt,  tlioiigli  in  a  somewhat  modi- 
fied form,  the  interpretation  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles 
set  forth  by  the  rabbis  of  his  time.  Like  them  lie  excludes, 
or  at  least  seems  to  exclude,  from  the  writer's  mind  all 
pur])ose  distinct  from  that  of  composing  an  allegory;  but, 
differently  from  them,  he  takes  the  direct  subject  of  that 
allegory  to  be  Christ  and  the  Church  or  the  soul  of  the 
believer.  "  This  little  book,"  he  says,  "  seems  to  be  an 
epithalamium — that  is  a  nuptial  song — written  by  Solomon, 
sung  in  the  person  of  a  bride  to  her  bridegroom,  who  is  the 
Word  of  God  burning  with  celestial  love.  For  she  loved 
Him  passionately,  whether  we  consider  her  as  the  soul 
made  after  His  image,  or  the  Church."^ 

The  allegorical  method  of  interpreting  the  Canticle  of 
Canticles,  thus  introduced  into  the  Church  by  the  great 
Alexandrian  doctor,  has  permanently  prevailed.  Origen's 
allegorical  expositions  of  the  other  inspired  books  were 
repeatedly  shown  to  be  arbitrary,  and  were  in  consequence 
gradually  rejected  by  Christian  scholars.  But  his  interpre- 
tation of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles,  though  opposed  for 
some  time  by  writers  of  whom  St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  (f  396) 
and  Theodoret,  bishop  of  Cyrus  (f  ab.  458),  speak  only  in 
general  terms,^  and  who  most  likely  belonged  to  the  An- 
tiochian  school  of  exegesis,  soon  became  the  only  one 
received  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  churches.^ 

As  time  went  on,  the  allegorical  method  of  interpretation 
gradually  experienced  changes  in  its  application.  As  stated 
above,  Origen  and  many  Fathers  after  him  thought  that,  in 

1  Origen  Comm,  in  Cant.  Cantic.  as  rendered  into  Latin  by  Rufinus  (Migne,  Patr. 
Gr.,  vol.  xiii,  col  85. 

2  According  to  Theodoret,  several  authors  refused  to  regard  the  Canticle  of  Canticles 
as  a  spiritual  book,  and  thought  that  it  dealt  with  the  marriage  of  Solomon  with 
Pharao's  daughter,  or  with  Abisag  the  Sunamitess. 

^Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  (+  429),  whose  language  concerning  the  Canticle  of  Canti 
cles  was  condemned  solemnly  at  the  Second  Council  of  Constantinople  (553  a.d.), 
belonged  to  the  School  of  Antioch. 


T44         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

the  primary  sense  of  the  book,  the  beloved  is  Christ,  the  true 
prince  of  peace  (Solomon),  and  the  loved  one ^  or  bride ^  is  the 
Christian  Church,  or  even  the  Christian  soul.  But  gradually 
the  work  was  understood  of  Christ  and  His  blessed  Mother  ; 
of  the  union  between  the  Word  and  Our  Lord's  human 
nature  in  the  mystery  of  the  Incarnation;  of  the  union  be- 
tween Solomon  and  the  divine  Wisdom;  yea,  more:  of  the 
desired  union  between  the  ten  tribes  of  North  Israel  and 
the  kingdom  of  Ezechias,  etc.  Again,  various  parts  of  the 
book  have  been  respectively  understood  in  an  allegorical 
sense  of  various  objects.  For  instance,  Schoefer  (Das 
Hohe  Lied,  Miinster,  1876),  refers  i-ii,  7  to  the  union  be- 
tween the  Word  and  the  human  nature  in  Christ;  ii,  8-v,  i, 
to  the  union  between  Christ  and  His  Church;  v,  2-viii,  5, 
to  the  union  between  Christ  and  the  faithful  soul;  etc.^ 

Interpreters  who  thus  think  that  the  direct  and  imme- 
diate object  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  is  to  describe  a 
spiritual  relation  in  figurative  language  borrowed  from  the 
relation  of  a  bridegroom  to  his  bride,  appeal  to  the  follow- 
ing arguments  in  favor  of  this  distinctly  allegorical  method  of 
interpretation  :  (i)  many  passages  of  the  Old  and  the  New 
Testament  speak  of  God's  relation  to  His  people  under  the 
image  or  allegory  of  marriage.  Thus  Ps.  xliv  (Heb.  xlv)  is 
parallel  to  the  Song  of  Songs  ;  in  Osee  ii,  19,  20,  23,  Yah- 
weh  says  to  the  Chosen  People  :  "  I  will  espouse  thee  to  Me 
for  ever";  in  Jeremias,  ii  2  we  read  :  "Thus  says  Yahweli, 
I  have  remembered  for  thee  the  kindness  of  thy  youth,  and 
the  love  of  thy  espousals,  when  thou  followedst  Me  in  the 
desert";  and  in  consequence  Ezechiel  (xvi,  8-14)  depictf 
Israel's  unfaithfulness  to  God  as  an  adultery.  In  like  man- 
ner, in  the  New  Testament,  Our  Lord  is  often  spoken  of  as 
the  Bridegroom,  and  the  Church  as  His  Bride  (Matt,  ix,  15; 

»  Cfr.  H.  Lesetrk,  art   Cantique  des  Cantiques,  in  Vic^-URoux,   Diet,   de  la  Bible, 

col.  197  sqq- 


THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES,  1 45 

XXV,  1-13  ;  John  iii,  29  ;  Ephes.  v,  23-25,  31,  32  ;  II  Cor. 
xi,  2;  Apocalyp.  xix,  7,  8);  (2)  as  the  union  between  hus- 
band and  wife  is  the  closest  tie  existing  between  creatures 
here  below,  it  is  only  natural  that  God  should  have  caused 
the  sacred  writers  to  use  it  as  a  symbol  of  His  union  with 
regenerated  men,  and  to  allude  to  the  deepest  feelings  of  the 
human  heart  to  convey  some  manner  of  idea  of  His  ardent 
love  towards  the  work  of  His  hands.  And  this  is  why  those 
holy  souls  who,  in  the  course  of  ages,  loved  God  tenderly, 
grasped,  as  it  were,  naturally  the  meaning  of  this  allegorical 
book  ;^  (3)  the  allegorical  interpretation  gives  a  satisfactory 
account  of  the  most  diverse  titles  or  expressions  inter- 
changed by  the  bridegroom  and  the  bride  in  the  Canticle  of 
Canticles.  Jesus  Christ  is  lovely  (i,  i);  supremely  beauti- 
ful (v,  10-16);  king  (iii,  7-1 1);  shepherd  (i,  6);  enamoured 
with  His  Church  (ii,  4);  etc.  The  Church  is  most  fair  (i,  4; 
ii,  2;  iv,  1-7),  and  hence  an  object  of  jealousy  (i,  5);  at 
first  "  little  "  (viii,  8),  she  seeks  her  divine  Spouse  (iii,  2,  4); 
loves  Him  most  tenderly  (ii,  5);  becomes  queen  (vi,  7-9), 
and  mother  (vii,  3);  is  persecuted  and  despoiled  (v,  7),  etc.; 
(4)  the  belief  of  Jews  and  Christians  in  the  canonical  and 
inspired  character  of  the  book  rests  on  its  allegorical  mean- 
ing. 

It  can  hardly  be  denied  that  the  foregoing  arguments 
do  not  prove  conclusively  that  the  object  of  the  Canticle 
of  Canticles  is  purely  allegorical.  One  could  grant  them 
all,  and  yet  maintain  a  form  of  the  allegorical  interpre- 
tation (the  typical  one,  of  which  we  shall  treat  later)  of  the 
Canticle  of  Canticles  which  admits  a  literal  sense  as  the 
basis  of  the  spiritual  meaning.  He  could  still  feel  at 
liberty — as  indeed  "  Christian  writers  have  always  felt  in 
regard  to  Ps.  xliv  "  (Heb.  xlv),-  whicli  is  an  exactly  parallel 

•  Cfr.  Conceptos  del  amor  de  Dios,  in  "  Escritos  de  Santa  Teresa  "  (Madrid,  i86i, 
vol.  i,  p.  389),  quoted  by  Abbe  H.  Lksetrh.  loc.  cit. 

^  Abbe  C.  FiLi.ioN,  les  Psaunies  cominentJs,  p.  209  (Paris,  1893). 


146         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

case — to  assign  to  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  a  tv/ofold 
sense,  viz.,  the  literal  one,  that  would  refer  directly  and 
immediately  to  the  marriage  of  Solomon  with  Pharao's 
daughter,  and  a  higher  one  (the  mystical),  whereby  the  union 
of  Christ  with  tlie  Church  would  be  designated. 

But  there  are  greater  difficulties  which  have  been  urged 
against  the  view  which  regards  the  Canticle  of  Canticles 
as  having  for  its  sole  object  the  relation  of  Yahweh  to 
His  people,  Israel,  or  that  of  Christ  to  the  Church.^  It 
has  been  said,  for  instance,  that  neither  of  these  relations 
is  either  expressly  referred  to  or  even  obscurely  hinted  at 
throughout  the  poem,  whereas  in  all  similar  cases  there  is 
something  making  known  to  the  interpreter  who  are  those 
(Yahweh  and  His  people,  or  Jerusalem,  etc.)  concerning 
whom  a  spiritual  relation  is  allegorically  described.^  And 
it  is  precisely  because  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  nowhere 
intimates  that  it  is  to  be  understood  directly  of  a  spiritual 
relation  between  two  well-defined  beings  that  the  poem  has 
received  so  many  different  allegorical  interpretations,  none 
of  which  could  be  shown  to  be  exclusively  derived  from  its 
language. 

It  is  argued,  in  the  second  place,  that  in  the  Canticle  of 
Canticles  "  the  imagery  of  love  is  drawn  out  into  minute  de- 
tails of  personal  parts  and  properties  repugnant  to  a  devout 
Jewish  mind,  and  still  more  to  a  Western  one,  if  the  Supreme 
Being  and  His  love  to  Israel  be  the  theme.  In  this  suppo- 
sition it  would  be  natural  to  expect  the  higher,  more  spir- 
itual aspects  of  love  to  be  the  theme  dwelt  upon,  instead  of 

1  These  two  relations  are  the  only  ones  which  can  be  seriously  claimed  to  consti- 
tute the  principal  object  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles,  and  consequently  the  otliers 
admitt.  d  by  some  defenders  of  the  al'egorical  method  of  interpretation  need  not  be 
examined.  (Cfr.  H.  Lesetke,  Manuel  d' Introduction  a.  TEtude  de  TEcriiure  Sainte, 
vol.  ii,  p.  429  sqq.) 

2  Cfr.  the  passages  referred  to  above  as  describing  God's  relation  to  His  people, 
and  Christ's  relation  to  His  (  hurch,  under  the  image  or  allegory  of  marriage.  Through- 
out the  Cantic'.e  of  Canticles  there  is  no  mention  of  Yahweh  or  of  things  divine. 


THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES.  1 47 

the  sensual  as  is  invariably  the  case.  The  individualizing 
of  the  book  in  relation  to  the  affections  and  emotions  of 
Yahweh  exceeds  anything  found  in  the  Old  Testament. 
Had  the  poem  dealt  more  in  generals,  the  claim  of  an  alle- 
gorical sense  would  have  been  more  probable,  because  in 
greater  proximity  to  like  images  elsewhere  ;  but  taste,  pro- 
priety, and  Scripture  analogy  are  violated  by  the  tedious 
circumstantiality  with  which  the  one  idea  is  unfolded,  viz., 
that  God  loves  His  Church  and  is  loved  by  it.  God  is  a 
Spirit.  There  is  anthropomorphism  in  the  Scriptures.  Pas- 
sions, in  which  even  human  frailty  and  imperfection  appear, 
are  ascribed  to  the  Almighty.  But  here  the  imagery  ex- 
ceeds in  grossness  anything  that  is  written  elsewhere.  The 
words  put  into  the  mouth  of  Yahweh  grate  harshly  on  the  car 
and  heart  of  the  spiritually-minded."  Whence  it  is  inferred 
that  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  not  only  does  not  intimate 
anywhere  that  it  is  to  be  understood  in  a  purely  allegorical 
sense,  but  even  contains  many  passages  whose  direct  appli- 
cation to  God,  or  to  the  Incarnate  Word  of  God,  seems  re- 
pugnant to  the  moral  sense  of  the  interpreter.^ 

In  connection  with  that  distinctly  Christian  form  of  the 
allegorical  method  of  interpretation  according  to  which 
"  the  strict,  immediate,  and  principal  subject  of  the  Can- 
ticle of  Canticles  is  the  union  of  Christ  with  His  Church,"^ 
the  following  difficulty  is  particularly  urged  :  "It  tears  away 
the  poem  from  all  historical  connections,  and  makes  it  to 
have  no  special  reference  to  the  Old  Testament  times.  De- 
scribing prophetically  the  love  between  Christ  and  His 
Church  under  the  New  Testament  dispensation,  the  Jewish 
character  of  the  book  is  ignored,  and  it  becomes  to  all  in- 
tents a  Christian  production.  The  view  in  question  strips 
it  of  all  real  association  with   tlie  Old  Testament  dispen- 

*  Samuel  Davidson,  Introd,  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  ii,  p.  400. 

'  Of  that  description  are  such  passages  as  vii,  1-9  ;  v,  11-16  ;  iv,  1-5  ;  etc. 

•  Abbe  n.  Lesetke,  loc.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  429. 


148         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

sation — a  proceeding  so  unusual  and  arbitrary  as  to  insure 
its  rejection,  ^^o  work  of  the  Old  Testament  is  so  com- 
pletely projected  into  the  Christian  dispensation  as  to  lose 
connection  with  t^>^  times  and  circumstances  in  which  it 
originated."  ^ 

2.  The  Litei  c^l  x\^ethod.  In  view  of  these  and  other 
such  difficulties  rn.'sed  of  late  against  the  allegorical  inter- 
pretation of  the  ChaUcIo  of  Canticles,  one  car;  understand 
readily  how  a  decid^G^  reaction  should  set  in  among  con- 
temporary scholars  in  tavor  of  a  different  mode  of  inter- 
pretation. In  fact  tho  tendency  among  them  is  to  take  the 
words  of  the  poem  in  th*?ir  oovious  literal  sense.  Most  of 
them  consider  the  book  as  a  dramatic  poem  "  with  a  full 
equipment  of  dramatis  perf^on.^e,  lovers,  ladies  of  the  harem, 
first  and  second  citizens,  »aliagers,  etc.  This  theory  has 
been  held  in  different  forms «  oi  which  these  are  two  chief 
varieties  :  (i)  The  drama  depots  the  loves  of  Solomon  and 
one  of  his  queens,^  the  Sulamite,  Soiomon  assuming  at  tim^^s 
the  character  of  a  shepherd.  Thus  i-iii,  5,  courtship;  iii> 
6-v,  I,  marriage  ;  v,  2-vi,  9,  domestic  difficulties  ;  vi,  10- 
vii,  9,  mutual  satisfaction;  vii,  lo-^nc',  the  Sulamite  takes 
Solomon  to  visit  her  home  and  family.  According  to  this 
view,  the  dialogue  consists  chiefly  of  rrutual  expressions  ol 
admiration  and  love  between  the  two  leading  characters. 
(2)  The  drama  has  three  main  charact^^rs^  the  Sulamite,  9 
shepherd,  to  whom  she  is  betrothed,  and  Sc  lomon,  who  at- 
tempts to  win  her  affections.  Thus  i-vi',  9,  the  Sulamite^ 
in  the  harem,  combats  the  persuasions  of  SoiOmon  and  his 
womenfolk  by  the  help  of  her  reminiscences  of  her  shepherd 
lover;  vii,  lo-viii,  4,  final  rejection  of  Solomon  in  favor  ol 
the  shepherd  ;  viii,  5-14,  happy  reunion  of  the  Sulamite  ana 

^  Samuel  Davidson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  395  sq. 

'•*  This  is  the  theory  of  Delitzsch,  for  a  detailed  exposition  of  which  see  Driven 
Introd    to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test  .  p.  43S  sqq. 


THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES.  1 49 

the  shepherd.  According  to  this  view,  the  book  is  in  praise 
of  pure  conjugal  affection."^ 

It  must  be  granted  that  the  theory  which  takes  the  Can- 
ticle of  Canticles  to  be  a  dramatic  composition  embodies  a 
very  old  view  of  the  poem  (it  goes  back  to  Origen),^and  has 
had  eminent  exponents,  chiefly  in  the  nineteenth  century. 
It  has  also  the  advantage  of  interpreting  the  words  of  the 
book  in  a  sense  which  connects  it  intimately  with  the  Old 
Testament  times.  But  more  particularly,  under  its  second 
torm,  it  exercises  a  special  attraction  upon  scholars  anxious 
to  find  in  the  sacred  writing  a  moral  purpose  worthy  of  its  in- 
sertion in  the  Canon  of  Holy  Writ.  The  book  is  then  con- 
ceived as  celebrating  *"  a  pure  affection,  which  holds  out 
against  the  temptations  of  a  court,  and  rises  superior  to  all 
the  seductive  arts  even  of  a  monarch,"  and  consequently  as 
"  leading  men  back  to  simplicity  and  purity  and  the  law  of 
nature  in  the  relations  of  men  and  women." ^ 

And  yet,  under  whatever  form,  the  view  that  the  Canticle 
of  Canticles  is  a  drama  is  hardly  probable.  There  is  really 
no  dramatic  plot  in  the  book,*  and  it  is  difficult  to  conceive 
of  a  drama  in  which  each  of  the  actors  seems  almost,  if  not 
(juite,  uninfluenced  by  the  speeches  of  the  other.  The  sup- 
l)osition  of  a  dramatic  composition  is  not  supported  by  any 
parallels  in  ancient  Jewish  or  even  Semitic  literature,  and  a 
great  deal  that  is  admitted  by  the  defenders  of  either  form 
of  the  dramatic  theory  is  read,  as  it  were,  between  the  lines, 
not  fairly  deduced  from  the  language  of  the  Song  of  Songs. 
Again,  the  difficulties  of  interpreting  the  book  upon  this 
liypothesis  are  both  numerous  and  great,  and  the  division 

'  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  168  sq.  This  second  view  of  the 
dramatic  composition  is  admitted  by  Adeney,  A.  B.  Davidson,  Driver,  Konig, 
W.  R.  Smith;  Kaempf  ;  Oettli  •  Bkuston;  etc. 

''■  In  Cant.  Cant.,  lib.  i.  init.  ad  Cant,  i  (Migne,  Patr.  Grseca,  vol.  xiii.  col.  3). 

^  A.  B.  Davidson,  on  the  Song  of  .Songs,  in    '  Book  by  Book,"  p.  195  sq. 

^  For  an  able  discussion  of  this  point,  see  Chevne  in  Encyclop.  Biblica,  art.  Canti- 
cles, col.  686  sqq. 


150         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

of  the  text  between  the  various  personages  assumes,  quietly 
indeed,  but,  all  the  same,  too  readily,  that  textual  imper- 
fections in  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  are  far  from  having  the 
bearing  that  they  really  have  upon  the  correct  understand- 
ing of  the  entire  poem. 

For  these  reasons,  among  others,  the  dramatic  theory  has 
been  steadily  losing  ground  among  scholars  who  favor  a 
literal  interpretation  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles.  Such 
prominent  critics  as  C.  H.  Cornill,  E.  Kautzsch,  C.  Budde, 
P.  Haupt,  etc.,  have  of  late  come  back  to  an  older  view  of 
the  book,  that  endorsed  by  the  Catholic  scholar  Jno.  Jahn 
a  century  ago.  Like  him,  they  admit  that  "  the  Canticle  of 
Canticles  is  made  up  of  several  disconnected  poems,  and  that 
the  materials  which  compose  the  work  are  such  incidents  as 
were  common  among  the  Hebrews."  *  They  now  look  upon 
it  as  a  compilation  of  songs  originally  connected  with  those 
marriage-customs  which  J.  G.  Wetzstein,  for  many  years 
Russian  Consul  at  Damascus,  describes  as  still  prevalent 
among  the  peasants  of  Syria.  In  modern  Syria,  we  are 
told,  the  first  week  after  a  wedding  is  called  "the  king's 
week,"  because  during  it  the  bride  and  the  bridegroom 
play  at  being  king  and  queen.  The  "  threshing-board  "  is 
turned  into  a  mock  throne  on  which  they  are  seated,  while 
villagers  and  others  sing  before  them  songs  among  which 
are  found  wasfs^  or  poetical  "  descriptions  "  of  the  physical 
beauty  of  the  so-called  king  and  queen.  The  first  of  these 
wasfs  is  sung  on  the  evening  of  the  wedding-day  itself, 
wliile  the  bride,  brandishing  a  naked  sword,  dances  in  her 
wedding  array.  Now,  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  is  a  collec- 
tion of  such  wedding-songs,  the  bridegroom  being  called  in 
I  hem  '*  Solomon  "  hyperbolically,  and  the  bride  being  des- 

^  Jno.  Jahn,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  485  (Eng'.  Transl.).  Herder's  conception 
of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles,  though  inferior,  was  similar  in  several  respects  to  that  of 
Jahn.  his  contemporary. 


THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES.  I51 

ignated  "the  Sulamite,"  as  a  term  suggestive  of  the  higliest 
beauty.^ 

Several  things  have  contributed  to  recommend  to  schol- 
ars this  recent  form  of  the  literal  interpretation  of  the 
Canticle  of  Canticles,  It  is  manifestly  in  harmony  with  the 
composite  character  of  the  book,  and  gives  what  seems  to 
be  a  plausible  account  of  that  literary  feature.  It  connects 
well  the  general  contents  of  the  poem  with  Oriental  customs 
handed  down  from  pre-Christian  times.  But  more  particu- 
larly it  assigns  a  probable  meaning  to  expressions  and 
descriptions  which  are  well-nigh  unintelligible  in  every 
other  mode  of  interpretation.  Indeed  it  is  claimed  that 
the  theory  can  be  applied  to  continuous  exposition  without 
overstraining  the  meaning  of  the  text.^  Finally,  various 
apparently  objectionable  passages  of  the  Canticle  of  Canti- 
cles are  readily  seen  to  be  truly  harmless  and  unobjection- 
able on  the  basis  of  this  theory,  because  they  then  belong 
to  the  class  of  ancient  wedding  songs  and  customs. 

The  principal  difficulties  which  may  be  urged  against  this 
manner  of  interpreting  literally  the  Canticle  of  Canticles 
are  briefly  as  follows:  It  seems,  first  of  all,  to  liken  alto- 
gether too  much  that  ins})ired  writing  to  ordinary  ancient 
collections  of  love-songs,  and  thereby  to  divest  it  of  that 
sacred  character  which  must  have  been  connected  with  its 

1  Cfr.  IIIKingsi,  3,  4- 

2  This  is  admitted  by  so  careful  a  scholar  as  W.  H.  Bennett  ("  the  Critical  Review," 
Jan.  1899,  p.  5S),  in  his  review  of  Budde'p  Comment,  on  Canticles.  The  principal 
positions  assumed  by  Budde  are  as  follows  :  The  bridegroom  is  called  King  Solomon 
hyperbolically  ;  the  sixty  valiant  men  who  surround  his  litter  (iii,  7)  are  the  bride- 
groom's companions  spoken  of  in  Judges  xiv,  1 1  ;  the  bride  is  designated  "  the 
Sulamite"  to  suggest  her  wonderful  beauty  (cfr.  Ill  Kings  i.  3,  4);  most  of  the  book  is 
nir.de  up  of  poetical  descriptions  of  love  and  lappiness,  not  really  sung  by  the  bride 
and  the  bridegroom,  but  placed  on  their  lips  by  the  men  and  women  who  pay  them 
homage.  The  luasfol  the  sword-dance  is  thought  to  be  recorded  in  vii,  1  sqq.;  while  the 
was/s  of  the  following  days  would  be  found  in  iv,  if.;  vi.  4-7  ;  the  7uas/ol  the  bride- 
groom in  V,  10-16  would  be  sung  by  the  bride.  Budde  thinks  that  certain  cnnner- 
tions  were  made  by  the  compiler  of  our  canonical  collection  of  songs.  (Cfr.  Chvy^v. 
art.  Canticles,  in  Encyclop.  Britannica.  for  details  in  this  regard.) 


152  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

origin,  since  it  found  a  place  in  both  the  Alexandrian  and  the 
Palestinian  Canons  very  soon  after  the  probable  date  of  its 
composition.  It  has  been  objected,  in  the  second  place, 
that  if  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  is  really  a  series  of  distinct 
poetical  pieces,  headings  to  the  songs  constituting  the  col- 
lection would  naturally  be  expected,  whereas,  in  point  of 
fact,  there  is  not  the  slightest  trace  of  them  even  in  the 
LXX,  which  is  the  oldest  witness  to  the  primitive  contents 
of  the  book.  Again,  although  this  form  of  the  literal  inter- 
pretation, when  tested  by  a  continuous  exposition  of  the 
poem,  does  far  less  violence  to  the  text  than  the  other  forms 
of  the  literal  method  of  interpretation,  yet  it  can  hardly  be 
denied  that,  time  and  again,  it  puts  upon  the  text  arbitrary 
constructions.^ 

3.  The  Typical  Method.  There  now  remains  to 
speak  briefly  of  the  Typical  mode  of  interpretation,  which 
in  some  respects  is  a  middle  position  between  the  allegorical 
and  literal  methods  of  understanding  the  Canticle  of  Can- 
ticles. This  theory  admits  a  twofold  meaning  in  regard 
to  the  entire  book:  the  one,  literal^  directly  yielded  by 
the  words  of  the  text  ;  the  other,  spiritual  or  typical^  sig- 
nified by  the  persons  or  things  to  which  the  words  have  a 
direct  reference.  Those  who  advocate  the  typical  inter- 
pretation generally  assume  that  Solomon's  marriage  with 
Pharao's  daughter,  or  with  some  other,  is  the  historical 
basis  employed  to  depict  the  love  of  God  or  of  Christ  to 
the  Church,  the  real  relation  of  love  between  the  historical 
Solomon  and  the  Sulamite,  also  an  actual  person,  being  the 
type  of  a  spiritual  relation,  according  to  St.  Paul's  words 
regarding  marriage:  "  This  is  a  great  mystery:  but  1  speak 
concerning  Christ  and  the  Church."^     But  it  matters  little, 

'  Cfr.  C.  Bruston's  criticism  of  Bunow's  theory,  in  tlie  "  Dixi^me  Congres  des  Ori- 
entalisteset  TAncien  Testament  "  (Paris,  1895). 
2  Ephes.  V,  32. 


THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES.  1 53 

as  far  as  tliat  system  of  interpretation  is  concerned,  whetlier 
the  names  of  the  bride  or  the  bridegroom  can  be  ( orrc  ctly 
known  in  the  present  day:  the  typical  method  subsists  in- 
tact provided  a  true  chaste  human  love  be  celebrated  in 
the  book  and  suggest  a  relation  of  love  which  is  divine. 

The  origin  of  this  theory  is  shrouded  in  obscurity.  The 
literal  sense  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  was  indeed  recog- 
nized by  Shammai  and  his  school  toward  the  beginning  of 
the  Cliristian  era.  It  may  even  be  inferred  with  a  fair 
amount  of  probability  that,  since  his  Jewish  contempo- 
raries assigned  to  the  writings  of  the  Old  Testament  gener- 
ally a  higher  meaning  than  the  literal  sense,  that  celebrated 
rabbi  admitted  a  typical,  together  with  a  literal,  sense  in 
regard  to  the  Song  of  Songs.  Yet,  for  all  this,  we  have  no 
conclusive  proof  that  the  typical  method  of  interpretation 
can  be  traced  back  to  him.  The  literal  meaning  of  the 
book  was  soon  rejected  by  the  Jewish  scholars  who  came 
after  him,  and  the  allegorical  method  prevailed  among 
them  for  ages  to  come. 

It  is  true  also  that  Bossuet,  one  of  the  leading  advocates 
of  the  typical  theory,  cites  Origen  in  favor  of  that  mode  of 
interpretation,  and  that  a  strong  argument  for  the  position 
of  the  great  bishop  might  be  drawn  from  a  close  examina- 
tion of  the  words  used  by  Origen  in  reg;ird  to  the  Canticle 
of  Canticles,^  as  indeed  from  the  manner  in  which  he  and 
the  other  Alexandrian  doctors  interpreted  allegorically  the 
Old  Testament  writings.'  It  might  thereby  be  shown  how 
probable  it  is  that  the  typical  method  of  interpretation  can 
claim  in  its  favor  the  authority  of  Origen.  It  is  more 
probable  still  that  the  typical  interpretation  was  admitted  by 
members  of  the  school  of  Antioch,  whose  general  tendency 

'  Cfr.  Abbe  Grandvaux,  S.S.,  Introd.  to  "  le  Cantique  des  Cantiques,"  in  Lethihl- 
LEUx'  Bible,  p.  17. 

'  Cfr.  General  Introd.  to  the  Study  of  the  H«»ly  Scriptures,  by  the  present  writer,  pp. 
♦»i-43S- 


154         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

it  was  to  emphasize  the  literal,  almost  to  the  detriment  of 
the  typical,  sense  of  Holy  Writ.^ 

It  seems,  however,  that  the  first  distinctly  to  formulate 
the  typical  form  of  interpretation  of  the  Song  of  Songs  was 
a  mediaeval  writer,  Honorius,  a  priest  of  Autun,  in  Gaul 
(fab.  1140  A.D.).  He  maintained  that  in  its  literal  sense 
the  book  refers  to  Solomon's  marriage  with  the  daughter  of 
Pharao,  and  in  its  allegorical  (typical)  sense  to  the  union  of 
Christ  with  the  Church.  As  the  typical  sense  of  the  Scrip- 
tures was  at  the  time  universally  admitted,  and  as  the  his- 
torical Solomon  was  no  less  freely  recognized  as  the  type  of 
Christ,  the  view  of  Honorius  was  plainly  a  tenable  position, 
and  indeed  one  that  would  naturally  commend  itself  to  the 
acceptance  of  his  contemporaries.  Nevertheless  the  typical 
theory  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  won  over  probably  but  a 
few  of  the  mediaeval  commentators,  who  were  slow  to  depart 
from  the  time-honored  methods  of  interpreting  the  sacred 
books,  and  whose  desire  for  originality  in  regard  to  the 
Song  of  Songs  was  satisfied  with  understanding  its  text  in  a 
direct  allegorical  sense  of  the  Son  of  God  and  of  Mary,  His 
Mother.^  In  the  sixteenth  century  the  typical  method  of 
interpretation  was  adopted  by  such  eminent  Catholic  writers 
as  Jansenius,  bishop  of  Ghent  (15 10-1576) ;  the  Dominican 
Soto  (t  1560)  ;  and  the  Jesuits  Mariana  (f  1624)  and  Pineda 
(t  ^637)  ;  and  ever  since  it  has  had  defenders  among  both 
Catholic  and  Protestant  scholars.^ 

1  It  is  of  these  Antiochian  scholars  that  St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  and  Theodorht 
speak  in  general  terms  as  opposed  to  the  allegorical  interpretation  of  the  Canticle  of 
Canticles. 

"  For  details  regarding  this  point,  see  Abb^  Grandvaux,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  25-33. 
"  During  that  period,"  says  significantly  Card.  Meignan  (Solomon,  p.  412),  "  the  literal 
sense  was  smothered  by  the  overgrowth  of  mystical  meanings." 

3  The  leading  advocates  of  this  theory  are,  among  Catholics,  Bossuet  (1627-1704), 
the  Editors  of  the  B:ble  of  Vatable  (middle  of  the  eigliteenth  century),  Dom  Calmet, 
O.S  B.  (t  1 757 1,  Bp.  Plantikk,  and  some  Spanish  and  Italian  writers  of  the  nineteenth 
century  ;  among  Protestants,  Gkotius  (t  if^45),  Lowtu  (t  17S7),  Delitzsch  (f  1890),  etc. 


THE    CANTICLE    OF    CANTICLES.  1 55 

The  general  arguments  in  favor  of  tlie  typical  theory  are 
briefly  these  :  (i)  by  admitting  for  the  Canticle  of  C-anticks 
a  twofold  sense — the  one  literal,  and  the  other  allegorical, 
or  rather  typical — it  likens  that  sacred  book  to  the  other 
writings  of  the  Old  Testament,  in  all  of  which  Jewish  and 
Christian  tradition  has  recognized  a  typical  sense  more  or 
less  explicitly  suggested  by  the  literal  one  ;^  (2)  it  connects 
well  the  Song  of  Songs  with  the  Old  Testament  times  and 
customs  and  typology,  for  it  gives  a  distinct  historical 
background  to  the  allegorical  meaning,  and  sees  in  Solomon 
and  his  union  with  Pharao's  daughter,  as  it  were,  natural 
types  of  Christ  ("  the  Lord  of  Peace  ")^  and  His  most  inti- 
mate union  with  the  Church,  chiefly  made  up  of  Gentile 
races  ;'  (3)  most  of  the  passages  in  the  Canticle  of  Canticles 
which  seem  to  have  no  direct  meaning  when  understood 
exclusively  of  God  or  of  Christ  or  of  the  Church,*  receive  a 
natural,  and  indeed,  when  viewed  properly,  an  unobjection- 
able, meaning  when  taken  as  applying  directly  to  a  human 
bridegroom  and  his  bride  ;^  (4)  the  typical  theory  combines 
the  advantages  of  both  the  allegorical  and  the  literal  meth- 
ods of  interpretation  ;  by  its  admission  of  the  literal  sense 
it  gives  full  satisfaction  to  what  has  been  for  many  centuries 
the  tendency  among  Catholic  scholars  to  abide  by  the  natu- 
ral meaning  of  the  words  of  a  sacred  book  as  setting  forth 
the  direct  object  of  the  inspired  writer ;  while  by  its  recog- 
nition of  the  typical  sense  it  assigns  a  distinct  reason  for 
regarding  the  Canticle  of  Canticles  as  invested  from  the  first 
with  a  sacred  character. 

It  may  be  added  that  if,  instead  of  being  coupled  with 

'  The  typical  meaning  may  at  times  not  be  suggested  at  all  by  the  words  or  the  con 
text  of  a  passage,  as  is  clear  from  the  fact  that  the  plain  history  of  Agar  and  Sara  con- 
tains, according  to  St.  Paul  (Galat.  iv,  22  sqq.),  a  typical  meaning. 

3  II  Thessal.  iii,  16. 

3  Cfr.  Ephes.  v,  25  sqq. ;  etc.  , 

*  Cfr.  vii,  1-9;  iv,  1-5;  v,  11-15;  etc 

'  Cfr.  BossuHT,  Praef.  in  Cant.  II. 


156         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

the  conception  of  the  Song  of  Songs  as  a  drama,  which  is 
entertained  by  most  advocates  of  the  literal  method  of  inter- 
pretation, the  typical  sense  were  connected  with  the  view 
which  takes  the  book  as  a  compilation  of  idyls,  and  which 
is  admitted  by  other  defenders  of  the  literal  method,  the 
whole  theory  of  the  mystical  interpretation  would  be  ren- 
dered more  plausible  than  it  has  appeared  in  the  past  to 
those  who  have  examined  it  closely.^  The  general  view  of 
the  book  that  would  thereby  be  obtained  is  about  the  one 
adopted  by  Cardinal  Meignan  when  he  says  :  "The  Canticle 
of  Canticles  does  not  bring  forward  either  a  historical  hero 
or  an  actual  heroine.  It  is  made  up  of  a  collection  of  songs 
which  oftentimes  assume  the  form  of  dialogues  and  which 
have  for  their  object  the  mutual  love  of  a  bridegroom  and 
liis  bride,  for  the  sole  reason  thaf  this  love  supplies  the  most 
vivid  and  tender  figure  of  the  highest  affection,  viz.,  of  God's 
love  for  mankind,  of  Yahweh's  love  for  Israel,  of  Christ  s 
love  for  the  Church,  for  faithful  souls,  and  for  the  Virgin 
Mother."  2 

1  Cfr.  GiETMANy,  S.J.,  loc.  cit.,  p.  371  sqq. 
^  Card.  Meignan,  Solomon,  p.  417. 


SYNOPSIS  OF   CHAP'I'KR  VII. 
The  Book  of  Wisdom. 


n. 

Language 

AND 

Authorship  : 


Title  and  ^ 
Contents  : 


I.  Title  in 


2.  Contents  : 


the  Greek  MSS. 

Ancient  Versions  and  Ecclesias- 
tical Writers. 

Principal     Parts     and     Leading 
Ideas  pointed  out. 

Their  Unity  and  Integrity. 


I.  Language  : 


Certainly  not  Hebrew. 

But  Greek  throughout  the  Book. 

f  Written  in  the  person  of  Solomon, 
through  Literary  Fiction. 

2.  Autliorship  :    ^    pj^.^^  ^^^^  ^j^^  ^^^^^j^^^_ 

The  Real  Author  unknown. 


IIL 

Place  and 

Date  of 

Composition  : 


I.  Place 


2.  Date 


Neither  Jerusalem  nor  Palestine. 

But  Alexandria  in  Egypt. 

Not  before  the  Septuagint  Trans- 
lation of  the  Pentateuch  and 
Isaias. 

Certainly  anterior  to  Philo. 

Published  probably  after  117  B.C. 


157 


CHAPTER   VII. 

THE     BOOK     OF     WISDOM. 

§  I.    Title  and  Contents. 

I.  The  Title.  The  deutero-canonical  book  of  Wisdom^ 
has  generally  gone  by  the  name  of  *'  The  Wisdom  of  Solo- 
mon." It  is  so  entitled  in  the  earliest  Greek  MSS.  Thus 
in  the  Sinaitic  Codex  it  is  called  ^ocpia  2a\o^SvTOZ\  in 
tlie  Vatican,  2o(pi(V  'SaXcouc^vOb  ;  and  in  the  Alexandrian, 
^ocfyia  2oXo/xSvto5.^  Indeed  this  ascription  of  the  book 
to  the  representative  of  Hebrew  wisdom  is  older  than  the 
fourth  century,  to  which  the  earlier  of  those  MSS.  are 
usually  referred  ;  for  the  Old  Latin  Version  had  as  a  head- 
ing to  the  book  "  Sapientia  Salomonis,"  while  the  Syriac 
translation  called  it  "  The  Book  of  the  Great  Wisdom  of 
Solomon." 

As  might  naturally  be  expected,  this  title  was  freely  em- 
ployed by  the  Eastern  and  Western  Fathers  of  the  first 
three  centuries.  In  connection  with  the  book  of  Wisdom, 
as  in  connection  with  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  and  Canticle 
of  Canticles,  they  relied  implicitly  on  the  heading  which 
they  found  in  their  Greek  or  Latin  Codices,  and  generally 
spoke  of  *' the  Wisdom  of  Solomon"  when  quoting  that  in- 
spired writing.^     It   is  apparently  for  the  same  reason  that 

1  In  regard  to  the  sacred  and  canonical  character  of  the  book  of  Wisdom— as  also  in 
regard  to  that  of  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus  handled  in  the  next  chapter — see  "  General 
Introd   to  the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,''  by  the  present  writer. 

2  Cfr  H.  B.  SwETE,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test,  in  Greek  (Cambridge,  igoo").  p.  201  sq. 
In  the  authentic  edition  of  the  LXX  by  Si.xtus  V.  the  title  is  So(/)ta  2aA(D/ixuii'. 

3  Cfr.  H.  Lhsetre,  Manuel  d' Introduction  i  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  vol    ii,  p.  438. 

158 


THE    BOOK    OF    WISDOM.  I  59 

most  of  the  Greek  lists  of  the  sacred  books  use  the  title 
2o(pia  2oXoj.(c3vTO=;  during  the  fourth  and  following  cen- 
turies, and  that  in  the  Latin  Church  such  weighty  authori- 
ties as  the  Councils  of  Hippo  (393  a.d.)  and  of  Carthage 
(397  A.D.),  and  the  letter  of  Pope  St.  Innocent  I.  to  St. 
Exsuperius,  bishop  of  Toulouse  (405  a.d.),  and  many  others 
after  them,  speak  of  *'the  five  books  of  Solomon,"  whereby 
they  mean  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Canticle  of  Canticles, 
Wisdom^  and  Ecclesiasticus.  Gradually,  however,  especially 
under  the  influence  of  St.  Jerome,  Western  writers,  headed 
by  St.  Augustine,  dro])ped  the  name  of  Solomon  ;  and  down 
to  the  present  day  the  title  in  the  Latin  Vulgate  is  simply 
Liber  Sapicntice. 

2.  Contents.  The  book  of  Wisdom  has  been  variously 
divided,  and  oftentimes  even  its  minute  contents  have  been 
framed  into  a  scheme  quite  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  the 
writer.^  Its  principal  parts  and  leading  ideas  have  been  well 
set  forth  by  E.  Schiirer  in  the  following  manner:  "Accord- 
ing to  chap,  ix,  7  sqq.,  Solomon  himself  is  to  be  regarded  as 
the  speaker,  and  those  addressed  are  the  judges  and  kings 
of  the  earth  (i,  i;  vi,  2).  Thus  the  book  is  properly  an 
exhortation  of  Solomon  to  his  royal  colleagues  the  heathen 
potentates.  He,  the  wisest  of  all  kings,  represents  to  them 
the  folly  of  ungodliness,  and  the  excellence  of  true  wisdom. 
Its  contents  may  be  divided  into  three  groups.  It  is  first 
shown  (chaps,  i-v)  that  the  wicked  and  ungodly,  althougli 
for  a  period  apparently  prosperous,  will  not  escape  the  judg- 
ments of  God,  but  that  the  pious  and  just,  after  having  been 
for  a  time  tried  by  sufferings,  attain  to  true  happiness  and 
immortality.  In  a  second  section  (chaps,  vi-ix)  Solomon 
directs  his  royal  colleagues  to  his  own  example.  It  is  just 
because  he   has   loved   high  and  divine   wisdom,    and    has 

^  Cfr.  the  various  divisions  proposed  by  scholars  in  Cornelv,  S.J.,  Introduct.,  vol. 
i,  part  ii,  p.  21a  sq. 


l6o         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

united  himself  to  her  as  his  bride,  that  he  has  attained  to 
glory  and  honor.  Hence  he  still  prays  for  such  a  wisdom. 
The  third  section  (chaps,  x-xix)  points  out,  by  referring  to 
the  history  of  Israel,  and  especially  to  the  different  lots  of 
the  Israelites  and  the  Egyptians,  the  blessing  of  godliness 
and  the  curse  of  ungodliness.  A  long  rebuke  of  the  folly  of 
idolatry  (chaps,  xiii-xv)  is  here  inserted."^ 

Viewed  simply  in  the  light  of  these  chief  contents,  the 
book  of  Wisdom  seems  to  be  the  work  of  one  writer.  In 
fact  contemporary  critics  agree  in  regarding  the  work  as  a 
literary  unit.  According  to  them,  not  only  the  same  general 
purpose — that  of  giving  a  solemn  warning  against  the  folly 
of  ungodliness — clearly  pervades  the  whole  book  ;  but  it  is 
so  carried  out  that  in  the  treatment  of  the  topic  no  distinct 
break  can  be  pointed  out.  Each  section  contains  the  prep- 
aration for  that  which  follows,  and  the  clauses  which  appear 
at  first  sight  to  be  mere  repetitions  of  thought  really  spring 
from  the  elaborateness  of  the  structure  of  that  sacred 
writing.^  Again,  favorite  expressions,  turns  of  speech,  and 
single  words  are  found  in  all  sections,  so  that  practical  iden- 
tity of  language  and  style  prevails  throughout  the  book.^ 
Hence  it  is  thought  that,  differently  from  many  other  writ- 
ings of  the  Old  Testament,  the  book  of  Wisdom  is  not 
a  compilation  of  pre-existing  documents,  with  their  indi- 
vidualities of  style,  language,  mode  of  representation,  etc. 

As  in  regard  to  the  unity  of  the  book  of  Wisdom,  so  in 
regard  to  its  integrity,  contemporary  critics  are  practically 
at  one.  They  now  reject,  apparently  on  adequate  grounds, 
the  various  attempts  that  have  been  made  to  show  that  the 

1  Emil  ScHURER,  A  History  of  the  Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of  Christ,  vol.  iii, 
p  230  sq.  (Engl.  Transl.,  New  York,  1891).  See  also  J.  B.  Pelt.  Histoire  de  I'Ancien 
Test.,  vol.  ii,  p.  392. 

'  Cfr.  Westcott,  art.  Wisdom,  The,  of  Solomon,  in  Smith,  Bible  Diet. 

8  Cfr.  Edwin  Cone  Bissell,  The  Apocrypha,  in  Lange-Schaff,  Comment.,  p.  22a 
sqq. 


THE    BOOK    OF    WISDOM.  l6l 

work  has  not  come  down  to  us  in  its  primitive  form. 
Thus  they  hold,  in  opposition  to  the  French  Oratorian, 
C.  F.  Houbigant  (f  1783),  that  the  book  is  not  imperfect 
at  the  beginning,  as  if  it  were  simply  a  fragment  from 
a  larger  work  ;  in  opposition  to  Dom  Calmet,  O.S.B., 
Grotius,  Eichhorn,  etc.,  that  the  work  is  not  mutilated  at 
the  end,  for  chap,  xix,  22  is  a  fitting  conclusion  to  its  con- 
tents ;  finally,  in  opposition  to  Grotius  and  Graetz,  that 
there  are  no  traces  of  interpolation  by  Christian  hands,  for 
it  has  been  shown  that  the  book — when  examined  without 
dogmatic  prepossessions — contains  no  doctrine  inconsistent 
with  Jewish  authorship.^ 

§  2.  Language  a?id  Authorship. 

I.  Language.  The  original  language  of  the  book  of 
Wisdom  is  not  Hebrew,  although  the  heading,  "  The 
A\'isdom  of  Solomon, "  would  naturally  suggest  that  it 
was  composed  in  the  same  language  as  the  rest  of  the 
works  ascribed  to  Solomon  (Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Can- 
ticle of  Canticles).  It  is  true  that,  in  view  of  that  heading, 
some  scholars^  have  endeavored  to  show  that  internal 
evidence  points  to  Hebrew  as  the  original  language  of  the 
book  of  Wisdom,  and  have  set  forth  the  Hebraisms,* 
the  poetical  parallelism,  the  constant  use  of  simple  connect- 
ing particles  (ato'z,  de,  yocp^  on,  etc.),  the  possible  mistakes 
of  translation  from  the  original  Hebrew  which  are  notice- 
able in  the  Greek  Text,  as  so  many  distinct  arguments  in 
favor  of  their  position.  But  these  reasons^  when  closely 
examined,  do  not  stand  the  test  of  criticism,  and  are  now 
universally  rejected  as  insufficient.  All  that  they  really 
prove  is  that  the    author  of  the  book  of    Wisdom   was    a 

J   For  details,  see  Cornely,  loc.  cit.,  p.  2ig  sqq.  ;  E.  C.  Bisshll,  loc.  cit.,  p.  223. 
"^  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  Grotius  and  Houbigant.     The  latter,  however, 
confines  a  Hebrew  original  to  the  first  nine  chapters. 

•  Cfr.,  for  instance,  i,  i  ;  ii,  9,  15 ;  iv,  13,  15;  ix,  6 ;  etc.,  etc 


1 62         SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Hebrew,  and  resembled  his  fellow  Jews,  who  scarcely  ever 
wrote  the  Greek  language  in  its  purity. 

Not  only  are  there  no  conclusive  proofs  that  Hebrew  was 
the  original  language  of  the  book  of  Wisdom,  but  there  are 
direct  and  convincing  reasons  for  admitting  that  the  entire 
work  was  written  in  the  Greek  language. 

Throughout  the  book  the  author  betrays  a  peculiar  lik- 
ing for  compound  words,  particularly  adjectives,  for  which 
corresponding  terms  would  be  sought  in  vain  in  Hebrew.^ 
Again,  throughout  the  book  numerous  assonances,  plays  on 
words,  paronomasias,  and  oxymora  occur  and  prove  the 
originality  of  the  Greek  text.^  *'  There  are  also  a  multi- 
tude of  instances  where  a  purely  Greek  type  of  expression 
has  been  adopted,  to  which  no  Hebrew  original  would  have 
naturally  led  the  way,  and  which  certainly  no  translator 
would  have  been  likely  to  make  use  of,  at  least  to  such  an 
extent  (cfr.  i,  ii,  (peiSeadai  rivo9;  ii,  6,  aTtoXaveiv  rc^v 
ovTGJV  ayadSr;  iv,  2,  aycdva  viKav;  x,  2,  aycSva  /Spa- 
fieveiv).  The  author  employs,  too,  current  philosophical 
terms  of  his  time  to  give  expression  to  philosophical  ideas 
(cfr.  i,  4,  eva-GDfxari  Karaxpecp  djuaprias  ;  xi,  17,  vXtj 
ajJ.op(po5;  xiv,  3,  Ttpovoia).  For  these  reasons,  taken  in 
connection  with  the  general  structure  and  arrangement  of  the 
work,  its  lightness  of  movement,  its  philosophical  cast,  its 
many  marks  of  Hellenistic  culture,  the  theory  of  an  ancient 
Hebrew  original,  or  of  any  original  than  Greek,  is  wholly 
excluded."  ^ 

2.  Authorship.  It  is  plain  that,  since  Greek  is  the 
original  language  of  the  entire  book  of  Wisdom,  the 
Solomonic  authorship  cannot  be  maintained,  although  this 

'  Cfr.  (caKOTex^o?  (i,  4  ;  xv,  4)  ;  wpcoTOTrAaa-TOs  (vii,  i) ;  vrjjrioKTOj'os  (xi,  7);  etc. 
"^  Cfr.  i,  I,  TO ;  vi,  6,  22  ;  vii,  13  ;  xvil,  8 ;  xix,  21  ;   etc. 
'  E.  C.  BissELL,  loc.  cit.,  p.  224. 


THE    BOOK    OF    WISDOM.  163 

authorship  was  commonly  assumed  by  the  early  ecclesias- 
tical writers.  In  Wisdom,  as  iu  Ecclesiastes,  the  one 
represented  as  speaking  is  clearly  King  wSolomon/  so  that 
early  Christian  scholars""^  took  it  naturally  for  granted  that 
the  title  in  both  books  must  be  correct.  It  is  true  that 
so  eminent  a  writer  as  St.  Jerome  denied  the  Solomonic 
authorship  of  the  book  of  Wisdom  ;  but  it  should  be  borne 
in  mind  that  the  illustrious  Doctor,  in  calling  that  book 
if' ev6 STt Lj' pacpov ^  thought  he  was  thereby  making  a  point 
against  its  sacred  and  canonical  character.^  Had  he  con- 
sidered it  as  inspired,  probabilities  are  that  he  also  would 
have  admitted  the  Solomonic  authorship  apparently  affirmed 
by  the  book  itself.  In  fact  while  many  writers,  influenced 
by  his  authority,  thought  that  Solomon  was  not  the  author 
of  Wisdom,  and  even  that  the  work  itself  was  not  inspired,* 
others  preferred  to  abide  by  the  title  and  by  what  seemed 
to  them  to  be  the  plain  statements  of  the  book.  A  middle 
position  was  afterward  suggested,  viz.,  that  the  book  of 
Wisdom  is  Solomonic,  inasmuch  as  it  has  a  Solomonic 
basis  :  the  main  ideas  and  sentiments  in  it  are  Solomon's, 
which  a  Hellenistic  Jew  reproduced  and  elaborated  freely 
at  a  later  date.^  At  the  present  day  almost  all  scholars  of 
any  note.  Catholic  and  Protestant  alike,  have  come  openly 
to  say  that  Solomon  is  not  the  author  of  the  book  of 
Wisdom  ;  that  "  a  subsequent  writer  assumed  Solomon's 
name  in  order  to  secure  a  greater  authority  for  his  own 
teachings";^  and  that  "the  work  has  been  ascribed  to 
Solomon    because    its    author,    through    a   literary    fiction, 

'  Cfr.  ix,  7,  8,  12 ;  vii.  i,  5  ;  viii,  13,  14  ;  etc. 

2  Among  them   may  be   mentioned   Clement  of  Alexandria,  St.  Basil,  Tertullian, 
St.  Cyprian,  St.  Hilary,  Lactantius,  etc. 

3  Cfr.  St   Jerome's  Preface  to  the  Solomonic  writings. 

*  Cfr.  "  General  Introd.  to  the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,"  by  the  present  writer. 

*  Card.  Bellarmine,  Bp.  Huet,  and  others  held  that  view  of  the  matter. 
^  H.  Lesetre,  Manuel  d'Introduct.  i  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  vol.  ii,  p.  443. 


164  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENt. 

speaks  as  if  he  were  the  son  of  David."  ^  "That  the 
author  assumes  the  name  of  Solomon  is  of  course  apparent. 
Such  a  use  of  fiction  has  been  common  in  all  ages  without 
any  suspicion  of  fraud  being  attached  to  the  writer.  Plato 
and  Cicero  in  their  Dialogues  introduce  real  characters  as 
vehicles  for  supporting  or  opposing  their  own  views.  .  .  . 
All  the  Sapiential  Books,  though  some  were  confessedly  of 
much  later  date,  were  commonly  attributed  to  Solomon,  as 
being  himself  the  ideal  personification  of  Wisdom  and  the 
3i\i\.\\oT  par  excellence  oi  works  on  this  subject.  And  when 
the  writer  introduces  Solomon  himself  speaking,  this  is  not 
done  with  any  intention  of  leading  his  readers  to  believe 
that  the  work  was  a  genuine  production  of  tlie  son  of 
David.  Written,  as  we  shall  see,  at  a  period  many  centu- 
ries removed  from  the  palmy  days  of  Israel,  at  a  place 
distant  from  Jerusalem,  in  a  language  and  style  unfamiliar 
to  the  Hebrew  king,  the  book  could  never  have  claimed 
for  itself  the  authority  of  that  royal  name  except  by  a 
fiction  universally  understood  and  allowed.  "  ^  In  a  like 
strain,  A.  Condamin,  S.J.,  argues  that  in  both  the  books 
of  Wisdom  and  Ecclesiastes  the  writers  impersonate  Solo- 
mon through  a  literary  fiction,  and  quotes  Cornely,  S.J. 
(Introd.  ii,  part  ii,  p.  248),  to  the  effect  that  ''  any  writing 
treating  of  Wisdom  may  have  been  ascribed  to  Solomon  as 
the  ideal  representative  of  Hebrew  wisdom.  "  ^  In  fine, 
even  the  current  editions  of  the  Douay  Version  affirm  in  the 
notice  prefixed  to  the  book  of  Wisdom  that  "  the  book  is 
written  in  the  person  of  Solomon,"  and  that  "  it  is  un- 
certain who  was  the  writer." 

Beside  Solomon,  the  writer  to  whom  the  authorship  of 
the  book  of  Wisdom  has  been  oftenest  ascribed  is  Philo, 

'  ViGOUROUX,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  n.  868.     Cfr.  the  well-nigh  identical  words  of 
Abb6  J.  B.  Pelt,  in  Histoire  de  I'Ancien  Testament,  vol.  ii,  p.  392. 

2  W.  J.  Deane,  the  Book  of  Wisdom;  p.  24. 

3  Condamin,  Etudes  sur  1' Ecclesiaste,  "  Revue    Biblique,"  Jan.,  xgoo,  pp.  37,  39-43. 


THE    BOOK    OF    WISDO.^I.  1 65 

the  celebrated  Jewish  philosopher  of  Alexandria  (f  aft.  40 
A.D.).  This  is  a  very  ancient  view,  for  it  is  mentioned  by 
St.  Jerome^  in  these  words  :  "  Nonnulli  scriptoruni  veteriim 
hunc  (librum  Sapientise)  esse  Judnei  Philonis  affirmant." 
It  has  since  been  adopted  by  many  scliolars,^  chiefly  on 
the  ground  that,  in  matters  of  doctrine,  the  aiitlior  of 
Wisdom  and  Philo  present  a  general  agreement  ;  but  at 
the  present  day  it  is  universally  rejected.  All  feel  that 
the  material  differences  between  the  book  of  Wisdom  and 
Philo's  writings  preclude  a  common  authorship.  The 
allegorizing  method  of  treating  the  Scriptural  narratives,  to 
which  the  Alexandrian  philosopher  resorts  constantly,^  is 
entirely  foreign  to  the  author  of  Wisdom,  who  takes  the 
facts  of  Jewish  history  he  refers  to  in  their  obvious  lit- 
eral sense.  "  The  description  of  the  origin  of  idolatry  in 
Wisdom  and  in  Philo's  works  could  never  have  been  written 
by  the  same  author,  as  there  are  many  points  discrepant 
and  contradictory."*  Philo's  doctrine  of  ideas,  which 
forms  a  very  prominent  feature  in  his  philosophical  system, 
would  be  looked  for  in  vain  in  the  book  of  Wisdom,  though 
it  might  have  been  introduced  naturally  in  connection  with 
i,  3  ;  vii,  22  ;  viii,  19  sqq.  ;  etc.  "  The  diversity  appears 
particularly  in  the  description  of  divine  wisdom  or  (TOfhia, 
compared  with  Philo's  delineation  of  Xoyo^  and  aocpia. 
Traces  of  the  speculative  use  of  Xoyo?  are  wanting  in  our 
book  ;  in  Philo  they  are  abundant.  The  Ao;^Ob  of  Philo 
takes  the  place,  for  the  most  part,  of  the  crocpia  of  Wisdom. 
The  (Tocpia  of  Philo  is  vague    indefinite  ;  his  Aoyos  more 

'  Pref.  to  the  Solomonic  writings. 

'  In  this  connection  we  may  mention  the  ingenious  conjecture  by  Samuel  Prideaux 
Tregelles  in  regard  to  lines  69-71  of  the  Muratorian  ("anon,  where  the  Latin  reads, 
"  Sapientia  ab  amicis  Salomonis  scripta,"  and  whicli  he  thinks  may  have  been  in  tlie 
original  Greek  inrb  (f)L\cjvo<;,  instead  of  vvo  ^iKiav. 

3  In  regard  to  Philo's  fanciful  allegorical  methods,  see  "  General  Introd.  to  the  Stndy 
of  the  Holy  Scriptures,"  by  the  present  writer,  p.  418  sq. 

*  W.  J.  Deane,  loc.  cit.,  p.  34. 


1 66         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

definite  and  intelligible.  In  Philo,  Jewish  Alexandrianism 
appears  in  a  more  developed  state.  .  .  .  Besides,  the 
style  and  manner  in  Wisdom  are  very  different  from  those 
which  characterize  Philo.  Its  complexion  is  of  an  earlier 
and  less  metaphysical  type."  ^ 

The  other  names  that  have  been  put  forward  as  those  of 
the  probable  authors  of  Wisdom  must  likewise  be  rejected. 
The  name  of  Zorobabel,  which  has  been  suggested,  must  be 
set  aside,  for  the  simple  reason  that  Zorobabel  would  not 
have  written  in  Greek;  that  of  Aristobulus,  an  Alexandrian 
Jew  (second  century  B.C.),  cannot  be  admitted,  because  the 
writer  of  Wisdom  inveighs  against  kings  (vi,  i;  etc.), 
whereas  Aristobulus  was  a  courtier  and  a  king's  favorite 
minister;  that  of  Apollo,  also  an  Alexandrian  Jew  (cfr. 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  xviii,  24),  is  not  probable  either,  the 
only  basis  in  its  favor  being  that  Apollo  was  an  eloquent 
Jew  of  Alexandria  and  might  have  written  the  work.^ 

All  attempts  to  discover  the  real  author  of  the  book  of 
Wisdom  have  failed.  His  name,  like  that  of  the  writer  of 
Ecclesiastes,  is  unknown.  In  reality  its  discovery  would 
add  nothing  to  the  importance  of  a  work  the  sacred  char- 
acter of  which  is  put  beyond  question  by  the  infallible 
teaching  of  the  Church. 

§  3.  Place  and  Date  of  Composition. 

I.  Place.  Wliile  the  name  of  the  author  of  Wisdom 
must  ever  remain  unknown  through  lack  of  both  external 
and  internal  evidence,  his  locality  can  be  easily  ascertained 
by  an  unbiassed  study  of  the  style  and  contents  of  the  work. 
The  book  bespeaks  so  good  a  command  of  the  Greek  lan- 
guage as  to  clearly  denote  an  author  who  did  not  live  either 
in  Jerusalem  or  in  Palestine  any  considerable  time  before 

'  Samuel  Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii,  p.  403. 

'-'  The  point  is  well  discussed  by  W.  J.  Deane,  loc.  cit.,  p.  34  sq. 


THE    BOOK    OF    WISDOM.  I 67 

the  Christian  era.  Its  unequivocal  use  of  the  Septuagint, 
where  this  Version  differs  from  the  Hebrew/  points  in  the 
same  direction;  for  at  that  time  the  Septuagint  translation 
was  certainly  unwelcome  to  Palestinian  Hebrews.  Again, 
the  intimate  acquaintance  with  Greek  thought  and  philo- 
sophical terms  displayed  in  the  book  of  Wisdom  is  superior 
to  anything  found  in  Jerusalem  or  in  Palestine.  "  No 
pure  Hebrew,  for  example,  uninfluenced  by  the  Greek 
philosophy,  would  ever  have  called  God  the  'author  of 
beauty  '  (xiii,  3),  or  have  applied  to  the  Divine  Providence 
the  term  Trporoia  (xiv,  3;  xvii,  2).  .  .  .  Just  as  little  could 
any  such  author  have  appropriated  to  his  use  terms,  com- 
parisons, and  ideas  that  originated  in  the  philosophical 
schools  of  the  Greeks,  and  are  still  recognized  as  character- 
istic of  them.  We  learn,  for  example,  that  *  the  corruptible 
body  is  a  load  upon  the  soul,  and  the  earthly  tabernacle 
presseth  down  the  mind  '  (ix,  15),  which  idea  is  purely 
Platonic,  at  least  in  this  extreme  form  of  it."^  At  another 
place  (xi,  17)  the  expression  vXr/  a^op(fyo<;^  "the  formless 
material"  from  which  the  world  was  constructed,  is  derived 
from  the  school  of  Plato.  In  like  manner,  the  cardinal 
virtues  are  described  as  four  in  number  (viii,  7),  after  the 
manner  of  Aristotle,  etc.  All  this  will  appear  all  the  more 
conclusive  against  a  Palestinian  origin  of  the  book  of  Wis- 
dom, because  Josephus  himself — that  is,  a  Palestinian  author 
who  lived  at  a  time  when  Palestinian  Jews  were  best  ac- 
quainted with  Greek  thought  and  philosophy — confesses 
that  his  countrymen  had  no  taste  for  the  study  of  foreign 
tongues,  and  were  especially  averse  to  Greek  culture  and 
education.^     Finally,  the  non-Palestinian  origin  of  the  book 

'  Cfr.  Wisdom  ii,  lo  with  Isai.  iii,  lo;  and  Wisd.  xv,  lo  with  Isai.  xliv,  20  (in  the 
LXX  Isaias). 

2  E.  C.  BissELL,  loc.  cit.,  p.  225.  Cfr.  Corluy,  S.J.,  LaSagesse  dans  I'Anc.  Test. 
(vol.  i  of  Congres  Scientif.  Intemat.  des  Catholiques,  p.  84). 

'  Josephus,  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  Book  .\x,  chap,  xi,  §2. 


ibb         SrEClAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that,  despite  its  powerful  arraign- 
ment of  idolatry  and  its  sublime  teachings  concerning  the 
future  hfe,  Wisdom  was  never  included  within  the  Canon  of 
the  Jews  of  Palestine. 

The  arguments  so  far  brought  forth  directly  against  a 
Palestinian  Hebrew  as  the  writer  of  the  book  of  Wisdom 
make  indirectly  in  favor  of  an  Alexandrian  Jew  as  its  prob- 
able author.  A  Hellenistic  Jew  of  Alexandria,  the  great 
Egyptian  capital,  would  naturally  have  all  the  opportunities 
to  become  familiar  with  Greek  philosophy,  and  acquire  a 
good  command  of  the  Greek  language;  and  the  book  once 
composed  would  soon  be  appreciated  and  counted  among 
their  sacred  writings  by  his  fellow  countrymen.  But  be- 
sides there  are  direct  reasons  for  regarding  the  book  of 
Wisdom  as  of  Egyptian  origin.  *'  Alexandria  in  the  time  of 
the  Ptolemies  was  filled  with  Jews.  It  is  computed  that 
they  numbered  nearly  one  third  of  the  whole  population. 
Living  thus  in  the  very  centre  of  heathen  culture,  they 
could  not  fail  to  be  influenced  by  the  spirit  of  the  place, 
and  to  compare  their  own  imperishable  belief  and  their  own 
divine  revelation  with  the  restless  speculations  and  manifold 
traditions  which  were  presented  to  their  notice  by  the 
heathens  among  whom  they  dwelt.  Here  they  saw  that 
Epicurean  indifference,  that  luxurious  selfishness,  that  gross 
materialism,  that  virtual  denial  of  Providence,  which  are  so 
sternly  and  eloquently  rebuked  in  the  book  of  Wisdom. 
Here  they  witnessed  that  bestial  idolatry,  and  that  debased 
revolt  against  the  pure  worship  of  God,  which  meet  with 
such  severe  handling  in  this  work.  A  man  who  had  these 
things  daily  before  his  eyes,  whose  righteous  soul  was  con- 
tinually vexed  with  this  opposition  to  all  his  cherished  beliefs, 
would  naturally  thus  deliver  his  testimony,  and  brand  the 
surrounding  heathenism  with  the  fire  of  his  words.  The 
modes  of  worship  thus  assailed,  the  local  coloring  of  de- 


THE    BOOK    OF    WISDOM.  1 69 

tails,  the  political  allusions,  are  distinctively  Egyptian,  and 
point  conclusively  to  an  Egyptian  author.  .  .  .  They  lead 
irresistibly  to  the  conclusion  that  the  writer  composed  his 
work  amid  the  people  and  the  scenes  to  which  he  contin- 
ually refers."  ^  It  is  because  the  author  was  writing  in 
Egypt,  and  partly  to  show  the  superiority  of  Yahweh  wor- 
ship over  idol  worship,  that  he  concludes  his  work  with  the 
time  of  the  Exodus,  when  divine  judgment  was  most  severely 
executed  on  the  gods  of  Egypt. 

2.  Date  of  Composition.  Internal  evidence  is  less 
conclusive  with  regard  to  the  date  than  with  regard  to  the 
place  of  composition  of  the  book  of  Wisdom.  It  is  indeed 
true  that  the  manifest  use  of  the  Septuagint  translation  of  the 
Pentateuch  and  Isaias,  in  Wisdom  ii,  12;  vi,  7;  xi,4;  xii,  8;  xv, 
10;  xvi,  22;  xix,  21,  bring  the  completion  of  the  book  later 
than  about  200  b.c.^  But  how  much  later  cannot  be  de- 
fined. It  is  beyond  doubt,  too,  that  since  the  book  of  Wis- 
dom contains  no  trace  of  distinctively  Christian  doctrine 
(of  the  Incarnation,  the  Redemption,  etc.),  it  was  composed 
before  the  spread  of  Christianity.  But  how  much  earlier 
cannot  be  ascertained. 

To  reach  an  approximate  date  between  these  two  ex- 
treme limits,  the  contents  of  the  book  have  been  closely 
examined,  and  the  results  thereby  obtained  are  briefly  as 
follows.      When    compared  with    the    contents    of    Philo's 

1  W.  J.  Deanh,  the  Book  of  Wisdom,  p.  30  sq.  See  also  C.  H.  H,  Wright  (the 
Book  of  Qoheleth,  chap,  iii),  who  thinks  that  the  book  of  Wisdom  was  distinctly  writ- 
ten against  Jewish  free-thinkers  of  Alexandria  who  defended  their  obnoxious  tenets  by 
arguments  derived  from  the  book  of  Qoheleth  itself,  boldly  propounding  materialistic 
theories,  denying  a  future  state  of  existence,  etc.,  on  the  plea  that  Solomon,  the  very 
impersonation  of  wisdom,  was  on  their  side.  In  this  way  would  Dr.  Wright  account 
for  the  strikin;^  verbal  similarities  which  e.xist  between  the  expressions  of  the  adver- 
saries of  morality  and  religion  as  set  forth  in  the  book  of  Wisdom  and  those  which 
actually  occur  in  Ecclesiastes. 

'•*  In  regard  to  the  manner  in  which  the  LXX  Version,  begun  with  the  translation  of 
the  Law,  about  280  b.c,  was  gradually  concluded,  see  '  General  Introd.  to  the  Study  of 
the  Scriptures,"  by  the  present  writer,  p.  263  sqq. 


lyo         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

writings,  those  of  the  book  of  Wisdom  clearly  point  to  a 
date  anterior  to  Philo  (f  ab.  40  ad.).  "While  agreeing  in 
some  particulars  with  Philo's  philosophical  views,  Wisdom 
differs  from  them  most  essentially,  though,  generally  speak- 
ing, standing  in  relation  to  them  of  a  system  imperfect  and 
crude  to  one  fully  developed  and  complete."  ^  In  like 
manner  the  literal  method  of  understanding  Holy  Writ  so 
constantly  applied  in  the  book  of  Wisdom  represents  a  stage 
in  interpretation  anterior  to  the  allegorical  method  of  the 
Alexandrian  philosopher.  Even  in  point  of  style  the  Greek 
of  Wisdom  appears  more  sober,  especially  as  regards  the 
heaping  up  of  adjectives,^ — and  consequently  requires  an 
earlier  date, — than  that  of  Philo  Judaeus. 

Viewed  from  another  standpoint,  the  contents  of  the 
book  of  Wisdom  allow  us  to  fix  the  probable  date  of  its 
composition  in  a  more  definite  way.  They  describe  a 
period  of  moral  degradation  and  bloody  persecution  under 
unrighteous  rulers  who  are  threatened  with  heavy  judgment. 
Now  the  only  persecutions  suffered  by  the  Jews  under  the 
Ptolemies  took  place  in  the  reigns  of  Ptolemy  IV.,  Philop- 
ator  (b.c.  222-204),  a.nd  Ptolemy  VII.,Physcon  (b.c.  145-1 1 7), 
so  that  the  depraved  and  sanguinary  rule  of  one  or  the 
other  of  these  monarchs^  must  be  considered  as  the  time 
which  the  sacred  writer  has  in  view.  ''  It  is  highly  prob- 
able that  the  book  of  Wisdom  was  published  after  the  de- 
mise of  those  princes,  for  otherwise  it  would  have  but  in- 
creased their  tyrannical  rage."  * 

1  E,  C.  BissELL,  loc.  cit.,  p.  226. 

2  In  one  instance  Philo  applies  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  different  epithets 
to  a  person  in  order  to  characterize  his  licentiousness. 

3  Welte,  Hanneberg,  Coknely,  Pelt,  Deane,  etc.,  think  that  the  book  of  Wis- 
dom refers  to  the  former  prince  ;  Gkimm,  Samuel  Davidson,  Vigouroux,  etc.,  that  it 
refers  to  the  latter. 

*  H.  Lesetre,  Manuel  d' Introduction,  vol.  ii,  p.  445. 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  VIII. 

ECCLESIASTICUS,  OR  THE  WiSDOM  OF  JeSUS,  SoN  OF  SiRACH. 


I. 

Principal 


Names  and 


Contents : 


I.  Names 


2.  Contents 


'[ 


II. 

Original 
Text 

AND 

Ancient 
Versions  : 


I.   Original 
Text: 


2.  Ancient 
Versions 


I.  Author- 
ship ; 


III. 

Authorship 
AND  Mode  of 
CoMPosi-       I   2.  Mode  of 
TION  :  I        Composi- 

t         tion ; 


(   Greek  MSS.  and  Fathers. 
(  Latin  Documents. 

f  The  Prologue  by  the  Translator. 
Part  I.     A  Commendation  of  Wisdom 
and  Miscellaneous  Precepts  (i-xlii,' 

Part  II.  Praises  of  God's  works  and 
of  the  renowned  Forefathers  of  the 
Jews  (xlii,  15-I,  26). 

Twofold  Conclusion  (1,  27-29  ;  li). 


r  Written  in  Hebrew. 

I    Fragments        recently        discovered, 

amountmg  to  one  half  of  the  book. 
(^  Leading  Literary  Features. 

'  The  Septuagint :  Principal  MSS.  and 
Characteristics. 
The  Old  Latin  :  Relation  to  the  Greek 

Version  from  which  it  was  made. 
The   Syriac   Peshitto  :   Made  directly 
from      the     Hebrew— Its     Critical 
I        Value. 


The  Author,  not  Solomon,  but  Jesus 
Ben  Sirach.  ' 

The  Author,  a  contemporary  of  Si- 
mon IL  (f  198  B.C.). 

1st  Opinion  :    Ecclesiasticus  a  Liter- 

ary  Unit. 
2d  Opinion  :  The  Work  a  Compilation. 
171 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ECCLESIASTICUS,    OR    THE    WISDOM    OF  JESUS,    SON    OF 
SIRACH. 

§  I.  Prmcipal  Names  afid  Contefits. 

I.  Names.  The  title  of  this  deutero-canonical  book  as 
usually  found  in  Greek  MSS.  and  Fathers  is  ^ocpia  'irjcrnv 
viov  ^eipaXy  "  the  Wisdom  of  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach,"  ^ 
or  simply  ^o<pia  ^eipax.  In  substance  it  seems  to  be  de- 
rived from  the  statement  in  Ecclesiasticus  1,  29  :  "  Jesus,  the 
Son  of  Sirach,  of  Jerusalem,  hath  written  in  this  book  the  doc- 
trine of  wisdom  and  instruction";^  while  in  form  it  reads 
like  a  direct  rendering  of  the  Hebrew  heading  Hokhmath 
Y^shua  beti  Sira  .  It  seems,  however,  from  the  words  of 
St.  Jerome  in  his  Prologue  to  the  Solomonic  writings,^ 
that  the  Hebrew  title  was  not  Hokhmath  (Wisdom)  but 
MishU  (Proverbs)  of  Y^shua  ben  Sira'.*  Perhaps  in  the 
original  Hebrew  Ecclesiasticus  bore  two  titles,  "Hoknmath" 
and  "  Mishle  "  of  Jesus,  son  of  Sirach.  The  other  Greek 
names  given  to  Ecclesiasticus  are  simply  ^ocpia,  or  r)  na- 
vapexo'^  (J0(f)ia,  and  even  Ttaraperos  and  Ttaidayooyo'a 
alone.^ 

1  This  full  title  is  found  in  the  Sinaitic,  Alexandrian,  and  Ephrasmi  MSS.,  in  St.  Epi- 
phanius,  etc. 

2  In   the  Greek  the  verb  is   in    the  first  person  :   "  I,   Jesus,    son   of  Sirach,  have 
written." 

3  Cfr.  MiGNE,  Patrol.  Lat  ,  vol.  xxviii.  col.  1242. 

*  The  Tanchuma  commentary  to  the  Mishna  calls  the  book  "  Mishie  "  ;  while  rab 
binic  writers  usually  speak  of  it  as  Ben  Sirn\ 

*  Cfr.  H.  B.  SwETE,  An  Introduction  to  the  Old  Test,  in  Greek,  p.  201  sqq. 

172 


ECCLESIASTICUS,    OR  THE  WISDOM  OF  JESUS,    SON  OF  SIRACH.       I  73 

In  the  Latin  Church,  besides  the  titles  more  or  less  directly 
derived  from  the  Greek,  such  as  "  Sapientia  Sirach  "  (Ru- 
finus)  ;  *'Jesu,  filii  Sirach"  (Junilius);  "Sapientia  Jesu  " 
(Codex  Claromontanus);  "Liber  Sapiential,  filii  Siracis  " 
(Cassiodorus),  etc.,^  the  book  is  commonly  designated 
under  the  name  of  ^*  Ecclesiasticus."  This  last  title,  some- 
what similar  to  that  of  Ecclesiastes,  points  out  the  object 
for  which  this  didactic  work  was  primitively  used  in  the 
Church.  As  a  very  valuable  collection  of  moral  teachings, 
it  was  considered  as  especially  fitted  for  general  reading  and 
instruction.  Hence  it  preserved  the  name  of  Ecclesiasticus^ 
that  is  "  a  Church  reading-book,"  after  the  other  deutero- 
canonical  writings — which  are  also  called  Ecclesiastical^  by 
Rufinus^ — ceased  to  be  regarded  as  Church  reading-books 
in  any  more  special  manner  than  the  proto-canonical 
writings.^ 

2.  Contents.  Of  the  various  names  which  have  been 
mentioned,  the  one  which  points  out  best  the  general  char- 
acter of  the  contents  of  Ecclesiasticus  is  unquestionably 
that  of  "  Wisdom."  This  was  distinctly  realized  by  the 
Greek  translator  of  the  book,  who,  in  the  Preface  (or  Pro- 
logue) to  his  work,  tells  us,  among  other  things,*  that  he 
undertook  his  hard  task  of  rendering  the  Hebrew  Text  into 
Greek  with  a  view  to  place  thereby  its  most  wise  teachings 
within  the  reach  of  any  one  desirous  to  avail  himself  of 
them. 

•  Cfr.  the  title  in  the  official  Latin  Vulgate,  "  In  Ecclesiasticum  Jesu,  filii  Sirach, 
Prologus,"  and  the  liturgical  quotations  from  Ecclesiasticus  in  the  Roman  Missal, 
under  the  title  :  "  Liber  Sapientic-e." 

"^  Cfr.  *'  General  Introd.  to  the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,"  by  the  present  writer, 
P-  55 

'  Cfr.  Abbe  H.  Lesetre,  I'Ecclesiastique  (Lf.thif.lleitx'  Pible),  p.  t. 

<  This  Prologue,  the  genuineness  of  which  is  undoubted,  contains  valuable  statements 
concerning  the  date  and  place  of  the  Greek  translation,  the  name  and  ability  of  the 
author  of  the  book,  etc.  These  and  other  such  pieces  of  information  as  are  afforded 
by  the  Prologue  will  be  utilized  in  the  course  of  the  discussion  concerninfr  the  date, 
authorship,  etc.,  of  Ecclesiasticus. 


174  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

The  contents  themselves  of  the  book  are  also  best 
grouped  under  the  general  heading  of  "Wisdom."  Al- 
though the  materials  utilized  by  the  writer  of  Ecclesiasticus 
appear,  at  times,  of  a  miscellaneous  character,  yet  the  two 
great  parts  (i-xlii,  14;  xlii,  15-I,  26)  into  which  the  contents 
may  be  divided  have  clearly  for  their  object  to  emphasize 
the  theoretical  and  practical  excellence  of  Hebrew  Wisdom. 
The  first  part  is  in  fact  made  up  chiefly  of  miscellaneous 
precepts,  analogous  in  many  respects  to  the  contents  of 
the  book  of  Proverbs,  and  all  tending  to  inculcate  the  fear 
of  God  and  the  fulfilment  of  His  commands,  wherein  con- 
sists true  wisdom.^  Furthermore,  its  opening  chapter  is 
devoted  to  a  long  description  of  the  origin  and  superior 
excellence  of  wisdom;  and  similar  praises  of  wisdom  are 
embodied  at  different  places  of  the  first  part  (cfr.  iv, 
12-22;  vi,  18-37;  xiv,  22-xv,  11;  xxiv).  The  contents  of 
the  second  part  of  the  book  centre  also  in  the  praise  of  wis- 
dom. They  contribute  very  materially  to  the  setting  forth 
of  that  general  topic,  by  describing  at  length  the  divine 
wisdom  so  wonderfully  displayed  in  the  realm  of  nature 
(xlii,  15-xliii),  and  illustrating  the  practice  of  wisdom  in  the 
various  walks  of  life,  as  made  known  by  the  history  of  the 
illustrious  men  of  Israel,  from  Enoch  down  to  the  high  priest 
Simon,  the  holy  contemporary  of  the  writer  (xliv-1,  26). 

The  first  conclusion  of  the  book  (1,  27-29)  contains,  to- 
gether with  the  author's  signature,  an  express  declaration  of 
his  general  purpose  "  to  write  in  the  book  the  doctrine  of 
wisdom  and  instruction  "  and  thereby  bring  it  to  the  prac- 
tical knowledge  of  his  fellow  men.  The  second  conclusion 
— a  real  appendix^ — is  a  rendering  of  thanks  to  God  for 
His  benefits,  and  particularly  for  the  gift  of  Wisdom  (li). 

'  Some  writers,  among  whom  maybe  mentioned  Cor:.f.i.ius  a  Lapide,  S.T.,  wem 
even  so  far  as  to  think  that  the  author  followed  the  order  of  the  Decalogue  in  the  de- 
Uvery  of  his  moral  precepts. 

2  Cfr    Pillion's  edition  of  the  Latin  Vulgate 


ECCLESIASTICrS,    OR  TUB  WISDOM  OF  JF.SUS,    SON  OF  SIKACH.       I  75 

Sucli  are  the  best-ascertained  divisions  of  the  book  of 
Ecclesiasticus.  Many  attempts  have  indeed  been  made  to 
include  even  its  minute  details  within  a  systematic  scheme 
of  its  contents.  But  all  such  attempts  have  proved  unsatis- 
factory, especially  in  regard  to  the  first  part  (i-xlii,  14),  in 
which  maxims  relating  to  the  conduct  of  life  are  not  ar- 
ranged in  anything  like  a  logical  and  continuous  order,^ 

§  2.   Original  Text  and  Anciefit  Versions. 

I.  Original  Text.  Until  quite  recently  the  book  of 
Ecclesiasticus  was  known  to  modern  scholars  only  by 
means  of  translations  and  scanty  citations  in  Talmudic  and 
Rabbinical  writers.  According  to  the  Translator's  Pro- 
logue, it  was  originally  written  in  "Hebrew"  eppa'iari^  a 
term  which  might  mean  either  Hebrew  proper  or  Aramaic. 
In  like  manner  St.  Jerome  in  his  Preface  to  the  Solomonic 
writings  affirms  that  he  saw  the  Hebrew  original,  but  it 
might  still  be  doubted  whether  it  was  truly  a  Hebrew  Text 
or  not  rather  a  Syriac  or  Aramaic  translation  in  Hebrew 
letters.  Again,  "on  this  point  the  citations  of  Rabbinical 
writers — sometimes  without  acknowledgment,  sometimes 
under  the  name  of  Ben  Sira',  sometimes  in  Hebrew,  some- 
times in  Aramaic  or  debased  form — were  not  decisive,  since 
it  was  not  certain  that  they  came  from  a  Hebrew  original; 
and  even  the  quotations  of  Saadia  (tenth  century),  which 
are  in  classical  Hebrew,  were  similarly  open  to  suspicion. 
After  this  the  traces  of  a  Hebrew  Text  of  Ecclesiasticus 
become  indistinct.  .  .  .  Still,  that  its  language  was  Hebrew, 
not  Aramaic,  had  been  inferred  by  critics  from  certain 
obvious  errors  in  the  Greek  Version — for  example,  xxiv,  37 
(in   Greek,   verse   27),   'light'  for  'Nile'    ("^.S*"*)  ;    xxv,    22 

'  Cfr.  Samuel  DAvrosoN,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii.  p.  411  sq.;  Abbd  J.  Tou- 
ZARD,  art.  Ecclesiastique  (!e  Livre  de  1'),  in  Vigoukolx,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  col.  1550  sq. 


176         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

(Greek,  verse  15),  'head'  for  'poison'  (l^l)  ;  xlvi,  21 
(Greek,  verse  18),  '  Tyrians  '  for  'enemies'  (C'^^i).  It  was 
thought  probable,  also,  that,  since  the  Palestinian  vernac- 
ular of  the  time  was  Aramaic,  and  Hebrew  was  a  learned 
language,  the  author's  vocabulary,  whilst  based  on  the 
Hebrew  Sacred  Writings  (with  which  he  was  familiar), 
would  contain  late-Hebrew  and  Aramaic  words  and  expres- 
sions."* 

It  is  only  since  1896  that  documentary  evidence  has 
been  forthcoming  to  the  effect  that  Ecclesiasticus  was 
originally  written  in  Hebrew.  The  first  Hebrew  fragments 
of  the  book  (xxxix,  15-xl,  6)  were  brought  from  the  East  by 
Mrs.  Lewis,  and  identified  by  S.  Schechter,  reader  in  Rab- 
binic at  the  University  of  Cambridge  (England).  About 
the  same  time,  in  a  box  of  literary  remains  acquired  from 
the  Cairo  genizzah^  for  the  Bodleian  library  (Oxford),  no 
less  than  nine  leaves  apparently  of  the  same  MS.,^  and 
containing  xl,  9-xlix,  11,  were  found  by  A.  E.  Cowley  and 
Ad.  Neubauer.  Soon  followed  the  identification  by  Prof. 
Schechter  of  eleven  leaves,  containing  iii,  6®-vii,  31'*;  xi, 
36*^-xvi,  26,  of  a  different  MS.,*  and  xxx,  ii-xxxi,  11;  xxxii, 
i^-xxxiii,  3;  XXXV,  ii-xxxvi,  21;  xxxvii,  30-xxxviii,  28^; 
xlix,  i4Mi,  38,  of  the  first  Codex.  These  very  important 
fragments  had  been  secured  from  the  same  Cairo  genizzah 
for  the  University  of  Cambridge;  and  it  is  among  literary 
matter  obtained  from  that  same  source  by  the  British 
Museum  that  G.  Margoliouth  discovered  (in  1899)  two 
leaves  of  apparently  the  first  MS.  (B),  and  presenting  xxxi, 
i2-xxxii,    i''^;   xxxvi,    21-xxxvii,  29.     Thus  by  the  end  of 

'  C.  H.  Toy,  art.  Ecclesiasticus,  in  Encyclop.  Biblica.  vol.  ii,  col.  it66.  See  also 
E.  C.  BissELL.  Ecclesiasticus,  in  the  Apocrypha  (addit.  vol.  to  the  Lange-Schaff 
Comm.),  p.  276  sq. 

'^  The  Crenizzah  was  a  special  chamber  usually  attached  to  Jewish  synagogues,  and 
to  which  were  consigned  defective  MSS. 

3  This  MS.  is  known  as  MS.  "  B." 

«  It  is  called  MS.  "  A." 


ECCLESIASTICUS,    OK  THE  WISDOM  OF  JESUS,    SON  OF  SIKACH.       I  77 

1899  the  greater  part  of  chaps,  iii-vii;  xii-x.i;  xx\-x\\ii; 
xxxv-li,  or  about  435  verses,  in  the  original  Hebrew,  had 
been  identified  by  scholars. 

The  Hebrew  fragments  of  Ben  Sira*  discovered  in  1900 
and  coming  also  from  Cairo  are  of  especial  importance,  in- 
asmuch as  they  belong  to  two  MSS.  distinct  from  those 
already  known  (A,  B),  and  called  on  that  account  C  and  D 
respectively.  The  passages  in  Codex  C  (xxxvi,  29''^-xxxviii, 
i"^)  contain  matter  already  found  in  MS.  B;  while  those  in 
Codex  D  (iv,  28^-v,  15^;  vi,  iS'^-vii,  27^)  are  sections  em- 
bodied in  MS.  A.^  They  therefore  prove  that  the  book  of 
Ecclesiasticus  was  often  copied  in  former  ages,  and  supply 
a  valuable  means  of  testing  the  text  by  a  comparison  of  the 
parallel  passages  in  the  MSS.  thus  far  discovered. 

Despite  the  attempts  made  chiefly  by  the  venturesome 
scholar  Prof.  D.  S.  Margoliouth  to  disprove  the  originality 
of  the  text  presented  by  these  various  fragments,  it  can  be 
confidently  affirmed  that  the  newly-found  Hebrew  Text 
is  not  a  re-translation  of  Ben  Sira'  from  the  Persian  or 
Syriac  Versions  into  Hebrew.^  This  genuine  Hebrew  Text 
is  indeed  altered  in  some  places  so  as  to  agree  with  the 
Syriac  translation  of  Ecclesiasticus,  and  teems  besides 
with  errors  of  transcription,  which  are  all  the  more  numer- 
ous because  the  Jewish  copyists  of  the  work  did  not  regard  it 
as  canonical.  It  remains  true,  however,  that,  *'  if  we  omit 
Arabisms  and  other  scribal  faults,  the  diction  of  the  text  is 
that  of  a  man  who,  while  his  vernacular  is  that  of  an  incip- 
ient late-Hebrew,  similar  to  that  of  Qoheleth  (Ecclesiastes), 
is  familiar  with  the  greater  part  of  the   Hebrew  Old  Testa- 

'  A  last  leaf  of  MS.  D  was  discovered  by  Dr.  M.  S.  Gaster.  It  contains  xviii,  3i''-xx, 
13,  with  xxxvii,  22,  25,  27,  29  intercalated.  It  will  be  noticed  that  xxxvii,  22,  25,  27, 
29  are  matter  already  found  in  MSS.  ^and  C 

"^  For  an  able  discussion  of  the  question,  see  J.  Touzard,  les  Nouveaux  Frag- 
ments Hdbreux  de  I'Ecclesiastique  (Paris,  1901).  Cfr.  also  art.  Ecclesiasticus,  in  the 
Encyclopaedia  Biblica,  vol.  ii,  col.  1167  sqq. 


170         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

ment,  and  freely  quotes  or  imitates  its  language.  Accord- 
ing to  W.  Bacher  (Jewish  Quarterly  Review,  1897)  and 
S.  Scbechter,  the  text  exhibits  post-Talmudical  mosaic 
{pailanic)  features,  that  is  to  say  a  number  oT  ready-made 
expressions  and  phrases  borrowed  from  the  Old  Testament. 
This,  however,  seems  to  be  too  strong  a  statement:  the 
language  of  Ben  Sira'  rarely  produces  the  impression  of  be- 
ing artificial  or  lacking  in  spontaneity.  Nor  can  it  be  said 
to  contain  Midrashic  elements,  if  by  *  Midrash  '  is  meant 
the  style  of  the  Talmud."^ 

2.  Ancient  Versions.  The  Hebrew  Text  of  Ecclesi- 
asticus  was  rendered  into  Greek  by  a  Palestinian  Jew,  the 
author's  grandson,  who  came  to  Egypt  at  a  certain  time, 
and  desired  to  make  the  work  accessible  to  all  lovers  of 
Wisdom.  This  much  we  infer  from  the  Prologue  to  the 
Greek  translation  which  is  now  embodied  in  the  Septuagint 
Version.  The  name  of  the  translator  is  unknown,^  and 
from  his  work  it  can  only  be  gathered  that  he  was  a  man  of 
good  general  culture,  with  a  fair  command  of  both  Hebrew 
and  Greek.  The  translation  itself  was  a  faithful,  usually 
close,  rendering  of  the  original,  and  would  be  of  the  greatest 
service  toward  the  criticism  of  that  Hebrew  original,  had  it 
come  down  to  us  in  its  primitive  condition.  As  shown  by 
a  comparison  of  its  extant  MSS.,  which  all  go  back  to  one 
exemplar  of  the  Greek  text,^  the  primitive  work  of  the  trans- 
lator has  been  tampered  with  in  such   a  way  that  in  many 

1  Prof.  Toy,  art.  Ecclesiasticus,  in  Encyclop.  Bib'ica.  vol.  ii,  coL  1167.  See  also 
J.  Touz/.RD,  loc.  cit.,  p.  12  sqq.  Ben  Sira'  was  written  in  classical  Hebrew,  notwith- 
standing D.  S.  Margoliouth's  rash  assertion  to  the  contrary 

■■'  In  ce-tain  documents  (the  Synapse  0/  S(xcred  Ssripture  ascribed  to  St.  Atha.na- 
sius  ;  in  St.  Epiphanius,  etc.)  his  name  is  given  as  Jesus,  son  of  Sirach.  The  state- 
ment may  be  correct,  but  is  most  likely  on'y  a  guess  (cfr  Ecclesiasticus  1.  29). 

3  This  has  been  in 'erred  from  the  fact  that  a'l  ou  Greek  MSS.  have  chaps  xxx- 
xxxvi  displaced  from  their  natiira'  order,  which  is  made  known  to  us  by  the  Latin  trans- 
lation, and  by  the  Syriac  and  Armenian  Versions  (cfr  H.  B.  Swete,  the  Old  Test,  in 
Greek,  vol.  ii,  p   vi  sq.  Cambridge,  1S91). 


ECCLESIASTICUS,    OR  THE  WISDOM   OF  JESUS,    SOX  OF  SIRACH.        I  79 

cases  it  is  hardly  possible  to  do  more  than  to  give  a  con- 
jectural emendation.  The  great  uncials, — the  Vatican,  the 
Sinaitic,  the  Ephrsemi  Codex,  and  partly  the  Alexandrian, 
— though  comparatively  free  from  glosses,  contain  an  inferior 
text;  and  the  better  form  of  the  text  seems  to  be  preserved 
in  the  Venetus  Codex,  and  in  certain  cursive  MSS.,  though 
these  have  many  glosses.  In  general  these  glosses  resemble 
the  Greek  additions  in  the  book  of  Proverbs  :  they  are 
expansions  of  the  thought,  or  Hellenizing  interpretations, 
or  additions  from  current  collections  of  gnomic  sayings,^ 
The  principal  interpolations  and  differences  of  arrangement 
of  sections  from  chap,  xxx  and  onwards  are  given  by 
Samuel  Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii,  p.  419, 
and  J.  TouzARD  in  Vigouroux,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  art. 
Ecclesiastique,  col.  1548. 

It  is  from  the  Greek  translation  that  the  Old  Latin 
Version — which  is  an  anterior  to  St.  Jerome,  and  unrevised 
by  him  because  he  declined  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the 
deutero-canonical  writings^  —  was  made;  although  such 
scholars  as  Cornelius  a  Lapide,  S.J.,  P.  Sabatier,  O.S.B., 
and  others,  struck  with  the  important  differences  existing 
between  it  and  the  Greek,  have  maintained  that  it  was  a 
direct  rendering  from  the  original  Hebrew.  This  Latin 
Version  had  retained  many  Greek  words  in  a  Latinized  form 
(as  '  lingua  eucharis^'  vi,  5  ;  in  eremo^  xiii,  23  ;  homo  acharis, 
XX,  21  ;  etc.),  and  exhibits  many  Latin  words  which  have 
been  formed  with  reference  to  the  Greek  reading  {2.'s>obd actio 
for  eTtayoDyrf,  ii,  2  ;  v,  10  ;  apostatare  faciunt  for  anoa- 
TjjaovcTi,  xix,  2;  etc.);  so  that  the  text  rendered  by  the  Latin 
translator  was  unquestions^bly  Greek,  not  Hebrew.  Together 
with  these  Grecized  forms,  the  Old  Latin  Version  of  Ec- 
clesiasticus  presents  many  barbarisms  and  solecisms  (such 

1  Prof.  Toy,  loc.  cit.,  col.  T170. 

3  Pief.  to  the  Solomonic  Writings  (Migne.  Patr.  Lat..  vol.  xxviii,  col.  1242  sq.). 


I  So         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

as  defiinctio,  i,  13  ;  religiositas^  i,  17,  18,  26  ;  compartio'r^  i, 
24  ;  ifihonoratio,  i,  3S  ;  receptibilis^  ii,  5  ;  peries^  perui,  viii, 
18  ;  xxiii,  7  ;  etc.),  which  betray  a  translator  who  had  but 
a  poor  command  of  the  Latin  language.^  When  compared 
with  the  Greek  text  it  is  found  indeed  to  contain  chaps. 
xxx-xxxvi  in  their  proper  place,  and  therefore  to  represent  "  a 
Greek  text  earlier  in  this  particular  than  that  which  is  known 
to  us  through  our  existing  MSS.,"^  but  also  to  abound  in 
additions  foreign  to  the  Greek,  such,  for  instance,  as  i,  17- 

i9»  26, 35^  ii,  2^  3%  6^  10,  I6^  21 ;  iii,  1, 4',  Io^  16, 24^  28, 

32  ;  iv,  21,  27  ;  ix,  lo,  ii  ;  x,  ii,  21  ;  xiii,  9,  11  ;  xiv,  21, 
etc.  These  additional  lines  or  verses,  which  oftentimes  in- 
terfere with  the  poetical  parallelism  of  the  book,  are  either 
repetitions  of  preceding  statements  under  a  slightly  modified 
form,  or  glosses  inserted  by  the  translator  or  the  copyists. 
As  the  translator  was  generally  faithful  in  rendering  the 
Greek  before  him,  his  work  would  be  of  the  greatest  use  to 
determine  the  Greek  readings  in  the  first  or  second  century 
of  our  era,  had  it  been  more  accurately  transcribed  by 
copyists  in  the  course  of  ages.^ 

The  same  thing  cannot  be  said  in  connection  with  the 
Syriac  Version  of  Ecclesiasticus.  When  compared  with  the 
newly-discovered  Hebrew  fragments  of  the  book  it  is  clear 
that  it  was  made  directly  from  the  Hebrew  ;  *  but  the  text 
it  renders  was  very  defective,  as  proved  by  the  numerous 
lacunae  noticeable  in  the  Syriac  Version  ;  and  further  the 
text  seems  to  have  been  rendered  by  the  translator  himself 
in  a  careless  and  even,  at  times,  in  an  arbitrary  manner.  So 
that  even  from  the  beginning  this  translation  did  not  possess 

iCfr.  Cornelius  a  Lapid'':,  S.J.,  In.  Eccli.  Prol.,  chap,  vi ;  H.  Lesetre,  I'Ec- 
clesiastique.  in  Lethielleux'  Bible,  p.  12. 

^  H.  B.  Swete,  loc.  cit.,p.  vii. 

»  Cfr.  J.  TouzAKD,  loc.  cit  ,  col.  T549  ;  H.  Lesetre,  loc.  cit.,  p.  12. 

4  Some  scholars,  among  whom  are  reckoned  O.  Fritzsche,  Abbe  Lesetre,  etc., 
ihink  that  it  was  made  from  the  Greek 


I 


ECCLESIASTICUS,    OR  THE  WISDOM  OF  JESUS,    SON  OF  SIRACH.        ihl 

much  critical  value.  It  enjoys  still  less  value  at  the  present 
day,  for  it  has  been  considerably  revised  by  means  of  the 
Greek  Version. 

§  3.   Authorship  and  Mode  of  Composition. 

I.  Authorship.  The  author  of  Ecclesiasticus  is  not 
Solomon,  to  whom  the  work  was  often  ascribed  by  early  ec- 
clesiastical writers.  In  fact,  in  connecting  Solomon's  name 
with  that  sapiential  book,  "  the  best-informed  among 
them  "  ^  meant  no  more  than  to  affirm  that  Ecclesiasticus 
belonged  to  the  same  gnomic  kind  of  poetry,  the  ideal  rep- 
resentative of  which  in  Israel  was  King  Solomon.^  At  the 
close  of  the  book  (I,  29)  the  author  calls  himself  "  Jesus,  the 
Son  of  Sirach,  of  Jersualem";  and,  agreeably  to  this,  the 
translator's  prologue  designates  him  under  the  same  name  : 
"my  grandfather,  Jesus  ";  while  internal  evidence  (for 
instance,  xxiv,  13  sqq.)  confirms  his  Palestinian  origin.  Dis- 
satisfied with  this  meagre,  though  precise,  information  re- 
garding Ben  Sira*,  some  scholars  have  tried  to  fill  up  the 
short  notice  in  chap.  1,  27.  But  their  conjectures  are 
either  unwarranted  or  absolutely  im})robable.  The  data 
brought  forth  (xxxviii,  1-15  ;  xxxi,  22  sqq.  ;  etc.)  to  show 
that  he  was  a  physician  are  insufficient  evidence  ;  while  the 
similarity  of  names  is  no  excuse  for  confounding  him,  a  man 
of  manifestly  pious  and  honorable  character,  with  the  un- 
godly and  Hellenizing  high  priest  Jason.'' 

The  time  at  which  Jesus,  son  of  Sirach,  lived  can  be 
given  with  tolerable  precision.     Y{.\^ grandsou^  wlio  rendered 

>  Thus  they  are  called  by  St.  AuoysTiNE,  de  Civitate  Dei,  Book  xvii,  chap.  x.\  (I'atr 
Lai.  vol.  xli,  col.  554). 

'  Cfr.  CoRNELY,  S.J.,  Introd.  specialis,  part  ii,  vol.  ii,  p.  248;  Touzard,  loc 
cit.,  col.  1544. 

'  Jason  is  a  common  Greek  name  frequently  adopted  by  Hellenizing  Jews  as  the 
equivalent  of  Jesus,  JosiE.  Concerning  that  unworthy  high  priest,  see  "Outlines  of 
Jewish  History,"  by  the  present  writer,  p.  332  sq. 


1 82         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

the  work  into  Greek,  says  in  the  Prologue  that  he  (the 
grandson)  came  into  Egypt  evrd  oydocp  Koi  rpiaKOCTTw 
erei  enl  rod  Evepyerov  /SacriXeoS.  The  "  thirty-eighth 
year"  here  spoken  of  by  the  translator  cannot  mean  that 
of  his  own  age,  for  such  a  specification  would  be  total- 
ly irrelevant.  It  denotes  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  the  reign 
of  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  for  the  Greek  grammatical  con- 
struction of  this  passage  is  usually  employed  in  the  Septua- 
gint  Version  to  indicate  the  year  of  the  rule  of  a  prince/ 
"  Now  seeing  that  of  the  two  Ptolemies  who  were  sur^ 
named  '  Euergetes,'  the  one  reigned  only  twenty-five  years 
(247-222  B.C.),  it  is  only  the  second  who  can  be  intended, 
and  whose  full  name  was  Ptolemy  VII.,  Physcon  Euergetes 
II.  This  latter  prince  in  the  first  instance  shared  the 
throne  along  with  his  brother  (from  the  year  170  onwards) 
and  subsequently  reigned  alone  (from  the  year  145  on- 
wards). But  he  was  in  the  habit  of  reckoning  the  years  of 
his  reign  from  the  former  of  those  dates.  Consequently 
that  thirty-eighth  year  in  which  the  grandson  of  Jesus,  the 
son  of  Sirach,  came  to  Egypt  would  be  the  year  132  B.C. 
That  being  the  case,  his  grandfather  may  be  supposed  to 
have  lived  and  to  have  written  his  book  somewhere  between 
190  and  170  B.c."^ 

Internal  evidence  confirms  powerfully  this  inference. 
Ben  Sira'  speaks  with  such  a  glow  of  enthusiasm  of  "the 
high  priest  Simon,  son  of  Onias,"  as  the  last  in  the  long 
line  of  Jewish  worthies,  that  he  must  himself  have  been  a 
witness  of  the  glory  which  he  depicts  (1,  1-16,  22,  23). 
Now  of  the  two  "  Simons,"  both  "  high  priests "  and 
"sons  of  Onias,"  known  in  Jewish  history,  one  held  the 
supreme  pontificate  between   226  and   198  B  c,  and  seems 

1  Cfr.  Aggeus  i,  i  ;  ii,  i,  n  ;  Zach.  i.  i,  7  ;  vii,  i  ;  I  Mach.  xiii,  42  ;  xiv,  27;  Jerem. 
x!vi,  2  ;  etc.     See  Cornely,  S.J.,  loc.  cit.,  p   251  sq. 

2  Emil  ScHURER,  loc.  cit.,  p.  26  There  is  no  sufficient  reason  for  taking  the  word 
irdjrTTo?  otherwise  tlian  in  its  usual  sense,  "  grandfather." 


i 


ECCLESIASTICUS,    OR  THE  WISDOM   OF  JESUS,    SON  OF  SIRACH.       I  83 

the  only  one  to  whom  certain  details  of  the  ])icture  drawn 
by  the  son  of  Sirach  can  truly  apply.^  Ben  Sira'  could 
therefore  easily  be  his  contemi)orary,  and,  as  a  pious  ad- 
mirer of  the  great  Pontiff,  close  the  record  of  the  illustrious 
men  of  Israel  with  a  vivid  description  of  what  Simon  had 
done  in  the  Holy  City  and  its  Temple. 

Other  arguments  could  be  easily  brought  forth  to  show 
that  the  time  at  which  the  author  of  Ecclesiasticus  lived 
was  about  the  beginning  of  the  second  century  b.c.^  But 
those  that  have  been  pointed  out  are  sufficient  to  justify 
the  position  assumed,  and  to  exj)lain  how  modern  critics,  in 
increasing  number,^  prefer  it  to  the  view  which  regards 
Ecclesiasticus  as  composed  at  the  time  of  Simon  I.,  about  a 
century  earlier  (about  280  B.C.). 

2.  Mode  of  Composition.  As  regards  the  manner  in 
which  the  writer  of  Ecclesiasticus  composed  his  work  two 
principal  opinions  are  held.  According  to  many  scholars  a 
careful  examination  of  the  topics  treated  and  of  their  ar- 
rangement proves  that  the  whole  work  must  be  ascribed  to 
one  man.  Throughout  the  book  there  is  but  one  general 
purpose,  that  of  teaching  the  practical  value  of  Hebrew 
Wisdom,  and  there  is  a  manifest  unity  of  mental  attitude 
towards  God,  life,  Wisdom,  the  Law,  etc.  Differences 
of  tone  exist  indeed  in  various  paragraphs  relating  to 
minor  topics,  but  the  diversities  do  not  go  beyond  the 
bounds  of  a  single  experience.  The  author  wrote  appar- 
ently at  different  intervals,  and  pieces  thus  composed 
naturally  bear  the  impress  of  a  somewhat  different  frame  of 
mind.      Further,  he  may  at  times  have  collected  thoughts 

'  ("fr   Samuel  Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii,  p.  416. 

2  They  are  well  pointed  out  by  Prof.  'I'ov.  art.  Ecclesiasticus.  in  PLncyclop.  r)ihlic.\, 
vol.  ii,  col    1171  sq. 

'  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  Dom  Cai.met,  O.S  R.,  Vinci;nzi,  Kaui.kn, 
ZscHOKKK,  De  Wettk-Schkaimk  Samuel  Davidson,  Fritz.sche,  E.  S^huker, 
C)RNRLY,  S.J.,  Abbe  J.  B.  Pelt,  Toizard,  S.S.,  etc. 


l84         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

that  were  already  in  current  and  popular  use,  or  even  drawn 
material  from  books  or  unpublished  discourses  of  sages. ^ 
"  But  in  any  case  he  was  not  a  mere  collector  or  compiler, 
the  characteristic  personality  of  the  author  stands  out  far 
too  distinctly  and  prominently  for  that.  Notwithstanding 
the  diversified  character  of  the  apothegms,  they  are  all 
the  outcome  of  one  connected  view  of  life  and  the  world." ^ 
The  second  opinion  regarding  the  manner  in  which  the 
book  of  Ecelesiasticus  was  composed  maintains  that  the 
work  is  a  compilation.  "The  book  itself  appears  to  recog- 
nize the  incorporation  of  earlier  collections  into  its  text. 
Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach,  while  he  claims  for  himself  the 
writing  of  the  book  (excxpa^a),  characterizes  his  father  as 
one  *  who  poured  forth  a  shower  of  wisdom  {avQDf.if^f)7]ae 
aocpLcxv)  from  his  heart';'  and  the  title  of  the  book 
in  the  Vatican  MS.  and  in  many  others  may  be  more  than 
a  familiar  abbreviation  (crocpia  2ipax).  From  the  very 
nnture  of  his  work,  the  author  was  like  *  a  gleaner  after  the 
grape-gatherers,' "  *  that  is  a  collector  or  compiler.  In  fact 
the  structure  of  the  work  still  betrays  a  compilatory  proc- 
ess. That  chap,  li  was  appended  to  the  book  after  its  com- 
i:»letion  is  suggested  by  the  colophon  in  1,  29  sqq.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  book,  chap,  i  reads  like  a  general  introduc- 
tion to  the  book,  and  indeed  as  one  different  in  tone  from 
tlie  chapters  by  which  it  is  immediately  followed.  In  the 
body  o.f  the  work,  chap,  xxxvi,  1-19  is  a  prayer  for  Israel, 
altogether  unconnected  with  the  maxims  in  verses  20  sqq. 
of  the  same  chapter  ;  chap,  xlii,  15-I,  26  is  a  discourse 
clearly  separate  from  the  prudential  sayings  by  which  it  is 
immediately    preceded  ;     chaps,    xvi,  24;  xxiv,  1  ;   xxix,  16, 

'  Cfr.  H.  Lf.setre,  Manuel  d' Introduction  i  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  vol.  ii,  p.  452;  ToY, 
luc.  cit.,  col.  1173. 

2  Emil  ScHiRER,  loc.  cit.,  p.  25. 

3  Ecelesiasticus  1,  29  (Greek,  verse  27").     Cfr.  also  viii.  9  ;  x.xxiii,  16  sqq. 

*  Westcott,  art.  Ecelesiasticus,  in  Smith,  Bib.  Diet.,  vol.  i,  p.  651  (Amer.  Edit,). 


ECCLESIASTICUS,   OR  THE  WISDOM  OF  JESUS,    SON  OF  SIRACH.      I  85 

are  new  starting-points  which,  no  less  than  the  passages 
opening  with  the  address  "my  son"  (ii,  i;  iii,  19;  iv,  i;  vi, 
18;  etc.),  and  the  addition  in  1,  27,  28,  make  against  the 
unity  of  composition.  Other  traces  of  a  compilatory  proc- 
ess consist  in  the  repetition  of  several  sayings  in  different 
places  of  the  book  (cfr.  xx,  32,  33;  xli,  17^,  18;  etc.),  and  in 
apparent  discrepancies  of  thought  and  doctrine,  etc.,^  all  of 
which  are  best  accounted  for  by  the  use  of  several  smaller 
collections  containing  each  the  same  saying,  or  differing 
considerably  in  their  general  character.  Finally,  when  one 
bears  in  mind,  on  the  one  hand,  that  Ecclesiasticus  was 
composed  as  a  complement  to  the  book  of  Proverbs,  which 
it  closely  resembles  in  point  of  contents,  poetical  form, 
idiom  used,  and  even  of  title  {^Proverbs^  according  to  St. 
Jerome),'"^  and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  the  literary  features 
that  have  just  been  pointed  out  to  establish  the  compila- 
tory character  of  Ecclesiasticus  are  practically  identical 
with  those  wiiich  are  usually  brought  forth  to  prove  that 
the  book  of  Proverbs  is  a  compilation,  he  can  hardly  fail  to 
regard  as  very  probable  that  Ecclesiasticus,  like  Proverbs, 
is  the  work  of  a  compiler. 

1  (  fr   the  differences  of  tone  in  chaps,  xxv  ;  xvi ;  xxxix,  21-41 ;  xl,  i-ii;  etc. 

-  If.  as  affirmed  by  Bickell,  and  as  apparently  confirmed  by  the  newly-found  He- 
brew fragments  of  Ecclesiasticus,  chap.  11  of  the  book  is  an  alphabetical  poem,  this 
ciiapter  forms  a  striking  counterpart  to  the  Praise  of  a  Virtuous  Woman,  also  an  alpha- 
betical poem,  which  is  appended  to  the  book  of  Proverbs. 


DIVISION   II. 

THE   PROPHETICAL   WRlTiNGS 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER    IX. 
Preliminary  Remarks  on  the  Prophetical  Writings. 


T. 

Nature  of  the 

Prophetical 

Office  : 

11. 

General 
P'eatures  of    ^ 


f  I.   Meaning  of  the  Words  :  Prophet;  Prophecy. 

2.  Prophetical   Mission :    Its    Proper   Object,    essen- 
tially Religious. 


3.  Prophetical  Inspiration : 


f  Described  in  its   Main 
j       Features. 

Contrasted    with    Hea- 
[       then  Divination. 


1.  Oratorical  and  Poetical  Features. 

2.  A  Summary  of  the  Mission  and  Discourses  of  the 

Prophet. 


THE  Propheti-      3-  Obscurity  of  the  Prophetical  Writings. 
CAL  Books  :      {^4.  Unity  and  Sublimity  of  Doctrine. 


Til. 

Arrangement 

OF  the 

Prophetical 

Writings. 


'  The    Earlier   Prophets    (Reason   of 
this  Designation). 


In  the 
Hebrew  Bible  :  ^ 


r  The      Three     Great 
Prophets. 

The  Later      The    Twelve  Minor 


Prophets  : 


Prophets. 

(Daniel     among     the 
[       "Writings.") 


{  In  the  Septuagint,   the  Vulgate,  and  Christian  Ver- 
sions generally. 


According 

to 
principal 
Epochs   in 

Hebrew 
Prophecy: 


The  Prophets   of  the  Eighth  Cen- 
tury (760-700  B.C.). 

The  Half  Century  before  the  Exile 
(640-600  B.C.). 

The    Babylonian    Captivity    (592- 

538  B.C.'). 

The  Post-Exilic  Prophets. 
188 


DIVISION   11. 

THE   PROPHETICAL   WRITINGS. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

PRELIMINARY    REMARKS   ON    THE    PROPHETICAL  WRITINGS. 

§  I.  Nature  of  the  Prophetical  Office} 

I.  Meaning  of  the  Words   Prophet,  Prophecy. 

It  is  impossible  to  peruse  the  historical  records  of  the  Old 
Testament  without  noticing  that,  chiefly  during  the  Royal 
Period,  there  existed  in  the  Jewish  State  a  powerful  ele- 
ment  for  the  guidance  of  both  rulers  and  people  in  the  per- 
son of  the  prophets  of  Yahweh  and  in  their  prophecies  or 
prophetical  utterances.  The  Seer  or  Prophet"^  of  that  period 
— as  indeed  of  any  period  in  Jewish  history — was  neither 
necessarily  nor  exclusively  a  man  endowed  with  supernatural 
insight  into  the  future,  and  hence  able  to  foretell  far-distant 
events,  although,  to  be  considered  as  a  true  prophet,  predic- 
tions, if  made  by  him,  had  to  be  verified  by  the  event.     He 

1  Most  of  the  topics  concerning  the  prophetical  office  and  usually  treated  as  a  preface 
to  the  prophetical  writings  have  been  dealt  with  in  chaps,  xxiii,  xxiv  of  "  Outlines  of 
Jewish  History,"  by  the  present  writer.  They  are  therefore  omitted  here,  except  the 
general  remarks  regarding  the  '"  Nature  of  the  Prophetical  Office,"  which  are  borrowed 
from  chap    xxiii  of  the  "  Outlines." 

2  .\crording  to  I  Sam.  ix,  9.  the  title  "  Seer  "  {Ro'eh)  was  more  ancient  than  that 
of  "  Prophet"  {NabhV). 

189 


igO         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

was  rather,  according  to  the  constant  meaning  of  the  He- 
brew word  rendered  by  "prophet,"^  the  man  who  had 
been  selected  by  Yahweh  to  receive  and  communicate  to 
others  knowledge  of  the  Divine  will  and  purposes.  The 
prophet  was  thus  the  mouthpiece  of  the  God  of  Israel,  and 
his  prophecy  a  Divine  message.^ 

2.  Prophetical  Mission.  No  one,  of  course,  could 
lawfully  call  himself  a  prophet  of  Yahweh,  and  claim  to 
give  utterance  to  a  Divine  message,  who  had  not  been 
selected  and  called  by  the  Almighty  for  the  exalted  mission 
of  being  His  messenger  and  speaking  in  His  name.  This 
prophetical  mission,  when  actually  intrusted  to  a  man,  was 
ever  in  harmony  with  the  essentially  theocratic  character  of 
the  Jewish  people,  and  its  proper  object  was  not  so  much  the 
political  or  material  well-being  of  the  nation  as  its  moral 
and  religious  advantage.  The  true  prophet  had  stood  in  the 
counsel  of  Yahweh,  the  God  and  King  of  Israel,  and  when 
he  came  forth  he  spoke  the  words  he  had  heard  from  His 
mouth.^  His  mission  was  to  declare  God's  will,*  to  an- 
nounce God's  judgments,^  to  defend  truth  and  righteous- 
ness and  innocence,®  to  keep  alive  the  constant  intercourse 
between  God  and  His  chosen  people,^  to  make  Israel's 
worship  a  moral  and  spiritual  religion,^  to  strenuously 
oppose  idolatry  and  earnestly  promote  compliance  wath  the 
Divine  law,  and  ultimately  to  prepare  by  all  this  the  nation 

1  Cfr.  Exod.  vii,  i  ;  Jerem.  i,  9  ;  etc.  See  B.  Davidson,  A  Concordance  -»*  'he  He- 
brew  and  Chaldee  Scriptures. 

2  Cfr.  J.  B.  Pelt,  Histoire  de  I'Ancien  Test.,  vol.  ii,  p.  136;  Chas.  Ej-uott  0>* 
Testament  Prophecy,  p.  21  sq. 

'  Cfr.  Jerem.  xxiii,  21,  22. 

*  Cfr.  I  Kings  (Samuel)  ii,  27;  etc. 

'  Cfr.  I  Kings  iii,  11  sqq.;  vii;  etc. 

•  Cfr.  II  Kings  xii ;  III  Kings  xxi,  17  sqq. 

'  Cfr.  I  Kings  vii,  3,  8  ;  III  Kings  xviii  •,  etc. 
8  Cfr.  Isai.  i,  etc. 


PRELIMINARY    REMARKS    OX     III:,     I'KOI'll  I    IIC  A  I,    WKiriNGS.      10  I 

at  large  for  the  coming  of   llic  Mcssias,  who  was  "the  end 
of  the  law."^ 

3.  Prophetical  Inspiration.  To  fuini  tliis  most  im- 
portant and  most  difficult  missi(;n  tlie  true  prophets  of  Israel 
received  a  wonderful  gift,  known  under  the  name  of  pro- 
phetical inspiration.  This  inspiration  did  not  find  its  origin 
in  the  unassisted  intelligence  of  man,  in  his  natural  parts 
and  powers  however  great,  but  was  the  result  of  a  special 
and  higlier  supernatural  working  of  the  Spirit  of  God.~ 
Thus  Holy  Writ  teaches  repeatedly  that  the  prophets  re- 
ceived their  communication  by  the  agency  of  the  Divine 
Spirit,^  while  it  describes  the  false  pro])hets  as  men  who 
*'  spoke  out  of  their  own  heart,  and  not  out  of  the  mouth  of 
Yahweh."* 

The  ordinary  mode  of  communication  between  God  and 
His  prophets  was  what  may  be  called  a  direct  manifestation 
of  His  will  by  word.  It  usually  consisted  of  ideas  distinctly 
suggested  to  the  understanding  of  the  prophets  without  any 
articulate  sound  (for  cases  of  articulate  speech  see  I  Kings 
iii,  4,  10,  sq. ;  Exod.  iii,  4;  etc.).  God  revealed  also  His 
will  and  purposes  in  vtsio?ts,  and  this  is  the  very  title  of 
the  prophecies  of  Isaias,  for  instance;  but  the  precise 
nature  of  these  visions  cannot  well  be  defined.  It  is  proba- 
ble, however,  that  ordinary  pictures  familiar  to  the  proph- 
ets were  presented  to  their  imagination  without  any  exter- 
nal corresponding  object,  and  that  in  some  cases  actual 
apparitions  are  described,  as,  for  instance,  in  Daniel  viii, 
16  sq.  Finally,  God's  communications  were  made,  but 
more  rarely,  in  drea?ns  sent  during  the  sleep  of  the  prophets. 

The  principal  difference  between  the  two  latter  modes  of 

*  Rom.  X,  4. 

a  Cfr.  Heb.  i,  i.  2. 

'  Numb,  xi,  17,  25  ;  I  Kings  x,  6;  etc. 

*  Jerem.  xxiii,  16. 


192  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Divine  revelation  and  the  former  seems  to  consist  in  this 
When  God  spoke  to  the  pro])hets,  they  retained  the  use  of 
their  external  senses  and  the  normal  exercise  of  their  intel- 
ligence and  freedom.  When,  on  the  contrary.  Divine  com- 
munications were  imparted  in  visions  or  dreams,  the  prop.i' 
ets  were  in  what  has  been  called  ecstasy.  Their  external 
senses  were  at  rest;  their  soul  was  inactive,  passive,  power- 
less to  react  against  what  they  perceived,  while,  on  the  con- 
trary, their  power  of  intuition  was  raised  to  its  highest 
degree  and  enabled  the  prophets  to  understand  and  behold 
everything  with  the  greatest  distinctness.^ 

This  state  of  ecstasy  stands  in  very  great  contrast  with 
heathen  divinaiiofi.  While  the  highest  faculties  of  the  Jewish 
prophet  are  the  medium  of  communication  with  Yahweh, 
the  spiritual  God  of  Israel,  the  lower  powers  of  human 
nature  in  the  pagan  diviner  were  ever  conceived  as  the 
means  whereby  he  had  access  to  his  god.^  Again,  while 
diviners  uttered  their  oracles  when  in  paroxysms  of  delirium 
and  frenzy,  the  prophets  of  the  Old  Testament,  when  mak- 
ing their  announcements,  were  always  in  full  possession  of 
themselves,  knowing  that  they  had  a  Divine  commission, 
and  prefacing  their  prophetical  utterances  accordingly.^ 

§  2.   General  Features  of  the  Prophetical  Books. 

I,  Oratorical  and  Poetical  Features.  As  might 
naturally  be  expected  from  men  fully  conscious  of  bearing 
a  divine  message,  and  bent  on  having  it  accepted  by  those 
for  whom  it  was  intended,  the  prophets  of  Israel  set  forth 
eloquently  the  message  from  Yahweh  to  His  people,  com- 

1  Cfr.  Daniel  viii,  18  sq.;  x,  9  sq.  See  also  Vigouroux,  Manuel  Biblique.  vol.  ii,  no. 
8g7  sq  ;  Pelt.  loc.  cit.,  p.  140  sq. 

2  Cfr.  W.  R.  Smith,  the  Old  Test,  in  the  Jewish  Church,  second  edit.,  p.  285  sq.  See 
also  art.  Divination,  in  Hastings,  Bible  Diet.;  and  Chevne,  Encycl.  Biblica  ;  Brucb, 
Apologetics,  p.  243  sqq. 

3  Cfr.  Kanneberg,  Histoire  de  la  R^v^lation  Biblique,  vol.  i,  p.  294  sq. 


PRELIMINARY    REMARKS    ON    THE    PROPHETICAL    WRITINGS.     1 93 

meriting  on  it  and  applying  it  to  the  actual  circumstances 
of  their  contemporaries.  Popular  orators,  they  resorted  to 
every  means  to  bring  home  to  all  the  necessity  of  obeying 
the  divine  commands.  They  used  for  this  purpose  all  man- 
ner of  comparisons  and  illustrations  ;  tender  appeals  and 
severe  rebukes  ;  descriptions  of  future  blessings,  and  denun- 
ciations of  awful  curses,  etc.  Their  language  was  direct, 
concrete,  sometimes  pathetic,  always  earnest  and  forcible. 
Tiiey  addressed  the  lowly  and  the  poor,  as  also  the  rulers 
and  the  rich,  and  spoke  with  freedom  and  authority,  as 
befitted  direct  representatives  of  the  invisible  King  of  Israel, 
Far  from  seeking  filthy  lucre,  or  pursuing  some  paltry  per- 
sonal interest,  they  had  but  one  object  in  view,  that  of 
securing  a  perfect  acceptance  of  Yahweh's  message,  and 
every  word  of  theirs  tended  manifestly  to  that  one  great 
and  noble  end.  All  this,  and  more,  is  reflected  in  their 
written  words,  and  makes  of  the  prophetical  books  a  series 
of  wonderful  productions  of  oratory. 

Side  by  side,  or  rather  mingled  with  these  oratorical  fea- 
tures, the  prophetical  writings  exhibit  usually  the  leading 
characteristic  of  Hebrew  poetry,  the  "parallelism  of  mem- 
bers." This  they  employ  not  only  when  "  oracles  "  (for  the 
expression  of  which  the  poetical  form  could  be  naturally 
expected)  are  set  forth,  but  also  when  less  exalted  portions 
of  the  prophetical  message  are  recorded.^  To  this  is  added, 
at  times,  the  strophical  arrangement  of  the  parallel  lines,  as 
has  been  conclusively  shown  by  recent  scholars.^  But  even 
when  these  distinctively  poetical  features  are  not  found  in 
the  poetical  books,  the  poetical  diction  prevails  in  those 
sacred  writings  in  regard  to  thoughts,  images,  expressions, 
and  general  style. 

'  Cfr.  Bp.  Rob.  LowTH,  Isaiah  ;  J.  Touzard,  S.S.,  les  Proph^tes  d'Israel ;  etc. 
'  Cfr.  especially  A.  Condamin,  S.J.,  in  "  Revue  Biblique  "  for  April  1900  and  July 
1901. 


194         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

2.  A  Summary  of  the  Mission  and  Discourses  of 
the  Prophet.  The  oratorical  and  poetical  features  thus 
far  pointed  out  are  in  harmony  with  the  manner  in  which 
the  prophetical  writings  originated.  Usually  the  divine 
message  was  first  conveyed  orally  to  the  people,  or  to  the 
princes,  as  the  case  might  be,  and  only  later  consigned  to 
writing.  Much,  therefore,  of  the  directness  of  expression, 
vividness  of  description,  tone  of  authority,  together  with 
the  various  comparisons,  illustrations,  threats,  promises,  etc., 
which  had  been  prominent  in  the  spoken  word  naturally 
found  place  in  its  written  record.  But  no  less  naturally  the 
extemporaneous  digressions  and  amplifications  allowed,  yea, 
more,  expected,  in  an  oral  address  to  give  it  both  sponta- 
neity and  actuality,  were  usually  dropped,  in  whole  or  in 
part,  from  the  written  account  of  the  prophet's  utterances. 
Like  the  gestures  or  symbolical  actions  of  the  divine  mes- 
senger, these  were  but  transient  features,  and  consequently 
were  left  unrecorded.  In  their  stead,  other  features  more 
in  harmony  with  a  written  composition  were  substituted. 
Then  it  was  that  the  prophetical  discourse  was  arranged 
into  strophes ;  that  the  rhythmical  sentences  were  often 
transformed  into  strictly  parallel  lines  ;  that  something 
about  the  circumstances  of  the  time  and  place  and  hearers 
of  the  prophecy  was  introduced,  together  with  various  de- 
tails concerning  the  mission  and  person  of  the  prophet  him- 
self. In  this  way,  among  others,  the  written  prophecy 
assumed  poetical  and  historical  aspects  more  or  less  foreign 
to  the  primitive  oral  form.  In  this  way,  too,  the  prophetical 
books  came  to  be,  what  they  generally  are,  a  summary, 
sometimes  extremely  brief,  of  the  mission  and  discourses  of 
the  prophet.^ 

1  This  is  manifestly  the  case  \\'ith  the  minor  prophets,  whose  writings  cannot  be 
thought  to  contain  entire  their  prophetical  utterances.  The  differences  between  the 
two  rolls  of  Jeremias,  which  are  alluded  to  in  Jerem.  xxxvi,  prove  that  this  is  also  the 
case  witli  the  writings  of  at  least  one  of  the  greater  prophets.  (Cfr.  Abb^  Tkochon, 
Introd.  G^nerale  aux  Prophetes,  in  Lethielleux'  Bible,  p.  xlv  sq.) 


PRELIMINARY    REMARKS    OX    THE    PROI'IIETICAL    WRITINGS.      1^5 

3.  Obscurity  of  the  Prophetical  Writings.  The 
foregoing  remarks  concerning  the  form  and  contents  of 
the  prophetical  books  enable  us  to  realize  something  of 
the  difficulty  one  naturally  meets  in  the  interi)retation  of 
those  inspired  writings.  They  are  faithful  echoes  of  the 
prophet's  living  and  powerful  appeals  to  his  contemporaries, 
and  as  such  contain  numerous  references  to  places,  cus- 
toms and  manners,  views  and  aspirations,  fears,  interests, 
passing  events,  and  other  circumstances,  which  are  simply 
alluded  to  in  the  sacred  text,  because  thoroughly  familiar 
to  all  in  the  time  of  speaking  or  writing,  but  which  can  be 
realized  by  the  modern  exegete  only  in  so  far  as  by  close 
and  prolonged  study  of  history  and  archaeology  he  is  able 
to  go  back  in  thought  to  those  remote  times,  and  listen  to 
Yahweh's  message  with  practically  the  same  frame  of  mind 
as  the  prophet's  primitive  hearers  or  early  readers.  Besides, 
were  the  prophetical  writings  either  simply  prose  discourses 
— like  those  in  Deuteronomy — or  purely  poetical  compo- 
sitions, they  would  be  less  difficult  to  understand  than  they 
actually  are.  Hebrew  prose  is  generally  easy  reading,  and 
poetry  proper  offers  special  helps  to  its  right  interpretation 
by  the  metrical  laws  to  which  it  is  subjected.  But  the 
writings  of  the  prophets  are  oratorico-poetical  compositions, 
which  consequently  combine  the  usual  difficulties  of  poetical 
diction  with  an  imperfect  carrying  out  of  the  laws  of 
Oriental  poetry.  The  obscurity  of  the  sacred  text  is  also 
increased  in  many  places  by  the  difficulty  of  ascertaining 
the  primitive  reading. 

But  perhaps  the  main  cause  of  the  obscurity  of  the  pro- 
phetical books  consists  in  the  fact  that  they  are  substan- 
tially made  up  of  oracles.  A  certain  difficulty  to  understand 
oracular  utterances  has  always  been  one  of  their  natural 
accompaniments,  for  their  origin  lies  in  the  great  mysterious 
sphere   of   the   supernatural,   and  their  ordinary   object  is 


196  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

something  in  the  hardly  less  mysterious  and  less  extensive 
region  of  the  future.  True  insiglit  into  the  distant  future, 
no  less  than  deep  insight  into  the  distant  past,  implies  a 
certain  dimness  of  vision,  and  consequently  also  some 
obscurity  in  the  expressions  which  are  used  to  describe  the 
event  or  personage  contemplated.  It  is  certain,  moreover, 
in  connection  with  the  Hebrew  prophets,  that  their  manner 
of  conceiving  and  describing  the  objects  or  images  presented 
to  their  mental  vision  was  not  altogether  independent  of 
the  limitations  of  their  own  frame  of  mind,  as  also  of  the 
conceptions  of  their  time.  This  providential  adaptation  of 
revealed  truth  to  the  more  or  less  imperfect  conceptions  of 
the  prophet  and  his  contemporaries  was  no  doubt  necessary 
at  the  time  of  its  communication,  but  for  us  it  often  adds 
to  the  difficulty  of  realizing  the  distinct  import  of  the  pro- 
phetical utterances.  This  is  particularly  true  in  connection 
with  the  Messianic  and  eschatological  predictions  which 
are  met  with  in  the  writings  of  the  prophets,  but  is  also 
applicable  to  many  other  of  their  oracles.  So  that,  unless 
one  is  particularly  careful  to  seek  in  the  prophetical  teach- 
ings and  predictions  only  what  they  really  contain,  he  will 
be  tempted  to  read  into  their  text  ideas  and  doctrines 
which  belong  to  a  much  later  stage  in  religious  development, 
and  thereby  be  drawn  into  exegetical  difficulties  which  no 
amount  of  subtle  interpretation  can  bridge  over.^ 

4.  Unity  and  Sublimity  of  Doctrine  in  the  Pro- 
phetical Books.  Despite  the  many  obscurities  connected 
with  the  prophetical  books  in  general,  and  amidst  the  dif- 

1  The  tendency  on  the  part  of  Christian  commentators  has  been  to  read  into  the  pro- 
phetical writings  (as  into  the  Old  Testament  generally)  doctrines  wliich  they  do  not  con- 
tain unless  by  very  remote  and  unintended  implication.  That  the  religion  of  the 
prophets,  though  more  spiritual  than  that  of  the  majority  of  their  contemporaries,  had 
nevertheless  grave  limitations  from  the  Christian  standpoint  is  plain,  for  instance,  from 
the  fact  that  nowhere  in  all  their  exhortations  to  righteousness  does  the  idea  of  reward 
or  punishment  in  the  next  life  appear  as  a  sanction — a  clear  proof  that  they  shared  the 
very  imperfect  eschatological  ideas  current  among  the  Jews  until  a  very  late  period  in 
their  history. 


PRELIMINARY    REMARKS    OX    THE 


rKOPHK'IICAL    WRITIXCiS.      1 97 


ferences  of  style  and  contents  wliich  characterize  eacli 
individual  prophet,  a  substantial  unity  and  wonderful 
sublimity  of  doctrine  may  be  easily  recognized  in  those 
sacred  writings.  The  fundamental  belief  common  to  all  the 
prophets  is  the  existence  of  one  only  God.  They  all  sj)eak 
of  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Israel,  as  holy  and  just,  and  watch- 
ing over  His  people's  material  and  moral  welfare.  Israel 
must  therefore  worship  Him  alone,  trust  in  His  powerful 
arm,  and  be  in  all  things  worthy  of  Him.  What  the  Holy 
One  of  Israel  requires  of  His  worshippers  does  not  consist 
in  mere  ritual  observances  or  costly  offerings  ;  He  rather 
demands  of  them  inward  righteousness  and  the  practice  of 
deeds  of  mercy.  Because  He  hates  iniquity  and  loves 
righteousness.  He  punishes  sinners  in  order  to  bring  them 
to  repentance  and  to  a  holy  life,  while  He  showers  His 
blessings  upon  the  just.  This  is  the  great  law  of  retribution 
in  the  light  of  which  the  Hebrew  prophets  interpret  the 
whole  history  of  the  past,  appreciate  the  conduct  of  their 
contemporaries,  and  contemplate  the  future.  However 
great  the  present  calamities  endured  by  their  nation,  they 
never  hesitate  to  ascribe  such  misfortunes  to  Israel's  unfaith- 
fulness, to  foretell  deliverance  from  them  should  the  Jews 
be  converted  to  Yahweh.  In  the  eyes  of  them  all,  the  He- 
brews are  a  chosen  race  by  means  of  which  God  will 
extend  to  the  whole  earth  a  true  knowledge  ^nd  pure  wor- 
ship of  Himself.  The  realization  of  this  divine  design  is 
indeed  put  back  through  the  remissness  of  the  Jews,  but  it 
will  not  be  frustrated.  Yahweh  will  use  the  pagan  nations 
to  punish  His  people  and  render  tlie  remnant  thereof  truly 
faithful  to  Him.  The  nations  in  their  turn  will  l)e))unis]ied 
"  in  the  day  of  Yahweh,"  subjected  to  the  faithful  remnant, 
and  form  together  witli  it  a  universal  Messianic  kingdom, 
wherein  peace  and  righteousness  will  reign  for  evermore, 
under  the  rule  of  Yahweh  and  His  Anointed. 


190    SPECIAL  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

Such  are  the  principal  religious  and  ethical  teachings, 
which  appear  more  or  less  developed  in  the  prophetical 
writings.  They  are  the  result  of  the  same  guiding  Spirit 
"  who  spoke  through  them  "  and  made  of  them  powerful 
preachers  of  righteousness,  preservers  of  monotheistic  belief, 
and  forerunners  of  the  Messias.  Compared  with  the  relig- 
ious and  moral  tenets  in  vigor  among  the  pagan  nations  of 
antiquity,  they  appear  purer  and  nobler  and  in  every  way 
more  worthy  of  God's  dealings  with  the  children  of  men. 
In  fact  when  Jesus,  the  Incarnate  Word,  will  begin  His 
teaching  in  that  land  which  had  witnessed  the  labors  of  the 
prophets  of  old.  He  will  take  up  again  those  prophetical 
conceptions  that  had  been  strangely  disfigured  by  the  Scribes 
and  Pharisees,  and  point  out  in  His  person  and  work  that 
fulfilment  which  the  aspirations  and  predictions  of  the 
divine  messengers  had  long  awaited. 

§  3.  Arrange??ient  of  the  Prophetical  Writings. 

I.  In  the  Hebrew  Bible.  The  books  whose  general 
features  have  just  been  given  are  but  one  part  of  the  second 
great  section,  which  bears  the  name  of  "  the  Prophets  " 
(N^bhi'im)  in  the  Hebrew  Bible.^  The  first  part  of  that 
great  section  is  called  by  the  Jews  the  earlier  prophets,  and 
comprises  books  which  we  consider  as  historical^  viz.? 
Josue  ;  Judges  ;  I,  II  Samuel  (Vulg.,  I,  II  Kings)  ;  I,  II 
Kings  (Vulg.,  Ill,  IV  Kings).  ''  The  fact  that  these  his- 
torical writings  are  classed  as  prophets  is  a  proof  that  the 
books  of  Josue,  Judges,  Samuel,  and  Kings  are  not  mere 
annals  or  chronicles  of  Hebrew  history.  They  contain  his- 
tory and  something  more.  They  interpret  the  events  which 
they  describe,  and  constantly  draw  attention  to  the  purposes 
which  Almighty  God  had  in  view  throughout  His  dealings 

1  They  include,  however,  one  book  more  than  the  second  part  of  that  sectioo,  viz., 
Daniel. 


PRELIMINARY    REMARKS    ON    THE    PROPHETICAL    WRITINGS.     I  99 

with  the  chosen  people.  The  events  recorded  are  selected 
and  arranged  in  such  a  way  as  to  illustrate  the  leading  ideas 
of  the  prophetic  writers,  especially,  perhaps,  the  thought  of 
God's  faithfulness  to  His  covenant  promises  in  si)ite  of  the 
oft-repeated  rebellion  and  apostasy  of  His  chosen  people, 
the  certainty  and  severity  of  His  judgments,  and  the  depth 
and  constancy  of  His  compassion."^ 

The  second  portion  of  "  the  Prophets  "  in  the  Hebrew 
Bible  is  called  the  later  prophets.  According  to  the  Jewish 
manner  of  reckoning,  the  later,  like  the  former,  prophets 
are  counted  as  four  books,  i.e.  three  great  prophets,  Isaias, 
Jeremias,  Ezechiel,  and  one  book  of  the  twelve  minor  proph- 
ets (Osee, Joel,  Amos,  Abdias,  Jonas,  Micheas,  Nahum,Haba- 
cuc,  Sophonias,  Aggaeus,  Zacharias,  Malachias),^  sometimes 
spoken  of  in  Greek  as  dQDdeKa7Tp6cpi]rov.^  This  second 
portion  of  "  the  Prophets  "  comprises,  therefore,  the  prophet- 
ical writings  proper.  It  should  be  noticed,  however,  that 
Daniel,  usually  considered  as  one  of  the  greater  prophets, 
is  not  ranked  among  them  in  the  Palestinian  Canon.  For 
some  reasons,  which  we  shall  examine  at  some  future  time, 
it  is  placed  among  the  books  which  go  to  make  up  *'  the 
Writings  "  (K^thubhim)  or  third  great  section  of  the  Hebrew 
Text. 

2.  In  the  Septuagint,  the  Vulgate,  and  Christian 
Versions  Generally.  As  might  naturally  be  expected, 
the  Hebrew  arrangement  of  the  prophetical  books  proper  is 
practically  followed  in  the  ancient  and  modern  Versions  of 
the  Old  Testament.  The  differences  which  exist  in  this 
respect  between  the  Hebrew  Text  and  its  various  transla- 

1  R.  L.  (^)ttley,  the  Hebrew  Prophets,  p.  i  sq. 

2  Especially  in  connection  with  the  Minor  Prophets,  the  Vulgate  spelling  of  the 
names  has  been  modified  by  Protestants  In  conformity  with  the  original  text.  Thus 
they  speak  of  Hosea,  Obadiah,  Jonah,  Micah,  Habakkuk,  Zephaniah,  Haggai,  Zecha- 
riah,  instead  of  Osee,  Abdias,  Jonas,  Micheas,  etc. 

3  Cfr.  H.  B.  SwETE,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test,  in  Greek,  p.  204  sqq. 


200    SPECIAL  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

tions  are  connected  exclusively  with  the  greater  prophets. 
While  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  the  greater  prophets  include 
only  Isaias,  Jeremias,  and  Ezechiel,  in  the  Septuagint  they 
include  also  Daniel,  as  already  stated.  Again,  the  Septua- 
gint Version  couples  with  Jeremias  the  book  of  Lamenta- 
tions, which  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  is  placed  among  "the 
Writings  "  or  Hagiographa  ;  and  the  prophecy  of  Baruch 
together  with  the  Epistle  of  Jeremias  (Baruch  vi),  which  do 
not  exist  in  the  Palestinian  Canon. 

The  Septuagint  arrangement  of  the  prophetical  writings 
was  of  course  adopted  by  the  author  or  authors  of  the  Old 
Latin  Version,  who  adhered  closely  to  everything  that  was 
found  in  the  Greek  Text.  It  was  accepted  also  in  the  Latin 
Vulgate,  and  continued  to  be  the  received  order  of  the 
greater  prophets  in  the  vernacular  translations  that  were 
made  from  that  venerable  Version,  down  to  the  time  of  the 
Protestant  Reformation.  Yea,  more  :  even  most  of  the 
Protestant  translations  that  have  claimed  to  go  back  to  the 
Hebrew  Text  betray  the  influence  of  the  Septuagint  and 
Vulgate  arrangement  of  the  prophetical  books.  They  have 
indeed  rejected  that  traditional  arrangement  in  regard  to 
Baruch  and  the  Epistle  of  Jeremias,  because  these  writings 
are  deutero-canonical,  but  have  retained  Daniel  among  the 
prophets,^  and  the  Lamentations  in  immediate  connection 
with  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias. 

3.  Arrangement  of  the  Prophetical  Writings  ac- 
cording to  Principal  Epochs  in  Hebrew  Prophecy. 

A  last  method  of  arrangement  often  adopted  by  recent 
scholars  in  connection  with  the  Prophetical  books  groups 
both  the  greater  and  the  minor  prophets  according  to  the 
principal  epochs  in  Hebrew  Prophecy.     Viewed  from  this 

•  The  deutero-canonical  fragments  of  Daniel  are  also  dropped  in  modern  Protestant 
Versions,  but  without  sufficient  warrant,  as  has  been  shown  in  the  "  General  Introd.  to 
the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures."  part  i,  by  the  present  writer. 


PRELIMINARY    REMARKS    ON    THE    PROPHETICAL    WRITINGS.     20I 

Standpoint,  "  the  Hebrew  prophets  fall  into  at  least  four 
clearly-defined  groups  : 

"  760-700  B.C. — I.  First  there  are  the  prophets  belonging 
to  the  period  which  preceded  the  invasion  of  Juda  by  Sen- 
nacherib's army  toward  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Ezechias 
(702  B.C.)  ;  during  the  last  sixty  years  of  the  eighth  century 
appeared  Amos  and  Osee  in  the  northern  kingdom  (cir.  760- 
722  B.C.),  and  Isaias  and  Micheas  in  the  kingdom  of  Juda 
(between  740-700). 

"640-600  B.C. — 2.  During  the  reign  of  Manasses  (698-644) 
the  voice  of  prophecy  was  suppressed,  though  not  altogether 
silenced.  The  next  great  group  of  prophets  belongs  to  the 
half-century  preceding  the  Exile.  To  this  group  belongs 
Nahum^  the  prophet  of  Ninive's  decline  and  fall,  an  event 
which  took  place  in  607  b.c,  and  which  led  to  a  collision 
between  the  two  great  monarchies  of  Babylon  and  Egypt, 
both  of  which  aimed  at  acquiring  the  western  territories  of 
the  fallen  empire.  Sophonias  was  probably  the  contempo- 
rary of  Jeremias,  whose  ministry  began  about  the  year  627 
B.C.  To  these  must  be  added  Habacuc,  who  apparently 
wrote  during  the  first  years  of  Joiachim's  disastrous  reign. 

"  592-538  B.C. — 3.  During  the  exile  in  Babylon  appeared 
two  prophets  of  great  importance.  Ezechiel,  who  was  one 
of  the  captives  carried  away  to  Babylon  by  Nebuchodonosor 
in  597,  exercised  his  prophetic  ministry  between  the  years 
592-570  B.C.,  a  period  of  incalculable  importance  in  the 
spiritual  history  of  Israel.  Toward  the  close  of  the  seventy 
years  of  exile,  apparently  at  a  time  when  Cyrus  had  already 
entered  on  his  victorious  career  and  was  threatening  Baby- 
lon, the  prophet  usually  known  as  'the  Second  Isaias  '  was 
raised  up  to  be  the  comforter  of  his  people.  The  last 
twenty-seven  chapters  of  Isaias,  or  most  of  them  at  any  rate, 
may  be  confidently  assigned  to  the  years  between  546  and 
538  B.C.     They  were  most  probably  written  in  Babylonia. 


202         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

"520-435  B.C. — 4.  Lastly,  there  are  the  post-exilic  proph- 
ets, AggLCus  and  Zacharias,  the  energetic  supporters  of 
Zorobabel  in  the  task  of  rebuilding  the  Temple.  The  date 
of  their  public  ministry  can  be  precisely  fixed  in  the  year 
520,  when  the  work  which  had  been  interrupted  for  sixteen 
years  was  recommenced.  At  an  interval  of  nearly  a  century 
may  have  appeared  Malachias,  whose  period  of  activity  is 
most  reasonably  placed  between  the  first  and  second  visit  of 
Nehemias  to  Jerusalem,  about  the  year  435  B.C."  ^ 

The  dates  just  assigned  to  several  of  the  Prophets  of 
Israel  should  be  regarded  as  provisional.  Concerning  those 
which  may  be  ascribed  to  the  rest  of  the  smaller  prophets, 
viz.,  Abdias,  Joel,  Jonas,  and  to  the  greater  prophet  Daniel, 
the  difficulties  are  such  that  it  is  better  to  defer  the  attempt 
to  give  approximations  till  the  various  solutions  proposed 
by  scholars  be  set  forth  and  discussed  in  the  forthcoming 
chapters.  In  fact  the  probable  dates  which  have  been 
given  will  be  taken  into  account  only  in  the  treatment  of 
the  Minor  Prophets.  In  dealing  with  the  Greater  Prophets, 
the  traditional  order  (Isaias,  Jeremias,  Ezechiel,  Daniel) 
which  is  embodied  in  the  Septuagint  and  the  Vulgate  will 
be  adhered  to. 

>  R.  L.  Ottley,  loc.  cit.,  p.  13  sq. 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  X. 


The  Book  of  Isaias. 

Section  /.      Chapters  I-XXXIX. 


I. 

Preliminary 
Remarks 


f   I.   The  Life  and  Times  of  Isaias. 


■I 


2.   The  Two  r  Main  Divisions  of  i-xxxix. 

Parts  of  the  i 

Book  of  I   General  Divisions  of  xl-lxvi,  proposed 

Isaias  :  [       by  scholars. 


I.  Structure  and  Contents. 


II. 

Prophetical 

Part  of  the 

"  First 

Isaias  " 

(i-xxxv) : 


2.     Method 
of    Com-  - 
position  • 


The  Opinion  brief- 
ist     Opinion :     A    [        ly  set  forth. 
Collection  made  -l 

by  the  Prophet :   |    Its      Pr  i  n  c  i  p  a  1 
[       Grounds. 

Precise    vStatement 
of  this  Opinion. 
2d     Opinion  :     A 

Later    Compila-  j   Arguments   it  ap- 
tion  from  Vari-    j        peals  to. 
ous  Sources  : 

I    How    far    Admis- 
t       sible. 


.  3.  Date  of  Chief  Portions  and  of  General  Collection. 


in. 

Historical 

Appendix  to 

THE    ''First 

Isaias  " 

(XXXVI- 

xxxix) : 


1.  Its  Contents. 

2.  Its  Dependence  on  the  Text  of  the  Fourth  Book  of 

Kings. 

3.  Authorship  of  chaps,  xxxvi-xxxix. 

203 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS. 

Section  I.     Chapters  I-XXXIX. 
§  I.  Preliminary  Remarks, 

I.  The  Life  and  Times  of  Isaias.     The  name  of 

Isaias,  by  which  the  first  of  the  prophetical  writings  proper 
is  called,  is  in  the  title  to  the  Hebrew  Text  Y^shayah,  ap- 
parently a  shortened  form  of  the  name  Y^shayahu  (Yahweh 
is  Salvation),  under  which  the  prophet  himself  is  always 
designated  in  the  text  of  his  book,  as  also  in  the  historical 
writings  of  the  Old  Testament.  In  several  places  of  his 
prophecy  Isaias  is  spoken  of  as  "  the  son  of  Amos,"  ^  who 
must  not  be  confounded — as  has  been  done  by  several 
Fathers  of  the  Church — with  the  prophet  Amos.^  On  the 
ground  that  there  is  an  affinity  between  the  name  of  Isaias' 
father  and  that  of  King  Amasias,  the  Jewish  rabbis  of  old 
"  gravely  founded  a  positive  assertion  that  these  men  were 
brothers,  and  that  Isaias  was  therefore  of  the  blood-royal, 
being  first  cousin  to  the  first  king  mentioned  in  the  opening 
of  his  prophecies.  This  tradition  has  had  great  vogue 
among  Jews  and  Christians,  some  of  whom  account  for  the 
urbanity  and  polish  of  Isaias'  manner  as  a  natural  effect  of 
his  nobility."^     In  reality  we  know  nothing  of  Isaias'  ances- 

'  Isai.  i,  I  ;  ii,  I  ;   xx,  2  ;  xxxvii,  2.     Cfr.  also  IV  Kings  xix,  2  ;  xx,  1. 

'  The  name  of  Isaias'  father,  in  the  Hebrew,  is  yAvioc  :  that  of  the  prophet  Amos, 
'Amos:  but  both  words  were  transliterated  in  exactly  the  same  way  by  the  Septuagint 
translators.  Hence  the  mistake  of  the  Church  Fatliers  not  acouainted  with  the 
Hebrew  language. 

•  Jos.  A.  Alexander,  the  Prophecies  of  Isaiah,  Earlier  and  Later,  p.  xviiL 

204 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  205 

try  and  early  life.  From  his  book  we  learn  that  he  was 
married  (his  wife  is  called  "  the  proi)hetess  "  in  Isai.  viii,  ^), 
and  that  he  had  at  least  two  sons,  to  whom  he  gave  names 
symbolical  of  those  aspects  of  the  nation's  history  which  he 
em])hasized  in  his  prophecies. 

One  of  the  most  certain  and  significant  facts  about  Isaias 
*'  is  that  he  was  a  citizen,  if  not  a  native,  of  Jerusalem,  and 
had  a  constant  access  to  the  court  and  presence  of  the  king. 
Jerusalem  is  Isaias'  immediate  and  ultimate  regard,  the  cen- 
tre of  all  his  thoughts,  the  hinge  of  tlie  history  of  his  time, 
the  summit  of  those  brilliant  hopes  with  which  he  fills  the 
future.  He  has  traced  for  us  the  main  features  of  her  posi- 
tion and  some  of  the  lines  of  her  construction,  many  of  the 
great  figures  of  her  streets,  the  fashions  of  her  women,  the 
arrival  of  embassies,  the  effect  of  rumors.  He  has  painted 
her  aspect  in  triumph,  in  siege,  in  famine,  and  in  earthquake; 
war  filling  her  valleys  with  chariots,  and  again  nature  rolling 
tides  of  fruitfulness  up  to  her  very  gates  ;  her  moods  of 
worship,  panic,  and  profligacy.  If  he  takes  wider  observa- 
tion of  mankind,  Jerusalem  is  his  watch-tower.  It  is  for 
her  defence  he  battles  through  fifty  years  of  statesmanship, 
and  all  his  prophecy  may  be  said  to  travail  in  anguish  for 
her  new  birth."  * 

It  was  in  the  last  year  of  Ozias'  reign  (740  B.C.)  that 
Isaias  received  his  call  to  the  prophetical  office.  Juda  had 
been  victorious  and  prosperous  under  the  strong  and  wise 
administration  of  that  monarch,  and  continued  to  be  so 
under  his  son  and  successor,  Joatham,  except  that  toward  the 
close  of  this  latter  reign  troubles  threatened  the  southern 
kingdom  from  an  alliance  of  Israel  and  Syria.^  These  two 
powers  had  combined  their  forces  to  oppose  a  forthcoming 
invasion  by  Teglath-Phalasar  III.  w^ho,  ever  since  he  had 

*  Prof.  George  Adam  Smith,  art.  Isaiah,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii, 
p.  486. 
»  IV  Kings  XV,  J7. 


206         SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

ascended  the  throne  of  Assyria  (745  B.C.),  had  carried  on 
his  policy  of  conquest,  and  in  consequence  they  wished 
to  compel  Juda  to  re-enforce  them  (735  B.C.).  Achaz, 
Joatham's  son  and  successor,  deemed  it  more  expedient 
not  only  to  resist  their  solicitations,  as  his  father  had  done, 
but  even  to  throw  himself  upon  the  support  of  the  strong  ex- 
ternal power  of  Assyria.  Juda  was  therefore  invaded  by  the 
Syro-Ephraimitish  forces,  but  Teglath-Phalasar  advanced 
upon  the  northeastern  provinces  of  Israel,  and  obliged  the 
allied  kings  to  withdraw.  This  was  soon  followed  by 
the  murder  of  Phacee,  the  king  of  Israel,  the  capture  of 
Samaria  and  of  Damascus  ;  so  that  Achaz  had  no  longer 
anything  to  fear  from  that  quarter.  Unfortunately,  to 
secure  Assyria's  help,  he  had  had  to  renounce  his  independ- 
ence, and  to  own  the  suzerainty  of  that  great  empire.  The 
successful  campaigns  of  Salmanasar  IV.  and  Sargon,Teglath- 
Phalasar's  successors,  against  Israel^  and  Egypt,  naturally 
deterred  the  southern  kingdom  from  withholding  the 
annual  tribute  to  Assyria,  despite  the  suggestions  and 
advances  of  Egypt  to  the  contrary  ;  and  this  is  why  not 
only  under  Achaz  (f  715  b.c.),^  but  even  during  a  part  of 
the  reign  of  Ezechias,  his  son  and  successor,  Juda  remained 
faithful  to  Assyrian  allegiance.  At  length  the  party  which, 
in  Jerusalem,  had  long  advocated  a  rupture  with  Assyria, 
and  presented  an  alliance  concluded  upon  equal  terms 
with  Egypt,  as  a  position  at  once  honorable  and  secure, 
carried  the  day.  Ezechias  threw  off  the  Assyrian  yoke, 
apparently  under  circumstances  most  favorable  for  vindi- 
cating the  independence  of  the  chosen  people.  Sargon 
had  been  assassinated  (705  b.c),  and  during  four  years 
Sennacherib,  his  successor,  had  been  busy  in  the  far  East, 

1  It  is  under  Sargon  (in  721  B.C.)  that  Samaria  was  taken,  and  an  end  put  to  the 
kingdom  of  Israel. 

^  According  to  common  reckoning,  Achaz  died  in  726  B.C.  ;  the  more  probable 
date,  however,  is  715  B.C. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  207 

crushing  the  rebellious  king  of  l]:il)ylon,  and  i)ursiiing 
other  great  undertakings.  Hence  the  tribes  and  kingdoms 
of  Western  Asia — including  Juda — thought  they  could 
safely  proclaim  themselves  free.  Sennacherib  invaded 
Phoenicia,  Philistia,  and  Juda  with  an  immense  army,  and 
would  have  swept  away  Jerusalem  and  its  inhabitants  had 
not  a  heavenly  visitation  compelled  him  to  withdraw  his 
forces  into  his  own  land  (701  B.C.). 

Such  are  the  leading  political  events^  wdiich  occurred 
during  the  prophetical  ministry  of  Isaias.^  Through  them 
all,  that  great  prophet  neglected  nothing  to  remind  princes 
and  people  of  their  duties  towards  Yahweh.  The  God  of 
Israel  he  pictured  as  the  moral  ruler  of  all  nations,  of 
Israel's  estate,  as  His  own  kingdom,  as  also  of  the  petty 
powers  which  bordered  on  Palestine,  and  the  vast  enijMre 
of  Assyria  in  the  distant  East.     Let,  therefore,  Juda  worship 

•  In  this  connection  we  subjoin  Driver's  Chronological  Table  (Introd.  to  Literal,  of 
Old  Test.,  p.  205),  which  gives  dates  relating  to  both  parts  of  the  book  of  Isaias  : 

B.C. 

745.  Teglath-Phalasar  III. 

740.  Ozias'  last  year  of  reign.     Call  of  Isaias. 

734.  Phacee   deposed  and  slain  ;  Osee  (with  Assyrian  help)  raised  to   the 

throne  of  Samaria,  N.  and  E.  tribes  exiled  by  Teglath-Phalasar. 
732.  Damascus  taken  by  Teglath-Phalasar. 
727.  Salmanasar  IV. 

722.   Sargon.     Fall  of  Samaria,  and  end  of  the  northern  kingdom. 
711.   Siege  and  capture  of  Azotus  by  the  troops  of  Sargon. 
710.  Sargon  defeats  Merodach  Balladan.  and  enters  Babylon. 
705.  Sennacherib. 

703.  Sennacherib  defeats  Merodach  Baladan,  and  spoils  his  palace. 
701.  Campaign  of  Sennacherib  against  Phoenicia,  Philistia,  and  Juda. 
681.  Sennacherib  succeeded  by  Asarhaddan. 
607.  Ninive  destroyed  by  the  Medes  and  Babylonians. 
586.  Destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nabuchodonosor. 
549-538-  Period  of  Cyrus'  successes  in  Western  and  Central  Asia. 
536.  Cyrus  captures  Babylon,  and  releases  the  Jewish  exiles. 

•  Isaias'  ministry  came  to  an  end  with  the  great  de'iverance  of  Israel  from  Sennach' 
erib's  army  (cfr.  Ermoni.  art.  Isaie.  in  Vigol'roux,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  col.  943). 
Whether  the  prophet  lived  till  under  Manasses  (<=93-644  n  c.)  cannot  be  ascertained. 
For  Jewish  traditions  concerning  Isaias'  martyrdom  under  Manasses,  see  Ekmoni,  loc. 
dt.,  coU  944  sq. 


2o8         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Him  in  true  holiness  of  life,  and  dwell  "in  quiet  and  trust"' 
in  His  powerful  and  loving  guidance,  instead  "of  yielding  to 
the  pressure  of  circumstances  by  adopting  a  worldly  policy 
and  trusting  in  the  material  resources  on  which  the 
empires  of  heathendom  were  accustomed  to  rely."  ^  All 
forms  of  idolatry  must  be  given  up  and  sincere  piety  culti- 
vated. Let  justice  be  meted  out  to  all,  and  public  morals 
come  up  to  the  standard  set  by  the  thrice-holy  God  of 
Israel.  On  these  and  other  such  conditions  Isaias  has 
never  done  insisting,  while  in  return  he  solemnly  pledges 
God's  guidance  and  protection. 

2.  The  Two  Parts  of  the  Book  of  Isaias.    The 

book  ascribed  to  Isaias  falls  naturally  into  two  great  sec- 
tions :  (i)  chaps,  i-xxxix,  sometimes  called  the  "First 
Isaias,"  and  (2)  chaps,  xl-lxvi,  usually  called  the  "  Deutero 
(or  Second)  Isaias."^ 

The  main  divisions  within  the  first  part  are  as  follows : 

1.  Chaps,  i-xii.  First  Collection  of  Prophecies  relating  to  Juda  and 
Israel. 

2.  Chaps,  xiii-xxiii.  Oracles  against  the  Foreign  Nations. 

3.  Chaps,  xxiv-xxvii.  An  Apocalyptic  Prophecy. 

4.  Chaps,    xxviii-xxxiii.     Discourses    concerning   Juda's    relation   to 

Assyria. 

5.  Chaps,  xxxiv-xxxv.  Contrasted  Future  of  Edom  and  Israel. 

6.  Chaps,  xxxvi-xxxix.      Historical  Appendix  to  chaps,  i-xxxv. 

Within  the  second  part  a  threefold  division  was  pointed 
out  by  F.  Riickert,  in  1831,  and  has  since  been  accepted  by 
many  scliolars.  The  two  first  divisions,  xl-xlviii,  xlix-lvii^ 
end  with  tlie  refrain^  "  There  is  no  peace,  saith  Yahweh,  to 
the  wicked  ";  and  the  third  ends  with  an  expansion  of  the 
thouglit  "  no  peace "  of   the  two    previous  divisions    (cfr. 

1  Tsai   XXX.  15. 

'  Ottley,  the  Prophets  of  Israel,  p  31. 

3  CoRNELY,  S  J.  (Tntrod.  in  Lib.  Sacr  .  vol  ii  part  ii).  is  apparently  the  sole  writer 
who  considers  chaps,  x.xiviii,  xxxix    as  a    '  historical  introduction  "  to  chaps,  xl-lxvi. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  209 

Ixvi,  24^).  Furthermore,  each  of  these  three  divisions 
has  been  subdivided  into  three  times  three  discourses  or 
sections,  which,  for  the  most  part,  are  rightly  indicated  by 
the  division  of  chapters.^  Scholars  who  admit  such  sym- 
metrical divisions  are  greatly  at  variance  when  they  try  to 
give  the  special  object  of  each  division.  Thus,  according 
to  Le  Hir  the  three  divisions  concern  God,  Jesus  Christ, 
and  the  Church,  respectively  ;^  according  to  Dr.  Netteler 
the  first  division  is  a  Babylonian  section,  foretelling  the 
release  from  the  Babylonian  Exile  ;  the  second  is  M^s- 
sianiCf  treating  of  the  Redemption  to  be  wrought  by  the 
Messias ;  and  the  third  has  for  its  object  Sion  or  the 
Churchy  describing  the  salutary  effects  of  the  Messianic 
rule;'  according  to  Lesetre — who  in  this  follows  Hahn — 
the  special  object  of  each  section  is  given  in  the  opening 
words*  of  the  second  part  of  the  book,  thus  :  the  prophet 
wishes  to  console  Jerusalem  by  showing,  in  chaps,  xl-xlviii, 
how  "'  her  affliction  is  come  to  an  end  ";  in  chaps,  xlix-lvii, 
how  "  her  iniquity  is  forgiven  ";  and  in  chaps.  Iviii-lxvi,  how 
"  she  is  to  receive  from  the  hand  of  the  Lord  the  double  of 
what  she  has  suffered  for  her  sins."^  Less  symmetrical 
and,  on  that  very  account,  more  probable  divisions  and  sub- 
divisions of  Isai.  xl-lxvi  have  been  proposed  by  other 
critics.  Prof.  Driver,  for  instance,  says  that  "  this  great 
prophecy  may  be  divided  into  three  parts  :  (i)  chaps,  xl- 
xlviii  ;  (2)  chaps,  xlix-lix  ;  (3)  chaps.  Ix-lxvi,"  "  the  com- 
mon theme  of  which  is  Israel's  restoration  from  exile  in 
Babylon,"  "  the  prophet's  aim  in  the  first  division  being  to 
demonstrate  to  the  people  the  certainty  of  the  coming 
release";    in  the  second  division,  chiefly  "to  exhort  the 

'  These  subdivisions  have  been  embodied  in  Fillioin's  edition  of  the  Latin  Vulgate. 

'  Le  Hir,  les  Prophttes  d'Israel,  p    107. 

5  Netteler,  das  B.  Isaias  (Mlinster,  1876). 

«  Cfr.  xl,  2. 

*  This  is  clearly  an  arbitrary  meaning  given  to  the  last  words  of  xl,  2. 


;lO         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

people  to  fit  themselves  morally  to  take  part  in  th.  Return, 
and  to  share  the  blessings  which  will  accompany  it  or 
which  it  will  inaugurate";  and  in  the  third  division,  **  to 
depict  in  still  brighter  hues  the  felicity  of  the  ideal  Sion  of 
the  future."^  Parting  still  more  with  merely  conventional 
divisions,  such  scholars  as  Cheyne,  G.  A.  Smith,  Duhm, 
Marti,  Bennett,  etc.,  have  been  satisfied  with  simply 
pointing  out  the  sections  of  diverse  style,  length,  origin, 
etc.,  which  can  be  discovered  in  Isai.  xl-lxvi,  and  which 
we  shall  briefly  examine  in  our  next  chapter  on  the 
"  Second  Isaias." 

§  2.  Prophetical  Part  of  the  First  Isaias  [I-XXXV). 

I.  Structure  and  Contents.  The  first  main  section 
of  the  book  of  Isaias,  or  the  '*  First  Isaias  "  as  it  is  called, 
is  chiefly  made  up  of  groups  of  prophecies  (i-xxxv)  which 
stand  in  striking  contrast  with  the  historical  narrative  ap- 
pended to  them  (xxxvi,  xxxix),  and  which,  on  that  account, 
can  be  handled  separately  under  the  title  of  the  Prophetical 
part  of  the  "  First  Isaias." 

The  first  group  of  prophecies  in  i-xxxv  comprises  the 
first  twelve  chapters  of  the  book.  The  opening  chapter 
may  be  considered  as  a  general  introduction  on  account 
of  what  has  been  called  "  its  representative  character."  ^ 
Thus  in  it,  as  in  the  rest  of  the  Isaianic  prophecies, 
Juda  is  depicted  as  reduced  to  the  last  extremity  by 
invasion,  because  of  ingratitude  of  Yahweh  (verses  2-9). 
Forgiveness  can  be  secured,  not  by  sacrifices,  but  by  re- 
pentance and  deeds  of  mercy  (verses  10-17).  The  impen- 
itent are  doomed  to  destruction  ;  but  Sion  shall  be  re- 
stored to  its  pristine  purity   (18  sqq).      This  representative 

1  Driver,  Introd.  to  the  Literal,  of  the  Old  Test,    p    230  sqq. 

2  W.    H.    Bennktt,   a    Bib  ical    Introduction,    p.    175.     In    the     same   place    Prof. 
Benne  r  I  points  out  the  compihitory  character  of  that  first  ciiapter. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  211 

character  of  chap,  i  is  in  harmony  with  its  heading  :  "  The 
vision  of  Isaias,  the  son  of  Amos,  which  he  saw  concerning 
Juda  and  Jerusalem,  in  the  days  of  Ozias,  Joatham,  Achaz, 
and  Ezechias,  kings  of  Juda, "wherein  "the  reigns  enumerated 
exhaust  the  range  of  Isaias'  career."^  On  the  other  hand, 
the  mention  *'  Juda  and  Jerusalem,"  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
foreign  nations,  as  the  object  of  the  prophecies  of  Isaias, 
seems  to  imply  "  that  the  collection  to  which  this  title  was 
prefixed  did  not  include  the  Oracles  on  foreign  nations,  and 
was  substantially  our  chaps,  i-xi."  ^  The  second  chapter 
carries  also  a  title  which  probably  covers  the  minor  collec- 
tion, chaps,  ii-v.^  The  opening  verses  of  chap,  ii  (verses  2- 
4)  occur  in  Micheas  iv,  1-3.  They  describe  Jerusalem  as 
"  the  centre  of  revelation  for  all  nations  in  the  Messianic 
era  of  universal  peace,"  *  and  contrast  with  ii,  5-iv,  i,  which 
speaks  of  the  severe  judgment  which  Yahweh  will  soon  exer- 
cise upon  "  every  one  that  is  proud  and  high-minded,"  espe- 
cially because  of  the  oppressions  of  the  Jewish  rulers  and 
the  wanton  luxury  of  the  daughters  of  Sion.  The  following 
verses,  iv,  2-6,  are  a  short  section  ^  which  represents  the 
restoration  of  the  small  remnant  of  Yahweh's  people  to  a 
purified  Jerusalem.  The  minor  collection  (ii-v)  closes  with 
a  chapter  made  up  of  independent  pieces,^  as  a  kind  of  ap- 
pendix. The  next  chapter  (vi)  narrates,  in  the  first  person, 
the  call  of  Isaias  to  the  prophetic  mission.  Chaps,  vii-ix, 
7  contain  narratives  and  utterances  ^  connected  with  the 
Syro-Ephraimitic  war.     Next  comes  a  poetical  oracle  (ix, 


1  G.  A.  Smith,  art.  Isaiah,  in  Hastings,  Bible  Diet.,  vol.  ii,  p.  487. 

2  W.  H.  Bennett,  loc.  cit. 

3  This  is  admitted  by  Jos.  Knabenbauer,  S.J.,  in  Isaiam,  p.  57  ;  W.  H.  Bennett, 
loc.  cit.  ;  etc 

*  Bennett,  loc.  cit. 

^  Cfr.  Knabenbauer,  loc.  cit.,  p   94. 

•  Cfr.  Driver.  Introd.  to  Literat.  of  Old  Test  ,  p.  208  ;  G   A.  Smith,  loc.  cit. 
'  Chap,  vii  is  in  the  third  person,  chap    viii,  in  the  first  person. 


2  I  2         SPF.CIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

8-x,  4),  on  the  doom  of  Northern  Israel.  It  is  apparently 
made  up  of  five  strophes/  characterized  by  the  refrain  : 

For  all  this  His  anger  is  not  turned  away, 
But  His  hand  is  stretched  out  still. 

Chap.  X,  5-34  is  an  oracle  on  Assyria  and  Juda,  and  chap, 
xi  consists  of  two  prophecies  :  one,  of  the  Righteous  King 
in  whose  time  perfect  peace  will  prevail  (verses  1-9)  ;  the 
other,  of  the  restoration  of  all  Israel  (10-16).  The  entire 
first  collection  (i-xii)  concludes  with  a  song  of  praise,  clearly 
an  appendix. 

The  second  group  of  prophecies  in  i-xxxv  comprises 
chaps,  xiii-xxiii  ;  it  is  introduced  by  the  heading  :  "  The 
burden  of  Babylon,  which  Isaias  the  son  of  Amos  saw."  It 
is  made  up  of  a  series  of  oracles  entitled  "Burden,"^  and 
directed  "against  heathen  nations,  with  a  few  against  Juda, 
but  none  against  Israel.^  Chaps,  xiii-xiv,  23  treat  of  the 
fall  of  Babylon  ;  xiv,  24-27  is  on  Assyria,  and  verses  28-32, 
against  the  Philistines,  assigned  by  their  title  to  the  year  of 
Achaz's  death  ;  xv-xvi,  on  Moab  ;  xvii,  i-n,  on  the  fall  of 
Damascus  and  Northern  Israel;  verses  12-14,  on  the  repulse 
of  Assyria  ;  xviii,  the  same  in  the  form  of  an  address  to 
Ethiopia;  xix,  on  Egypt — (verses  16-25  appear  to  be  separate 
from  verses  1-15);  xx,  also  on  Egypt,  with  a  bit  of  narrative 
that  points  to  Sargon's  march  against  her,  about  711  b.  c. ;  xxi, 
i-io,  on  Babylon,  *  the  burden  of  the  wilderness  of  the  sea  '; 
verses  11,  12,  on  Edom  (Duma)  ;  verses  13-17,  on  Arabia  ; 
xxii,  T-14,  against  Jerusalem  during  a  siege,  and  verses  15-25, 

1  Chap.  V,  25-30  is  generally  considered  as  a  part  of  that  poem. 

2  The  Hebrew  word  Mnssa''  means  commonly  a  judicial  sentence  of  God  (cfr.  Franz 
Delitzsch,  the  Prophecies  of  Isaiah.  4th  edit.,  vol.  i,  p.  293,  Engl.  Transl  ).  Tlie 
word  Mnssa''  is  omitted  only  in  connection  with  the  oracle  against  Assyria  and  Ethiopia 
(xni,  12  sqq.). 

3  Northern  Israel  is  mentioned  only  concomitantly  with  Damascus  in  xvii  (cfr.  the 
title  the  Burden  of  Damascus^''). 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  213 

against  Sobna,  a  statesman  of  Juda  ;  xxiii,  1-14,  on  Tyre, 
with  an  appendix,  verses  15-18."  ^ 

Tlie  third  main  division  of  the  prophetical  part  of  the 
*'  First  Isaias  "  extends  from  chap,  xxiv  to  chap,  xxvii,  Ii 
is  an  apocalyptic  prophecy  dej)icting  vividly  a  judgment 
which  is  to  embrace  earth  and  heaven.  The  City  of  "  Con- 
fusion "  {To/in)  is  singled  out  for  special  judgment,  and  de- 
scribed as  actually  brought  to  naught.  Whereupon  Israel 
is  invited  to  sing  hymns  of  praise  to  God,  who  has  delivered 
His  ])eo])le  from  all  hostile  powers,  and  is  told  of  the 
blessedness  of  which  Sion  will  be  the  centre  for  all  nations. 

The  fourth  group  of  prophecies,  made  up  of  chaps,  xxviii- 
xxxiii,  differs  much  from  the  one  by  which  it  is  immediately 
preceded.  Its  contents  are  less  homogeneous,  but  also  more 
directly  connected  with  the  circumstances  of  Isaias'  time. 
In  fact,  in  this  twofold  respect,  the  fourth  group  of  pro- 
phecies resembles  far  less  the  apocalypse  of  Isai.  xxiv-xxvii, 
than  it  does  either  the  oracles  against  the  foreign  nations  in 
chaps,  xiii-xxiii,  or  the  opening  twelve  chapters  of  the  book. 
Thus  chap,  xxviii  contains  an  oracle  against  Samaria  (verses 
1-6),  whose  fall  is  given  as  a  warning  against  the  unworthy 
leaders  of  Juda,  who  trust  to  Egyptian  help  to  free  them- 
selves from  the  Assyrian  yoke  (verses  7-22).  The  chapter 
concludes  with  a  parable  inculcating  God's  purposes  in  His 
discipline  of  the  chosen  people  (verses  23-29).  Chap,  xxix 
predicts  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  but  also  the  sudden  dis- 
persion of  the  besieging  forces  (verses  1-8)  ;  reproaches 
Jerusalem  w^ith  unbelief  and  spiritual  stupidity  (9-14)  ;  and 
closes  with  an  exposure  of  a  conspiracy  of  the  Jewish  rulers 
with  Egypt,  suddenly  changing  to  a  prediction  of  a  glorious 
future.  Chaps,  xxx,  xxxi  are  "  a  collection  of  j)rophecics  on 
the  folly  and  sin  of  alliance  with  Egypt,  with  which  have 
been  combined  an  apocalytic  picture  of  the  regeneration  of 

1  G.  A.  Smith,  art.  Isaiah,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  486. 


2  14  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Israel  and  the  renewal  of  Nature  in  the  Messianic  era/  and 
two  sections"  on  the  deliverance  of  Israel  from  Assyria. 
Chap,  xxxii  is  a  picture  of  the  Righteous  King,  the  spiritual 
regeneration  and  material  prosperity  of  the  Messianic  age, 
into  which  is  inserted  a  warning  to  the  women  of  Jerusalem. 
Chap,  xxxiii  is  an  apocalyptic  Psalm,  in  which  the  Jews,  in 
their  distress,  look  forward  to  deliverance  and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  Messianic  king  who  shall  reign  in  peace  at  Jeru- 
salem." ^ 

Lastly,  chaps,  xxxiv,  xxxv,  forming  probably  a  section  by 
themselves,  tell  of  the  doom  of  Edom  when  Yahweh  shall 
judge  all  nations,  and  of  the  very  different  future  of  the 
Israelites  returned  from  exile. 

2.  Method  of  Composition.  From  the  foregoing  ac- 
count of  the  structure  and  contents  of  the  prophetical  part 
of  the  "  First  Isaias,"  it  is  easy  to  infer  that  this  part  of  the 
book  of  Isaias  is  not  a  literary  unit  all  the  portions  of  which 
would  be  intimately  bound  up  together  and  disposed  accord- 
ing to  one  well-ordered  plan.  Chapters  i-xxxv  were  not  all 
written  at  practically  one  and  the  same  time,  but  rather  at  dif- 
ferent times  and  under  diverse  circumstances.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  this  is  explicitly  granted  by  all  scholars,  who  willingly 
speak  of  the  work  of  Isaias  as  "  simply  a  collection  of  prophe- 
cies put  forth  under  various  circumstances  and  at  different 
times."*  It  is  only  when  they  attempt  to  define  the  precise 
manner  in  which  those  prophecies  were  brought  together 
that  scholars  cease  to  agree.  According  to  many  of  them, 
the  present  arrangement  of  the   materials  embodied  in  the 

'  Chap.  XXX,  18-26. 

2  Cliaps.  XXX.  27  33  ;  xxxi.  5-g. 

3  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  I'ibiical  Introduction,  p.  183.  Cfr.  Lowth,  Isaiah,  p.  60  sqq., 
in  regard  to  the  lyrical  form  of  Isai.  xxxiii. 

*  Abbe  V.  Ekmoni  art.  Isaie  (le  Livre  d'),  in  Vk.ouroux.  Diet,  dela  Bib'e,  co!.946. 
What  Father  Ermoni  grants  there  is  little  in  harmony  with  "  Unity  of  the  the  Book," 
such  as  he  labors  to  prove  in  col.  957  sqq. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  21  5 

book  of  Isaias  proceeds  from  tliat  propliet  himself.  The 
writer  was  hisown  editor,  sifting  and  selecting  from  the  MSS. 
of  many  years,  and  disposing  them  at  times  in  chronological 
order,  at  other  times  according  to  a  method  independent 
of  that  order,  and  determined  by  personal  or  ideal  associa- 
tions/ Of  course,  we  are  told  that,  in  carrying  on  the  work, 
Isaias  may  have  been  aided  by  a  scribe,  as  we  know  this  was 
the  case  with  the  prophet  Jeremias.^  The  principal  grounds 
usually  set  forth  in  favor  of  that  view  are  briefly  as  follows  : 
(i)  As  Ezechiel  and  Jeremias  are  unquestionably  the  au- 
thors of  the  contents  and  form  of  their  respective  prophe- 
cies, it  is  only  natural  to  admit  that  Isaias  stands  in  the 
same  relation  to  his  prophetical  utterances  ^  (2)  "  In  the 
book  (chaps,  i-xxxix)  we  can  discern  traces  of  gradual  col- 
lection, and  that  during  Isaias'  lifetime.  Chap,  i  contains 
the  introduction  to  such  a  first  collection,  which  accordingly 
would  belong  to  the  time  of  Achaz,  and  perhaps  only  em- 
braced chaps,  i-vi,  the  narrative  of  the  prophet's  consecra- 
tion being  added  by  way  of  appendix.  Chaps,  i-xii  may 
have  been  thus  brought  together  by  Isaias  in  the  time  of 
Ezechias,  these  being  followed  by  the  older  oracles  respect- 
ing foreign  nations  (see  xiv,  24-27),  which  were  then  en- 
larged in  a  later  collection,  without  losing  their  place  after 
chaps,  i-xii.  The  Ezechias  discourses  (apparently  chap, 
xiv  sqq.)  were  put  next  to  them."*  (3)  The  title  of  the 
prophecies  of  Isaias  (i,  i)  is  in  no  way  exclusive,  and  does 
not  deny  to  Isaias  anything  of  his  recorded  "  vision  under 
Ozias,  Joatham,  Achaz,  and  Ezechias."  It  therefore  implies 
the  Isaianic  authorship  both  of  the  prophecies  delivered 


•  Cfr.  ViGOi'Roux,  Manuel  Fiblique,  vol.  ii,  n.  912. 
2  Cfr.  Jerem.  xxxvi,  4  sqq 
'  See  V.  Erm(ini.  loc.  cit..  col.  046. 

<  C.    Von    Orf.i.i.i.    the    Prophecies    of  Isaiah,    p.  7    (Engl    Transl).       Cfr.    also 
ViGouRoux.  Mannel  Biblique,  vol.  ii   n.  912,  footn. 


2l6         SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

under  those  kings  and  of  their  present  arrangement.^  {4) 
*'  Isaias  we  know  was  otherwise  an  author  ;  for  in  II  Chron. 
xxvi,  22  we  read  :  *  Now  the  rest  of  the  acts  of  Ozias  first 
and  last  did  Isaias,  the  son  of  Amos,  the  prophet,  write  '  ; 
and  though  that  historical  work  has  perished,  the  fact  re- 
mains to  show  that  Isaias' mind  was  not  alien  to  the  care 
of  written  composition  (comp.  also  II  Chron.  xxxii,  32  ;  and 
observe  the  first  person  used  in  Isai,  viii,  1-5)."  ^ 

A  second  opinion,  in  much  greater  vogue  among  contem- 
porary critics,  regards  Isaias  chaps,  i-xxxv  as  the  outcome 
of  a  compilatory  process  somewhat  similar  to  the  one  now 
universally  admitted  in  relation  to  other  books — Psalms, 
Proverbs,  for  instance.  Advocates  of  this  second  view 
readily  grant  that  Isaias  may  have  written  his  prophetical 
utterances,  that  he  actually  wrote  some  of  them  that  are 
now  embodied  in  chaps,  i-xxxv,  and  that  this  incorporation 
of  prophecies  written  by  him  in  the  prophetical  part  of  the 
"  First  Isaias  "  is  the  reason  for  which  the  whole  collection 
was  ascribed  to  him.  But  they  think  that  an  unbiassed  study 
of  the  structure  and  contents  of  chaps,  i-xxxv  proves  that  sev- 
eral of  the  sections,  in  whole  or  in  part,  should  not  be  traced 
back  to  Isaias.  They  argue,  for  instance,  that  since  chaps, 
xiii-xiv,  23  represent  the  Jews  as  in  exile  and  captives  of 
Babylon,  but  shortly  to  be  restored '"^  after  the  capture  of 
Babylon  by  the  Medes,*  their  date  of  composition  is  near 
the  end  of  the  Exile.  "  The  situation  presupposed  by  this 
prophecy,"  says  Driver,'^  "  is  not  that  of  Isaias' age.  The 
Jews  are  not  warned,  as  Isaias  (cfr.  xxxix,  6)  might  warn 
them,  against  the  folly  of  concluding  an  alliance  with  Baby- 

1  Cfr.  V;  Ermoni,  loc.  cit. 

2  E.  Hawkins,  art.  Isaiah,  in  Smith,  Bible  Diet.,  vol.  ii,  p.  1149  sq.  (Amer.  Edit.). 
^  (  fr.  \'\v.  I.  2. 

*  Isai.  -xiii,  17. 

5  Driver,  Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  212  ;  see  also  Driver's  Isaiah, 
Life  and  Times,  p.  85  sqq. 


i 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  2\'J 

Ion,  or  reminded  of  disastrous  consequences  which  such  an 
alliance  might  entail  ;  nor  are  they  threatened,  as  Jere- 
mias  threatens  them,  with  impending  exile  :  they  are  rep- 
resented as  in  exile ^  and  as  about  to  be  delivered  from 
it  (xiv,  1-2).  It  was  tlie  ofifice  of  the  prophet  of  Israel 
to  address  himself  to  the  needs  of  his  own  age,  to  an- 
nounce to  his  contemporaries  the  judgments,  or  consola- 
tions, which  arose  out  of  the  circumstances  of  their  own 
time,  to  interpret  for  them  their  own  history.  To  base  a 
promise  upon  a  condition  of  things  not  yet  existent^  and 
without  any  point  of  contact  with  the  circumstances  or 
situation  of  those  to  whom  it  is  addressed,  is  alien  to  the 
genius  of  prophecy.  Upon  grounds  of  analogy,  the  proph- 
ecy xiii,  2-xiv,  23  can  only  be  attributed  to  an  author  living 
towards  the  close  of  the  exile,  and  holding  out  to  his  con- 
temporaries the  prospect  of  release  from  Babylon,  as  Isaias 
held  out  to  his  contemporaries  the  prospect  of  deliverance 
from  Assyria.  The  best  commentary  on  it  is  the  long 
prophecy  against  Babylon  contained  in  Jeremias  1-li,  58, 
and  written  towards  the  closing  years  of  the  Exile,  which 
views  the  approaching  fall  of  Babylon  from  the  same  stand- 
point, and  manifests  the  same  spirit  as  this  does," 

For  the  same  reason,  chap,  xxi,  i-io  is  usually  consid- 
ered as  exilic  ;  ^  while  various  features  disclosed  by  the  study 
of  xxiv-xxvii  ;  xxxiv  ;  xxxv  ;  and  other  sections  ^  in  chaps. 
i-xxxv  have  led  most  contemporary  critics  to  regard  such 
passages  either  as  exilic  or  as  post-exilic.  Whence  they 
conclude  that  the  prophetical  part  of  the  "  First  Isaias  "  is 
a  late  compilation  from  various  sources  ;  some  truly  Isai- 
anic  ;  others,  prophetical,  Isaianic  in  spirit,  but  later  than 
Isaias'  day  ;  others,  finally,  apocalyptic  and  admittedly  late. 

'  Cfr.  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  216  sq.;  Delitzsch,  the  Prophecies  of  Isaiah,  vol.  i,  p 
376  sq.  (Engl.  Transl.);  etc. 

^  Such  sections,  for  instance,  as  xi,  10-16;  .\ii ;  x.xiii ;  xxxiii.  Cfr.,  in  their 
regard,  Driver,  Delitzsch,  Bennett,  Chevne,  etc. 


2  10  SPECIAL    IXTRODUCTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

It  is  true  that  here,  as  in  connection  with  other  Old  Tes- 
tament writings  or  parts  thereof,  the  theory  of  a  late  compila- 
tion from  various  sources  has  been  spoken  of  as  the  out- 
come of  rationalistic  views. ^  It  is  none  the  less  true  that 
most  scholars^  who  admit  that  position  are  beyond  all  sus- 
picion of  Rationalism.  Their  arguments  are  in  harmony 
with  elementary  canons  of  literary  and  historical  criticism, 
which  bid  us  assign  each  document  to  the  date  to  which 
its  contents  obviously  point.  Moreover,  if  their  view  goes 
against  the  title  prefixed  to  the  book,  it  should  be  borne 
in  mind  that  titles  found  in  ancient  Hebrew  writings  can- 
not be  relied  on  implicitly;  and  further,  an  old  Jewish 
tradition  recorded  in  the  Talmud  states  that  "  Ezechias 
and  his  college  wrote  Isaias,"  ^  which  seems  to  bear  wit- 
ness to  an  ancient  view  according  to  which  Isaias  would 
not  be  the  collector  or  editor  of  the  prophecies  ascribed 
to  him.  In  fact,  on  account  of  that  Talmudic  statement. 
Card.  Meignan  distinctly  affirms:*  "A  holy  personage 
other  than  Isaias,  but  fully  in  harmony  with  the  feelings 
and  general  conceptions  of  that  prophet,  may  have  been  the 
editor  of  Isaias'  writings  ";  and  again:  "  Orthodoxy  is  in 
no  way  at  stake  should  the  authorship  of  some  of  the  proph- 
ecies contained  in  Isaias  be  rejected." 

3.  Date  of  Chief  Portions  and  of  General  Col- 
lection (i-xxxv).  The  advocates  of  the  two  opinions  just 
set  forth  in  regard  to  the  method  of  composition  of  Isai. 
i-xxxv,  admit  practically  the   same   general  dates  for  those 

J  Cfr.  Keil,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  i,  p.  297  (Engl.  Trans!.);  Vigouroux,  Ma- 
nuel Biblique,  vol,  ii,  n.  914  ;  etc. 

"^  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  Bickell,  Delitzsch  (Lsaiah,  4th  edit.  1889), 
Driver,  G.  A.  Smith,  etc. 

3  Cfr.  "  General  Introd.  to  the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,"  by  the  present  writer, 
p.  30. 

•*  Les  Prophctes  d'lsrael,  pp.  233,  259.  Cfr.  also  Card.  Newman,  On  the  Inspiration 
of  Scripture,  in  "  the  Nineteenth  Century,'"  Febr.  1884,  p.  196. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  219 

portions  \vliirli  tliey  hold  in  common  as  truly  Isnianic. 
"Jsaias'  prophecies  can  be  distributed  with  approximate 
certainty  between  four  periods  :  tlie  years  before  the  Syro- 
Ephraimitic  War  ;  the  Syro-Kphraimitic  War;  the  last  years 
of  the  Northern  Kingdom;  the  revolt  against  Sennacherib 
and  deliverance  from  him.^  To  us  this  deliverance  is  so 
supremely  important  that  it  seems  the  natural  and  necessary 
occasion  for  most  of  the  propecies  referring  to  Assyria  ;  but 
the  scantiness  of  our  data  leaves  it  possible  that  other  crises 
seemed  equally  important  to  those  who  lived  through  them. 
Subject  to  this  doubt,  we  may  group  the  acknowledged  sec- 
tions thus  : 

(i)  Before  the  Syro-Ephraimitic  Crisis  :   ii,  5-iv,  i;  iv,  2-6;  v,  1-24; 
vi;  ix,  8-x,  4  (-|-  v,  25-30). 

(2)  In  connection  with  that  Crisis  :  vii,  i-ix,  7;  xi,  1-9;  xvii,  i-ii. 

(3)  In  connection  with  the  Fall  of  Samaria  :  xxviii,  1-6. 

(4)  Sargon's  Invasion,  711  B.C.:  xx. 

(5)  In  connection    with    Sennacherib:  i;  x,    5-24;  xiv,   24-32;  xviii- 

xxii;   xxiii;  xxviii,  7-29;  xxix;   xxx;  xxxi. 

(6)  Later  :  ii,  2-4;  xxxii. 

(7)  Uncertain  (moslly  723-701  B.C.):  xv;  xvi;  xvii,    12-14;  xix;  xxi, 

13-17." 2 

As  regards  the  date  of  the  other  portions  of  the  propheti- 
cal part  of  the  "  First  Isaias,"  and  the  general  collection 
itself  (i-xxxv),  the  respective  advocates  of  the  two  views 
entertained  concerning  the  method  of  composition  are  natu- 
rally at  variance.  Those  who  maintain  that  the  prophet 
was  the  editor  of  his  prophecies  think  that  the  general  col- 
lection (i-xxxv)  and  its  latest  portions  must  be  dated  from 
late  under  King  Ezechias.  Those  who,  on  the  contrary,  admit 
that  the  present  collection  is  the  outcome  of  a  compilatory 

'  Cfr.  Kf.il.  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.;  Trochox.  Comm.  sur  Isaie,  in  Lkthielkecx, 
Bible  ;  Vigdi'rou.^,  Manuel  Biblique  ;  Driver.  Introd.  to  Liter,  of  Old  Test.;  W.  H. 
Bknnett,  a  f^iblical  Introduction  ;  Lesetre,  Introd.  k  TEcriture  Sainte,  etc. 

»W.  H.  Bennett,  loc.  cit.,  p.  174. 


2  20         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

process  from  various  sources — some  of  which  })ost-exilic — 
ascribe  the  prophetical  part  of  the  "  First  Isaias  "  to  a  date 
more  or  less  late  after  the  Exile.  Most  of  the  later  scholars 
regard  xiii-xiv,  23  ;  xxi,  i-io  ;  xxxiv-xxxv,  as  exilic  ;  and 
xi,  10-16  ;  xii  ;  xxiv-xxvii  ;  xxxiii,  as  post-exilic.^  For  ob- 
vious reasons,  a  more  approximate  date  has  not  been  agreed 
upon  by  those  scholars  concerning  such  non-Isaianic  sec- 
tions. 

§  3.  Historical  Appendix  to  the  ^'' First  Isaias  "  i^xxxvi-xxxix). 

1.  Its  Contents.  Besides  the  prophetical  part,  the 
"First  Isaias"  includes  a  historical  section,  in  four  chapters 
(xxxvi-xxxix),  recording  some  important  events  in  which 
the  prophet  was  concerned.  Thus  chapters  xxxvi-xxxvii 
detail  Sennacherib^s  double  summons  to  Ezechias  for  the 
surrender  of  Jerusalem,  together  with  Isaias'  definite  pre- 
dictions of  its  deliverance,  and  their  sudden  fulfilment. 
The  next  chapter  (xxxviii)  narrates  Ezechias*  sickness  and 
cure  ;  the  promise  Isaias  made  to  him  on  that  occasion, 
and  Ezechias'  hymn  of  thanksgiving.  Lastly,  chap,  xxxix 
describes  the  manner  in  which  Ezechias  welcomed  messen- 
gers from  Merodach-Baladan,  king  of  Babylon,  displaying 
to  them  all  his  treasures,  on  which  account  he  was  reproved 
by  Isaias,  who  foretold  the  future  spoliation  of  Juda  by  the 
Babylonians. 

From  a  literary  standpoint  these  chapters  have  been  con- 
sidered as  made  up  of  two  distinct  narratives  :  (i)  chap. 
xxxvi-xxxvii,  9%  +  verses  37,  38  ;  (2)  chap,  xxxvii,  9''-36, 
-|-  chaps,  xxxviii-xxxix.^ 

2.  Its  Dependence  on  the  Text  of  the  Fourth 
Book  of  Kings.  Apart  from  Ezechias'  hymn  of  thanks- 
giving, which  is  given  only  in  Isaias  (xxxviii,  9-20),  and  a 

'  Cfr.  Xy.  H.  Bennett,  Driver,  G.  A.  Smith,  Cheyne  (in  Encycl.  Biblica,  art 
Isaiah,  book),  etc. 
2  Cfr.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  loc.  cit.,  col.  2203. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  221 

few,  though  inii^ortant,  dilTercnces,  tlie  historical  section 
appended  to  the  "  First  Isaias  "  is  identical  witli  the  narra- 
tive in  the  fourth  book  of  Kings  (xviii,  13,  17-xx,  19).  The 
events  narrated  are  the  same  even  in  minute  particulars  ; 
they  are  given  in  the  same  order  in  both  Isaias  and  the 
fourth  book  of  Kings  ;  and  in  both  writings  the  style  is 
l)ractically  identical.  It  is  plain,  therefore,  that  the  two 
j)assages  are  not  only  parallel,  but  also  dependent  either  on 
each  other  or  on  a  common  source. 

But  although  a  real  dependence  must  be  admitted,  as  it 
is  indeed  admitted  by  all  scholars  who  have  inquired  into 
the  relation  of  Isai.  xxxvi-xxxix  to  IV  Kings  xviii-xx,  19,^ 
its  precise  nature  cannot  be  defined  with  certainty.  The 
more  common  view  is  that  *'  the  original  place  of  the  narra- 
tives common  to  both  writings  was  not  the  book  of  Isaias, 
but  the  book  of  Kings,  whence  they  were  excerpted  (with 
slight  abridgments)  by  the  compiler  of  the  book  of  Isaias 
(as  Jerem.  lii  was  excerpted  from  IV  Kings  xxiv,  18  sqq., 
by  the  compiler  of  the  book  of  Jeremias),  on  account,  no 
doubt,  of  the  particulars  contained  in  them  respecting 
Isaias'  prophetical  work,  and  the  fulfilment  of  some  of  his 
most  remarkable  prophecies,  the  Song  of  Ezechias  being 
added  by  him  from  an  independent  source. 

''This  is  apparent  (i)  from  a  comparison  of  the  two  texts. 
Thus  (minor  verbal  differences  being  disregarded)  : 
IV  Kings  xviii,  13      .      .      =  Isai.  xxxvi,  I. 
xviii,  14-16     .      =       *     *     * 

[7-xix,  37  =  Isai.  xxxvi,  2-xxxvii,  3S. 

=  xxxviii,  1-6  (verses  4-6  abridged). 

=:  xxxviii,  21-22  (out  of  place). 

=z  xxxviii,  7-8  (abridged). 

=  xxxviii,  9-20  (Ezechias'  Song). 

=  chap,  xxxix  (Merodach-Baladan's 

embassy). 
'  Cfr.  Trochon,  loc.  cit  ,  p.  6  sq.  ;  Jos.  Knabenbauhr,  S.J.,  in  Isaiam,  p.  593  sqq.  ; 
Driver  ;  Orelli  ;  Delitzsch  ;  etc. 


xvui,  17-. 

XX, 

1-6 

XX, 

7-8 

XX, 

9-1 1 

* 

*     * 

XX, 

12-19 

2  22         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

"  If  the  places  in  which  tlie  two  texts  differ  be  compared, 
it  will  be  seen  that  that  of  Kings  has  the /////<?;-  details,  that 
of  Isaias  being  evidently  abridged  from  it  :^  notice  especially 
Isai.  xxxviii,  4,  7-8  by  the  side  of  IV  Kings  xx,  4,  9-11 
(Isai.  xxxvi,  2-3'',  17-18'"^  are  related  similarly  to  IV  Kings 
xviii,  17-18%  32)  ;  Isai.  xxxviii,  21-22  (where  it  is  to  be 
observed  that  the  only  legitimate  translation  of  the  Hebrew 
irr^y'iL'''  "IDX^I  is,  'And  isaias  said  '  [not  'had  said  ']  )  is  also 
clearly  in  its  proper  position  in  the  text  of  Kings. 

"  This  is  apparent  (2)  from  the  fact  that  the  narrative,  as 
it  stands  in  Isaias,  shows  manifest  traces  of  having  passed 
through  the  hand  of  the  compiler  of  Kings,  especially  in  the 
form  in  which  Ezechias'  prayer  is  cast  (Isai.  xxxvii,  15-20 
=  IV  Kings  xix,  15-19)  ;  in  xxxvii,  35^,  where  the  reference 
to  David  is  a  motive  without  parallel  in'Isaias,  but  of  great 
frequency  in  Kings  ;'^  and  in  chaps,  xxxviii,  xxxix."^ 

3.  Authorship  of  Chapters  xxxvi-xxxix.  Scholars 
who  regard  Isaias  as  the  author  of  all  the  prophecies  con- 
tained in  the  book  that  bears  his  name  naturally  ascribe  to 
him  the  composition  of  the  historical  section  appended  to 
the  prophetical  part  of  the  ''  First  Isaias."  But  besides 
they  set  forth  special  grounds  to  prove  that  chaps,  xxxvi- 
xxxix  are  truly  Isaianic.  They  remind  us  that  since  II 
Chron.  xxxii,  32  attributes  to  Isaias  a  prophetico-historical 
monograph  respecting  the  rule  of  Ozias,  we  may  well  sup- 
pose that  the  same  prophet  wrote  a  similar  work  concerning 
the  events  under  Ezechias  and  now  incorporated  in  IV 
Kings  xviii-xx,   19  and  in   Isai.  xxxvi  sqq.*     Again,  we  are 

*  Knabenbaurr,  !oc.  cit.,  surmises  that  instead  of  Isai.  xxxvi-xxxix  being  an  abrid^- 
ment  from  IV  Kings  xviii  sqq.,  the  latter  is  an  enlargetnent  of  the  former  by  additions 
from  other  sources  besides  Isaias.  Dom  Calmet,  O.S.B.,  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
considered  Isaias.  chaps,  xxxvi-xxxix.  as  derived  from  IV  Kings. 

2  Cfr.  Ill  Kings  xi,  12,  13,  32.  34;  xv,  4  ;   IV  Kings  viii.  19;  xix,  34;  xx,  6. 

3  Driver.  Introd.  to  Liter,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  226  sq 

*  Cfr.  Von  Orelli,  loc.  cit.,  p.  196  ;  Trochon,  loc.  cit.,  p.  7. 


THE    BOOK    OK    ISAIAS.  223 

told  tliat  tlie  style  of  tin's  closing  section  of  the  "First 
Jsaias"  is  distinctly  the  style  of  Isaias,  and  in  no  way  that 
of  the  writer  of  the  fourth  hook  of  Kin^s.^  iMnally,  it  is 
beyond  doubt  that  Isaias  mingled  historical  narrations  with 
his  prophetical  utterances  (cfr.  chaps,  ii ;  viii ;  xx),  and 
that  in  such  historical  passages  he  oftentimes  speaks  of 
himself  in  th.e  third  person  (cfr.  chaps,  vii,  3  ;  xx).""^ 

It  will  be  easily  noticed  that  even  the  best  of  these  argu- 
ments in  favor  of  the  Isaianic  authorship  of  chaps,  xxxvi- 
xxxix — that  drawn  from  the  style  of  Isaias  and  that  of  the 
fourth  book  of  Kings — is  too  general  to  be  conclusive.  It 
is  not,  therefore,  to  be  wondered  at  that,  on  the  basis  of  a 
more  thorough  examination  of  the  literary  features  and  his- 
torical data  of  that  important  section,  most  scholars  refuse 
to  ascribe  it  to  the  prophet  Isaias.  The  literary  details  they 
have  appealed  to  show  apparently  that  the  text  of  every 
chapter  in  that  section  has  passed  through  the  hand  of  the 
compiler  of  the  book  of  Kings  before  it  was  embodied  in 
the  book  of  Isaias.^  In  like  manner  **  the  narrative  which 
surrounds  the  prophecy  in  Isai.  xxxvii,  22-32  seems  to  be 
the  work  of  a  writer  belonging  to  the  subsequent  generation  ; 
for  a  contemporary  of  the  events  related  would  hardly  have 
attributed  the  successes  against  Emath,  Arphad,  and  Samaria 
(xxxvi,  19),  which  were  in  fact  achieved  by  Teglath-Pha- 
lasar  or  Sargon,  to  Sennacderib,  or  have  expressed  himself 
(xxxvii,  38)  without  any  indication — and  apparently  without 
any  consciousness — that  Sennacherib's  assassination  (b.c. 
681)  was  separated  from  his  invasion  of  Juda  (b.c.  701)  by 
an  interval  of  twenty  years.     The  absence  in  xxxvii,  2>^  of 

'  Trochon,  loc.  cit  In  fact  T.  K.  Cheyne  grants  distinctly  that  "  the  jiropliecy  in 
Isai.  xxxvii,  21-35  is  both  in  form  and  in  matter  stamped  with  the  mark  of  Isaias  "  (the 
Prophecies  of  Isaiah,  5th  edit.,  p.  218) ;  and  Dkiver  (Introd.  to  Lit.  of  Old  Test., 
D.  227)  says  :  "  The  prophecy  xxxvii,  22-32  bears  unmistakable  marks  of  Isaiah's  hand." 

^  "  fr    Dklitzsch,  Isaiah,  vol.  ii,  p.  77  sq.  (Engl.  Transl.). 

3  For  details,  see  Dkivek,  loc.  cit. 


2  24         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT, 

all  particulars  as  to  time  and  place  points  to  the  same  con- 
clusion."^ It  seems  likewise  from  the  title  of  Ezechias* 
hymn  of  praise  (Isai.  xxxix),  and  chiefly  from  verse  20,  that 
that  canticle  was  extracted  from 'a  late  collection  of  sacred 
poems  designed  for  liturgical  use  ;  all  the  more  so  because 
the  hymn  does  not  form  part  of  the  original  narrative  in  the 
fourth  book  of  Kings.  For  these  and  other  such  reasons 
most  contemporary  critics  regard  Isai.  xxxvi-xxxix  in  very 
much  the  same  light  as  chaps,  i-xxxv,  that  is  as  a  compila- 
tion from  various  sources,  some  of  which  are  Isaianic.  And 
there  is  no  denying  that  such  a  view  gives  a  reasonable 
explanation  both  of  the  diverse  features  exhibited  by  tne 
appendix  to  chaps,  i-xxxv  and  of  its  addition  to  the  pro- 
phetical part  of  the  '*  First  Isaias." 

1  DKivbR,  loc.  ciL 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Book  of  Isaias. 

Section  II.     Chaps.  XL-LXVI. 


I. 

Preliminary 
Remarks; 


1.  Contents  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi. 

2.  Chief   Question  concerning   Isai.  xl-lxvi,   viz., 

Authorship. 


II. 

Arguments 
IN  Favor  of 
the  Isaianic 
Authorship 
OF  Chaps, 
xl-lxvi. 


Ecclesiasticus  xlviii,  25-27. 
Josephus  (Antiq.    of  the  Jews,   book 

I       External      1        ""''   ^"^'^P'  ^'• 
*   rp      .  J    New    Testament   (Quotations  and  In- 


of 


direct  References). 
Lists  of  Old   Test.   Writings  in  Sep- 
tuatijint,  Josephus,  and  other  Jewish 
Writers. 


2.  Connection  of  Ideas  between  the  two  Parts  of  the 

Book  of  Isaias. 

3.  Comparison  of  Isai.  xl-lxvi   with  other  Old  Testa- 

ment Books. 

4.  Standpoint  of    the  Writer  as  Witnessed  by  chaps. 

xl-lxvi. 

5.  Testimony  of  Language. 


III. 

Arguments 
Against  the 

Isaianic 
Authorship 

of  Chaps. 

XL-LXVI. 

IV. 


I.   The   Historical 


as    supplied  by  the  Second  Sec- 
tion of  Isaias. 


Background     )  as    judged    by    the    Analogy   of 

l^  Prophecy. 

m       TT   •  1            r  Isaias'     individualities    of    Style 

2.  1  he    Evidence  1        ^ 

-.  J      ^^           j  absent. 

,  c    ^^  ^    1  New  Images  and  Phrases  appear 

^     ■        [  instead. 

3.  The   Theologi-   (  Their  Substance. 

cal    Ideas   in  J  The    Form    in    which    they    are 

regard  to          (  Presented. 


Concluding  Remarks. 
225 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE     BOOK    OF    ISAIAS. 

Section  II.     Chaps.  XL-LXVI. 

§   I.  Preliminary  Remarks. 

I.  Contents  of  Chaps,  xl-lxvi.  As  we  stated  in  the 
foregoing  chapter,  there  is  no  agreement  among  scholars  as 
to  the  natural  divisions  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi.  Formerly  they 
were  usually  divided  into  three  sections— xl-xlviii;  xlix-lvii; 
Iviii-lxvi — chiefly  because  both  chap,  xlviii  and  chap.  Ivii 
end  with  the  formula  "There  is  no  peace,  saith  Yahweh, 
for  the  wicked,"  while  the  last  verse  of  chap  Ixvi  was  re- 
garded as  an  expansion  of  the  same  idea.  Prof.  Driver 
(and  others  with  him)  divides  the  so-called  Deutero-  (or 
Second)  Isaias^  into  chaps,  xl-xlviii;  xlix-lix;  Ix-lxvi.  An- 
other common  mode  of  division  is  into  xl-xlviii;  xlix-lxii; 
Ixiii-lxvi.  For  the  purpose  of  giving  the  contents  of  chaps, 
xl-lxvi  it  will  be  convenient  to  adopt  the  three  following 
divisions:  xl-lv;  Ivi-lxii;  Ixiii-lxvi. 

The  second  part  of  the  book  of  Isaias  (xl-lxvi)  begins 
without  any  heading  that  would  ascribe  it  to  that  prophet, 
although  it  differs  confessedly  both  from  the  prophetical 
part  of  the  "First  Isaias,"  and  from  the  historical  appen- 
dix  which    for   some   time   marked    tlie   close   of   the   then 

1  The  expression  "the  Deutero  Tsaias  "  shonid  not  be  understood  as  implying  that 
the  author  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi  ^\as  a'so  ca'led  Isaias ;  it  simply  indicates  that  they  are 
usually  regarded  as  an  independent  second  part  of  the  book  of  Isaias. 

226 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  2  27 

existing  book  of  Isaias.  The  aim  and  general  theme  of 
the  Deutero-Isaias  are  stated  in  the  two  opening  verses: 
"  Comfort  ye,  comfort  ye,  my  people,  says  your  God. 
Speak  ye  to  the  heart  of  Jerusalem,  and  call  to  her  that  her 
time  of  affliction  is  come  to  an  end,  that  her  guilt  is  for- 
given, that  she  has  received  from  Yahvveh's  hand  double 
for  all  her  sins."  The  purpose  of  the  whole  work  is  con- 
solatory, and  the  message  it  contains  is  that  of  a  si)eedy  de- 
liverance from  severe  but  too  well-deserved  punishment/ 

In  the  first  division  (chaps,  xl,  2-lv)  the  topic  mostly  in- 
sisted upon  is  the  certainty  of  the  coming  release  despite 
all  the  obstacles,  real  or  imagined,  which  might  interfere 
with  it.  From  the  very  outset  (chaps,  xl  3-11)  the  prophet 
is  so  sure  of  coming  deliverance  that  he  bids  a  way  to  be 
prepared  through  the  wilderness  for  the  triumphal  march 
of  Israel's  king  bringing  to  Juda  His  redeemed  people. 
He  then  demonstrates  in  various  ways  the  certainty  of  that 
future  restoration.  "  The  promised  return  of  the  Exiles  is 
guaranteed  by  the  unique  deity  of  Yahweh,  which  is  mani- 
fest in  Nature  and  Providence,  and  especially  in  the  vic- 
torious advance  of  Cyrus,  because  Yahweh  raised  him 
up  and  announced  his  coming  beforehand  (chaps,  xl, 
i2-xli)."^  After  a  first  passage  on  the  Personal  Servant  of 
Yahweh  (xlii,  1-4)  ^  the  writer  resumes  his  thesis.  The 
Jewish  rem.nant  will  be  speedily  released  by  the  free  grace 
of  Yahweh  through  Cyrus,  His  shepherd  and  anointed,  who 
will  bring  about  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem  and  the  Tem- 
ple. The  gods  of  Babylon  cannot  hinder  God's  purpose; 
they  are  mere  idols.  Hence  Babylon  and  its  gods  must 
perish  ignominiously.  Let,  therefore,  the  Jewish  captives 
be  ready  to  depart  from  that  humbled  city,  and  to  proclaim 

'  Cfr.  Card.  Meignan,  les  Prophites  d'Israel,  p.  245  sq. 
'^  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  188. 
3  Verses  5-9  are  often  associated  with  verses  1-4. 


2  25         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

everywhere  the  wondrous  story  of  their  return  (xlii,  5-xlviii). 
A  second  passage  on  tlie  Personal  Servant  of  Yahweh,  de- 
scribing him  as  a  prophet  not  only  to  Jacob,  but  also  to  the 
Gentiles  (xlix,  1-6)/  intervenes;  after  which  Yahweh  dis- 
pels doubt  and  depression  arising  out  of  Israel's  want  of 
faith,  by  renewed  assurances  of  His  power  and  firm  pur- 
pose to  free  His  people  (xlix,  7-I,  3).  In  1,  4-9^  the  Servant 
of  Yahweh  is  again  introduced,  and  is  represented  as  '*  the 
persecuted  prophet,  who  shall  be  vindicated  and  avenged."^ 
Chapters  li-lii,  12  are  taken  up  with  enthusiastic  lyrics 
(notice  the  jubilant  apostrophes  in  li,  i,  4,  7;  and  li,  9,  17; 
lii,  I,  7)  on  the  prospect  of  the  approaching  return  and 
the  restoration  of  the  Holy  City  from  its  ruin:  it  concludes 
with  the  repeated  cry,  "  Depart."  The  fourth  and  last  pas- 
sage on  the  Servant  of  Yahweh  comprises  lii,  12-lii.  Yah- 
weh's  servant  appears  in  it  as  a  despised  martyr,  mysteri- 
ously suffering  for  the  sins  of  others,  and  on  that  account 
reaching  a  great  and  surprising  exaltation.  The  closing 
chapters,  liv,  Iv,  contrast  the  future  glories  of  Sion  with  her 
present  distress  and  affliction,  and  bid  all  the  people  to 
accept  the  assured  deliverance. 

The  second  division*  of  the  "  Deutero-Isaias "  opens 
with  a  short  significant  section  (Ivi,  1-8).  Foreigners  and 
eunuchs  who  keep  the  Sabbath  will  be  admitted  to  the 
privileges  of  Yahweh's  people:  "  For  my  house  shall  be 
called  a  house  of  prayer  for  all  nations."  A  very  different 
passage  follows,  including  Ivi,  9-lvii.  It  "  denounces  the 
idolatry  and  immorality  of  the  Jews,  in  the  pre-exilic  fash- 
ion, so  that  it  is  often  supposed  to  have  been  borrowed 
from   a    pre-exilic    prophet."^      Chap.    Iviii    describes    the 

1  Verses  7-13  are  often  regarded  as  parts  of  the  Servant  poem. 

^  Verses  lo-ii  are  often  joined  to  verses  4-q. 

3  W.  H.  Bennett,  loc.  cit.,  p.  189. 

*  With  it  begins  what  Duhm  has  called  the  "  Trito-Isaias  "  (Ivi-lxvi). 

'  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Primer  of  the  Bible,  p.  76. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  229 

true  fast  and  the  true  Sabbatli,  and  is  followed  in  clKip.  lix, 
1-15  by  a  denunciation  of  the  Jews,  which,  like  hi,  9-lvii, 
is  often  regarded  as  pre-exilic,  but  which,  being  accom- 
panied by  a  general  confession  of  sin  on  belialf  of  Israel, 
has  its  best  parallel  in  such  post-exilic  passages  as  1  Esdras 
ix;  II  Esdras  i;  ix.  Yahweh  is  next  described  as  ])utting 
on  the  armor  of  righteousness  to  deliver  His  i)eople  (lix, 
15^-21);  and  Sion  is  told  of  the  wealth  and  power,  splendor 
and  glory  which  Yahweh  will  soon  bestow  upon  her  (chaps. 
Ix-lxii). 

In  the  last  division  of  the  "  Deutero-Isaias,"  the  opening 
section,  somewhat  parallel  to  chaps,  xxxiv  and  lix,  15  sqq., 
stands  by  itself.  In  it  Yahweh  appears  alone  in  achieving 
the  overthrow  of  Edom  (Ixiii,  1-6).  The  next  section 
(Ixiii,  7-lxiv)  contains  a  prayer  of  intercession  for  Israel, 
and  is  followed  by  the  divine  answer  to  the  prayer  just  re- 
cited :  Yahweh  will  inaugurate  "  new  heavens  and  a  new 
earth "  and  establish  His  people  in  renewed  prosperity 
(Ixv).  In  the  last  chapter  of  the  book  (Ixvi)  *' the  prophet, 
in  view  probably  of  the  anticipated  restoration  of  the  Tem- 
ple, reminds  the  Jews  that  no  earthly  habitation  is  really 
adequate  to  Yahweh's  majesty,  and  that  His  regard  is  to  be 
won  by  humility  and  the  devotion  of  the  heart  (Ixvi,  1-5). 
He  concludes  (verses  6-24)  by  two  contrasted  pictures  of 
the  glorious  blessedness  in  store  for  Jerusalem,  and  the  ter- 
rible judgment  over  her  foes."^ 

2.  Chief  Question  Concerning  Isai.  xl-lxvi,  viz., 
Authorship.  A  close  study  of  the  contents  of  the 
"  Deutero-Isaias  "  which  have  just  been  set  forth  briefly^ 
has  always  suggested  to  scholars  important  questions, 
theological,  exegetical,  historical,  literary,  etc.  The  Mes- 
sianic   and    prophetical    data    supplied    by   chaps,    xl-lxvi 

'  Driver,  Introd.  to  Liter,  of  O'd  Test  .  p.  236. 


230         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION'    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

have  in  all  ages  attracted  the  particular  attention  of  the 
apologists  of  the  Christian  faith,  and  this  all  the  more 
rightly  because  hardly  any  other  part  of  the  Old  Testament 
Scriptures  has  been  oftener  utilized  by  the  sacred  writers 
of  the  New  Testament  to  establish  or  illustrate  the  Mes- 
sianic character  and  mission  of  Our  Lord/  Owing  to  the 
special  interest  which  centred  in  all  such  data,  it  was  only 
gradually  that,  side  by  side  with  the  theological  and  exe- 
getical  questions  concerning  the  "  Deutero-Isaias,"  others, 
chiefly  of  a  literary  kind,  assumed  a  real  importance.  But 
of  late  the  questions  which  belong  to  a  special  introduc- 
tion to  chaps,  xl-lxvi,  to  wit,  the  problems  regarding  the 
date,  place,  method  of  composition,  author,  etc.,  of  the 
"  Second  Isaias,"  have  chiefly  engrossed  the  attention  of 
scholars.  One  of  these  in  particular,  the  question  of 
authorship,  around  which  the  others  naturally  gather,  is 
now  felt  to  be  of  paramount  importance.  On  that  account 
we  shall  briefly  set  forth  the  principal  arguments  for  and 
against  the  Isaianic  authorship  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi. 

§  2.    Arguments    in  Favor   of  the  Isaianic    Authorship  of 
Chaps,  xl-lxvi. 

I.  External  Testimony  Concerning  the  Author- 
ship. The  defenders  of  the  Isaianic  authorship  appeal 
first  of  all  to  external  evidence  as  proving  their  position. 
The  earliest  testimony  they  set  forth  is  that  of  Ecclesiasti- 
cus.  In  chapter  xlviii  the  writer  of  that  deutero-canonical 
book  reviews  the  history  of  the  kings  and  prophets  of 
Israel,  and  in  verses  20-28  speaks  of  King  Ezechias  and 
the  prophet  Isaias.     He  says: 

*Thus,  for  example,  the  Servant  of  Yahvveli  is  constantly  identified  with  Christ,  cfr. 
Isai.  xlii,  1-4  with  Matt,  xii,  17-21  ;  xlix,  6  with  Acts  xiii,  47  ;  lii,  15  with  Rom.  xv,  21 ; 
liii,  I  with  John  xii,  38  ;  Rom.  x,  16  ;  liii,  with  Matt,  viii,  17  ;  I  Pet.  ii,  24  sq.;  etc  ,  etc. 


THE    HOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  23  I 

(Verse  20.)  Tn  his  [Ezechias']  time  Seiniachcrib  came  up, 

And  he  sent  Rabsaces,  and  lie  depaitcd, 

Anel  lifted  up  his  hand  at^ainst   Sion.    .    .    . 
(23.)  x\nd  they  called  upon  Yahweh,  wlu)  is  mercirul  ;  .   .   . 

And  quickly  the  Holy  One  heard  iIk'hi  out  oi  heaven, 

And  delivered  them  by  the  hainl  oi"  Isaias. 
(24.)  He  overthrew  the  army  of  the  Assyrians, 

And  the  angel  of  Yahweh  destroyed  them. 
(25.)  For  Ezechias  did  what  pleased  Yahweh, 

And  walked  valiantly  in  the  ways  of  David,  his  father, 

As  Isaias  the  great  prophet, 

And  faithful  in  his  vision,  had  commanded  him. 
(26.)  In  his  days  the  sun  went  backward, 

And  he  lengthened  the  king's  life. 
(27.)  With  a  great  spirit,  he  saw  the  last  things. 

And  he  comforted  those  who  mourned  in  Sion. 
(28.)  He  showed  what  should  come  to  pass  for  ever. 

And  the  secret  things  before  they  came. 

The  prophet  so  highly  praised  in  this  passage  is  no  other 
than  Isaias,  the  son  of  Amos,  who  beheld  a  "  vision  "  under 
Ezechias,  and  was  a  faithful  friend  and  adviser  of  that 
king.  What  is  recorded  of  him  in  verses  20-26  points  dis- 
tinctly to  the  historical  appendix  to  the  first  part  of  Isaias, 
since  the  same  facts  are  mentioned  in  both  Isai.  xxxvi- 
xxxix  and  Ecclesiasticus,  and  in  the  very  same  order,  since 
Rabsaces  is  the  only  messenger  spoken  of  as  sent  by  Sen- 
nacherib in  both  Ecclesiasticus  and  Isai.  xxxvi,  2,  wliereas 
several  messengers  are  mentioned  in  the  parallel  narrative 
in  IV  Kings  xviii,  13,  17;  etc.  The  statements  in  the  fol- 
lowing verses  of  Ecclesiasticus  (verses  27,  28),  on  the  other 
hand,  have  a  direct  reference  to  Isai.  xl-lxvi,  for  the  com- 
forting of  the  mourners  in  Sion  (verse  27)  reminds  us  of  the 
general  purpose  of  the  ''  Deutero-Isaias  "  set  forth  in  its 
opening  words,  "  Comfort  ye,  comfort  ye,  my  people  .  .  ."  ;^ 

1  The  same  Hebrew  verb,  nakam  (to  comfort),  is  employed  in  Ecclesiasticus  and 
Isaias. 


232         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

while  the  seeing  of  the  last  things  (verse  27)  and  the  show- 
ing of  the  things  that  will  come  to  pass  (verse  28)  are  repeti- 
tions of  expressions  in  Isai.  xlvi,  10  and  xli,  22/  Whence 
it  is  inferred  that  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach,  writing  about 
180  B.C.,  had  before  him  the  book  of  Isaias  as  it  stands  at 
present,  and  had  no  misgiving  in  regard  to  the  Isaianic 
authorship  of  either  of  its  parts.  Yea,  more  :  his  testimony, 
it  is  claimed,  should  be  regarded  as  embodying  an  earlier 
Jewish  tradition  to  the  same  effect.  In  fact  at  the  present 
day  unbiassed  scholars  grant  that  the  son  of  Sirach  bears 
witness  to  the  Isaianic  authorship.^ 

The  second  external  witness  in  favor  of  the  Isaianic 
authorship  is  Josephus  (born  about  40  B.C.).  In  his  Anti- 
quities of  the  Jews^  this  celebrated  historian,  after  having 
quoted  after  his  own  fashion  Cyrus'  decree  of  restoration  * 
in  behalf  of  the  Jewish  exiles,  says:  "This  was  known  to 
Cyrus  [that  Yahweh  wanted  him  to  rebuild  the  temple  of 
Jerusalem]  by  his  reading  the  book  which  Isaias  left  be- 
hind him  of  bis  prophecies;  for  this  prophet  said  that  God 
had  thus  spoken  to  him  in  a  secret  vision:  *  My  will  is  that 
Cyrus,  whom  I  have  appointed  to  be  king  over  many  and 
great  nations,  send  My  people  back  to  their  own  land,  and 
build  My  temple.'  This  was  foretold  by  Isaias  one  hundred 
and  forty  years  before  the  Temple  was  demolished.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  Cyrus  read  this  and  wondered  at  the  divine 
power,  an  earnest  desire  seized  him  to  fulfil  what  was  so 
written."     Whatever,  therefore,  may  be  thought  of  the  fact 

1  Cfr.  W.  Urvvick,  the  Servant  of  Jehovah,  p.  4  ;  V.  Ermoni,  art.  Isaie  (livre  d'), 
in  ViGOUROux,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  col.  q66  ;  etc. 

'2  Cfr.  for  instance,  G.  Wildeboer,  the  Origin  of  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  133 
(Engl  Transl  ).  Samuel  Davidson,  who  denies  in  the  words  of  Ecclesiasticus  even  a 
reference  to  distinct  parts  of  the  book  of  Isaias,  is  clearly  biassed  (Introd.  to  the  Old 
Test  .  vol.  iii,  p   45). 

9  Book  xi,  chap,  i,  §§  1,  2. 

*  Into  Cyrus'  decree  as  recorded  in  II  Paralip  xxxvi,  23.  and  in  I  Esdr.  i,  2  sqq., 
Josephus  inserted  deliberately  "  for  He  fGodJ  foretold  my  name  by  the  prophets." 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  233 

affirmed  by  Josephus  that  Cyrus  was  influenced  by  reading 
Isaias'  prophecies  to  free  the  Jews  and  rebuild  the  Temple, 
it  is  plain  that  the  Jewish  historian  knows  of  the  prophet 
Isaias  as  the  author  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi,  wherein  alone  Cyrus 
is  distinctly  named  as  the  future  liberator  of  Yahweh's 
people. 

The  third  external  testimony  concerning  the  authorship 
is  furnished  by  the  New  Testament  writings.  Passages 
quoted  therein  from  the  second  part  of  the  book  are  re- 
peatedly ascribed  to  Isaias  as  their  author.  Thus  we  read 
in  Matt,  iii,  3,  "  This  is  he  that  was  spoken  of  by  Isaias 
the  prophet,"  prefixed  to  Isai.  xl,  3;  in  Matt,  viii,  17,  "That 
it  might  be  fulfilled  which  was  spoken  by  the  prophet 
Isaias,"  introducing  Isai.  liii,  4  ;  in  Matt,  xii,  17,  "That  it 
might  be  fulfilled  which  is  spoken  by  Isaias  the  prophet," 
prefixed  to  Isai.  xlii,  i ;  in  John  i,  23,  "  As  said  the 
prophet  Isaias,"  appended  to  Isai.  xl,  3;  in  Rom.  x,  16, 
"For  Isaias  says,"  introducing  Isai.  liii,  i;  in  Rom.  x,  20, 
21,  "Isaias  is  bold,  and  says,"  prefixed  to  Isai.  Ixv,  i,  2; 
etc.  In  connection  with  these  direct  quotations,  two  in- 
direct references  to  Isai.  xl-lxvi  are  usually  set  forth  as 
bearing  witness  to  the  Isaianic  authorship.  The  first  is 
found  in  Luke  iv,  17,  where  we  are  told  that  in  the  syna- 
gogue of  Nazareth  "  the  book  of  Isaias  the  prophet  was 
delivered  unto  Him  [Jesus].  And  as  He  had  unfolded 
the  volume.  He  found  the  place  where  it  was  written:  'The 
Spirit  of  Yahweh  is  upon  me'  .  .  ."  (Isai.  Ixi,  i  sq.).  The 
second  passage  is  in  Acts  viii,  28  sqq.,  where  we  read  that 
the  Ethiopian  eunuch  "  was  returning  reading  the  prophet 
Isaias.  .  .  .  And  Philip,  running  thither,  heard  him  reading 
the  prophet  Isaias.  .  .  .  And  the  place  of  the  Scripture 
which  he  was  reading  was  this:  'He  was  led  as  a  lamb  to 
the  slaughter.'  .  .  ."  (Isai.  liii,  7,  8).  Whence  it  is  readily 
inferred  that  the  New  Testament  writers  take  it  for  granted. 


234  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

as  it  was  certainly  done  by  their  contemporaries,  that  chaps. 
xl-lxvi  were  written  by  Isaias. 

To  confirm  the  foregoing  external  testimonies,  the  advo- 
cates of  the  Isaianic  authorship  appeal  to  the  ancient  lists 
of  the  Old  Testament  books.  Not  only  in  the  Vulgate,  but 
also  in  the  Talmud  of  Jerusalem,  in  Josephus,  and  even  in 
the  Septuagint  Version,  we  find  Isaias  named  as  one  distinct 
book,  and  placed  first  among  the  greater  prophets,  mani- 
festly because  anterior  in  the  order  of  time  to  the  other 
major  prophets.  It  is  true  that  the  Talmud  of  Babylon 
places  Isaias  after  Jeremias  and  Ezechiel,  but  besides  nam- 
ing it  as  one  distinct  book,  and  thereby  implying  that  both 
of  its  parts  belong  to  the  same  prophet,  that  Talmud  states 
explicitly  that  this  arrangement  (Jeremias,  Ezechiel,  Isaias) 
is  due  to  the  affinity  of  the  contents,  not  to  the  time  at 
which  the  three  prophets  wrote. ^ 

Lastly,  it  is  the  practical  unanimity  and  constancy  of  the 
Jewish  and  Christian  tradition  just  set  forth  in  favor  of  the 
Isaianic  authorship  which  seems  most  to  make  against  tlie 
opposite  view.  For  if  such  a  tradition  is  not  reliable,  we 
are  told,  how  did  it  come  to  pass  that  "  a  writer  of  transcend- 
ent genius,  admitted  by  all  competent  judges  to  surpass 
even  the  greatest  writers  among  the  Hebrews,  with  the  ex- 
ception alone,  if  exception  it  be,  of  Isaias,  grew  up  among 
the  exiles  in  Babylon,  necessarily  attracted  the  attention  of 
his  contemporaries,  and  yet  afterwards  dropped  so  entirely 
into  oblivion  that  his  very  name  and  memory  perislied— 
not  a  suspicion  or  whisper  of  such  separate  existence  l)eii:ig 
ever  breathed  till   the  thirteenth   century  of  the    Cliristian 

'The  Talmudic  passage  reads  as  follows:  "But  why  is  not  Isaias  placed  before 
Jeremias  and  Ezechiel,  since  he  is  anterior  to  them  ?— [Answer]  The  book  of  Kings 
ends  in  the  desolation  ;  Jeremias  is  wholly  occupied  with  it.  Ezechiel  begins  with  it  and 
ends  with  the  consolation  and  Isaias  is  wholly  occupied  with  the  consolation  :  thus  is 
the  desolation  joined  with  the  desolation,  and  the  consolation  with  the  consolation.'' 
(The  rabbinic  text  is  given  by  L.  T.  Wogue,  Histoire  de  la  Bible  et  de  I'Excgese 
biblique,  p.  17.) 


I 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS. 


235 


era  "  ?*  "  In  a  time  when  Aggeus  and  Zacharias  so  care- 
fully dated  their  prophecies,  how  could  the  name  be  lost  of 
the  seer  who  had  unquestionably  done  most  toward  the 
revival  of  the  theocratic  spirit  and  the  home-coming  of  the 
faithful  ones  ?  The  question  might  be  answered  if  the 
author  appeared  pseudonymously  under  Isaias'  name  ;  but 
no  trace  of  such  intention  is  found  anywhere.  Whereas  in 
the  '  First  Isaias '  the  person  of  the  prophet  comes  out  in 
different  ways,  here  [in  the  '  Deutero-Isaias ']  all  name, 
even  all  heading,  is  wanting  !  Criticism  should  honestly 
confess  that  the  special  reason  of  this  anonymity  remains  in 
utter  obscurity."  ^  The  only  way  out  of  this  and  other 
such  difficulties,  it  is  concluded,  is  to  admit  the  validity  of 
the  external  testimony  in  favor  of  the  authorship.  From 
the  very  beginning,  the  prophecies  of  Isaias  were  rightly 
ascribed  to  the  son  of  Amos,  the  prophet  who  beheld  visions 
under  Kings  Ozias,  Joatham,  Achaz,  and  Ezechias,  and 
tradition  ever  since  has  faithfully  attributed  the  writing  of 
them  to  him. 

2.  Connection  of  Ideas  between  the  Two  Parts 
of  the  Book  of  Isaias.  The  second  argument  brought 
forth  to  prove  the  Isaianic  authorship  is  drawn  from  an  in- 
timate connection  of  ideas  between  the  two  parts  of  the 
book  of  Isaias.  It  is  extremely  improbable,  it  is  said,  that 
Isaias  should  have  ended  his  prophecy  with  the  first  part, 
for  this  would  cast  the  greatest  dishonor  on  his  memory,  as 
a  pro])het  unfaithful  to  his  calling.  Israel's  corruption  and 
departure  from  God  had  become  so  inveterate  as  to  be 
incurable  by  any  except  the  most  severe  judgments  (Isai.  i). 

'  Prof.  Jno.  FfiRRKS,  the  Servant  of  the  Lord.  p.  2.  Eben  Ezra  (tii67).  the  cele- 
brated Si)anish  rabbi,  was  the  first  to  insinuate  that  chaps,  xl-lxvi  had  been  written  by 
Jechonias,  at  the  time  of  tlie  Babylonian  Captivity. 

-  Okelm,  the  Prophecies  of  Isaiah,  p.  215  (Engl.  Transl).  It  should  be  borne  in 
mind  that  this  learned  writer  (Von  Orelli)  is  one  of  the  contemporary  critics  who  stand 
against  the  Isaianic  authorship. 


236         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

To  testify  this  was  the  occasion  of  Isaias'  calling  from  the 
first  (chap,  vi,  8-13);  and  now  in  tlie  chapter  immediately 
preceding  this  prophecy  (i.e.,  chaps,  xl-lxvi)  Isaias  is  com- 
missioned, on  occasion  of  Ezechias'  showing  all  his  treas- 
ures to  the  ambassadors  of  Merodach-Baladan,  king  of 
Babylon,  to  announce  to  him  and  Israel  that  "  all  should  be 
carried  to  Babylon  "  (xxxix,  6).  With  such  a  denunciation 
he  could  not  conclude  without  belying  the  special  functions 
of  the  prophetical  office.  For  this  office  implied  two  things  : 
the  interpretation  of  the  purpose  of  God's  dealings  with  His 
people,  and  also  the  upholding  of  their  faith  under  the 
severity  of  predicted  judgments,  by  the  assurance  that  they 
were  intended  to  subserve  the  accomplishment  of  the  high 
destiny  promised  them  as  God's  people.  The  second  part 
of  the  book,  opening  with  the  words  :  "  Comfort  ye,  com- 
fort ye,  my  people  "  (xl,  i),  was  therefore  the  indispensable 
sequel  to  the  judgment  just  pronounced.^  The  prophet 
who  sustained  the  faith  of  the  godly  Jews  for  nearly  half  a 
century,  constantly  promising  security  to  the  house  of  David 
amidst  its  greatest  perils,  foretelling  the  birth  of  Emmanuel 
and  tlie  laying  of  a  sure  foundation  in  Sion  (Isai.  xxviii,  16), 
would  not,  did  not,  break  off  his  predictions  with  the  abrupt 
announcement  of  the  Captivity  in  Babylon,  without  adding 
a  single  word  of  comfort  for  his  people  in  this  the  direst  of 
all  the  threatened  calamities. 

Besides  this  general  connection,  many  correspondences 
of  ideas,  thought  to  be  latent  and  unobtrusive  in  themselves, 
have  been  pointed  out  by  Dr.  Kay^  as  testifying  clearly  to 
the  unity  of  authorship  of  both  parts  of  the  book  of  Isaias. 
Here  are,  according  to  him,  minor  links  that  bind  Parts  I 
and  II  indissolubly  together  : 

(l)  God  abhorred  a  heartless  ritual  worship  :  i,  ii,  13 — Ixvi.  3. 

'  Cfr.  Jno.  Forbes,  loc.  cit  ,  p.  5. 

2  In  the  Speaker's  Bible,  Isaiah,  p.  15  sq. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  237 

(2)  The  Lord  of  Hosts,  the  Holy  One,  sat  enthroned  in  "the  High  and 
Holy  Place  "  :  vi,  i — Ivii,  15  ;  Ixvi,  i. 

(3)  Yet  He  regarded  the  lowly  soul  that  trembles  at  His  word  :  vi,  5, 
6,  7 — Ivii,  15  ;   Ixvi,  2. 

(4)  Hereafter,  He  would  found  a  House  on  His  holy  mountain  for  all 
nations  to  resort  to  :  ii,  2,  3— Ivi,  7  ;  Ix,  12-14. 

(5)  Before  Him,  every  high  thing  (every  mountain  and  hill)  should  be 
made  low  :  ii,  11,  17;  v,  15,  16 — xl,  4. 

(6)  This  is  in  pursuance  of  an  all-wise  Plan,  which  is  far  beyond  the 
reach  of  man's  thoughts,  and  stands  firm  in  spite  of  man's  opposition  : 
V,  19;  xiv,  24,  27:  xix,  12  ;  xxiii,  8,  9  ;  xxviii,  29 — xl,  13,  14;  xliv, 
26  ;  xlvi,  10  ;  Iv,  9  ;  Ixiv,  4. 

(7)  He  overrules  even  human  pride  and  violence  to  the  working  out  of 
His  righteous  chastisements  :  x,  5,  7  ;  xxxvii,  26 — xlvii,  6  ;  liv,  i6. 

(8)  Israel  must  be  chastised,  for  they  were  rebellious  children  :  i,  2, 
5  ;  xxxi,  I,  2 — Ixiii,  8,  10. 

(9)  The  nation,  sick  and  v^rounded,  could  be  healed  only  by  God  :  i, 
5,  6  ;  vi,  10 — liii,  4  ;  Ivii,  18,  19. 

(10)  The  people  and  land  are  forsaken  :  vi,  12  ;  xvii,  9  ;  xxvii,  10  ; 
xxxii,  14 — xlix,  14;  liv,  6,  7  ;  Ixii,  4,  12. 

(11)  They  are  given  over  to  judicial  deafness  and  blindness  for  a  sea- 
son :   vi,  10  ;    xxix,  18  ;   xxxii,  3  ;   xxxv,  5 — xlii,  7,  18. 

(12)  A  Remnant  should  be  converted  and  saved  :  i,  27  ;  iv,  2,  3  ;  x, 
20,  22  ;   xxxvii,  31,  32 — xlviii,  lO  ;    lix,  20  ;    Ixv,  8,  9. 

(13)  God  Himself  would  come  and  save  them:  xxxv,  4— xl,  10  ; 
God,  their  King  :    vi,  5  ;    xxxiii,  22 — xliii,   15  ;    xliv,  6. 

(14)  One  should  be  born  to  the  house  of  David,  in  whom  the  "  sure 
mercies  "  promised  to  David  through  his  son  should  be  realized,  and 
**  an  everlasting  Covenant"  established:    vii,  14  ;  ix,  6,  7 — Iv,  3.  4. 

(15)  In  xi,  I  it  is  foretold  of  this  great  scion  of  David's  house  that 
the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  should  rest  upon  him."  The  fulfilment  is  de- 
scribed in  Ixi,  I. 

(16)  Israel  was  to  be  made  fruitful  by  God's  Spirit  being  poured  out 
upon  them  :    xxxii,  15 — xliv,  3.  4. 

(17)  In  V,  2,  7,  God  has  planted  a  Vine  to  be  "  His  pleasant //^«/," 
but  laid  it  waste  because  it  brought  forth  no  "fruit  of  righteousness:  "  in 
Ix,  21  we  read  :  "  Thy  people  shall  be  all  righteous,  .  .  .  tlie  branch 
oi  My  planting"  \  and  in  Ixi,  3  :  "that  they  may  be  called  trees  of 
righteousness,  the  planting  of  the  Lord. " 


2^S         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

(i8)  In  Ixiii,  17:  ^^Why  hast  Thou  .  .  .  hardened  our  hearts  from 
Thy  fear  ?  " — a  strange  challenge,  if  we  had  not  vi,  10  (comp.  xxix,  10) 
to  account  for  it, 

(19)  In  Ixiv,  4  an  acknowledgment  of  God's  inconceivably  great 
goodness  to  '•  him  that  waiteth  for  Him  "  is  followed  in  verse  7  by 
^'  771011  hast  hid  Thy  face  from  us  J"  This  striking  yet  obscure  com- 
bination is  explained  when  we  recall  the  fundamental  passage,  viii,  17: 
"And  /  will  ivait  for  the  Lord,  that  hideth  His  face  froiti  the  house  of 
Israel." 

To  these  correspondences  in  ideas  and  expressions  Dr. 
Kay  adds  several  others,  and  thinks  he  has  thus  made  a 
cumulative  and  convincing  argument  for  the  unity  of  au- 
thorship of  both  parts  of  Isaias.  Most  scholars  admit, 
however,  that  these  and  all  such  connections  between  the 
"  First  "  and  "  Second  "  Isaias  can  be  accounted  for  other- 
wise than  by  unity  of  authorship.  Many  of  those  corre- 
spondences are  simply  due  to  the  fact  that  the  prophets  of 
Israel  proclaimed  substantially  the  same  message  to  the 
chosen  people  ;  others  which  bespeak  an  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  thoughts  peculiarly  Isaianic  can  be  explained  by 
the  great  familiarity  of  a  later  prophetical  writer  with  the 
prophecies  of  Isaias  contained  in  the  first  part  of  the  book; 
others,  again,  perhaps  point  to  the  unity  of  authorship  of 
individual  selections,  but  for  the  simple  reason  that  the  sec- 
tions wherein  such  correspondences  occur  are  due  to  one 
and  the  same  prophet  living  in  the  Exile  or  after  the  Exile, 
as  the  case  may  be.  In  view  of  these  and  other  such 
explanations,  it  is  hard  to  maintain  that  this  second  argu- 
ment, in  so  far  as  it  is  cumulative,  carries  conviction.  In 
regard  to  the  general  connection  stated  above — viz.,  that 
the  prophet  Isaias  who  denounced  the  crimes  of  Israel  and 
foretold  their  punishment  must  also,  as  a  prophet  faithful 
to  his  mission,  have  predicted  the  Return — it  may  be  said 
that  it  is  one  of  those  a  priori  arguments  the  proving  force 
of  which  may  well  be  doubted. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  2$^ 

3.  Comparison  of  Isai.  xl-lxvi  with  other  Old 
Testament  Books.  Tlie  third  argument,  oftener  insisted 
on  than  the  one  just  stated,  is  grounded  on  a  textual  com- 
parison of  Isai.  xl-lxvi  witli  those  "  prophetical  writings  of 
the  Old  Testament  the  authorship  and  date  of  which  are 
clearly  determined  and  universally  recognized."  ^  It  is 
strongly  claimed  that  this  comparison  of  the  Deutero-Isaias 
with  the  exilic  writers  Jeremias,  Ezechiel,  Daniel,  and  also 
with  the  pre-exilic  prophets  Micheas,  Nahum,  and  Sopho- 
nias,  establishes  the  pre-exilic  date  of  Isai.  xl-lxvi.  It  is 
claimed,  first  of  all,  that  while  Jeremias,  who  lived  at  the 
time  of  the  Babylonian  exile,  seems  to  be  unknown  to  the 
Deutero-Isaias,  the  latter  is  clearly  acquainted  with  the 
prophecies  of  the  former.  For  instance,  Isai.  li,  15  is  repro- 
duced word  for  word  in  Jerem.  xxi,  35;  again,  in  Jerem. 
vi,  15  compared  with  Isai.  Ivi,  11,  and  in  Jerem.  xxxviii,  3 
compared  with  Isai.  xlviii,  6,  it  is  plain  that  Jeremias  simply 
gives — according  to  his  custom — a  different  turn  to  the 
original  passage  in  Isaias  by  a  slight  change  of  letters  ;^  in 
like  manner  Jerem.  x,  r-i6,  a  passage  concerning  the 
nothingness  of  idols,  "  is  strongly  Isaianic  in  tenor  "  ^  (cfr. 
Isai.  xli,  7  ;  xliv,  12-15  ;  xlvi,  7);  a  similar  resemblance 
exists  between  the  words  of  consolation  in  Jerem.  xxx,  10, 
II,  and  xlvi,  27,  28  ;  *' we  shall  find  also  in  parallels  like 
Jerem.  iii,  16  and  Isai.  Ixv,  17  ;  Jerem.  iv,  13  and  Isai. 
Ixvi,  15  ;  Jerem.  xi,  19  and  Isai.  liii,  involuntary  Isaianic 
reminiscences  in  Jeremias  ";*  etc. 

The  appeal  to  another  exilic  prophet,   Ezechiel,  in  favor 

'  Wm.  Ukwick,  the  Servant  of  Jehovah,  p.  23. 

2  Cfr.  Franz  Delitzsch,  the  Prophecies  of  Isaiah,  vol.  ii,  p.  131  (4th  edit.). 

3  Delitzsch,  loc.  cit.,  p.  130. 

••  Delitzsch,  loc.  cit.,  p.  131.  We  refer  to  Delitzsch  all  the  more  willingly  be- 
cause, in  the  fourth  edition  of  "  The  Prophecies  of  Isaiah  "  we  have  quoted  from,  that 
distinguished  scholar  gives  up  the  Isaianic  authorship  of  chaps,  xl-ixvi.  See  also 
Knabenbauer,  S.J.,  in  Isaiam  Prophetam,  vol.  ii,  p.  9  sqq.,  and  authors  referred  to 
there. 


240         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

of  the  pre-exilic  date  of  Isai.  xl-lxvi,  has  been  eloquently 
set  forth  by  Prof.  Wm.  Urwick  ^  in  the  following  terms  : 
"  Ezechiel  prophesied  during  the  early  years  of  the  exile, 
and  we  should  expect  to  find  some  points  of  resemblance 
between  a  work  written  then  and  one  (the  Second  Isaias) 
written  in  the  later  years  of  the  Exile.  But  what  we  most 
remark  is  the  striking  contrast.  We  pass  into  different 
scenes  and  times  as  we  pass  from  our  chapters  (Isai.  xl-lxvi) 
to  Ezechiel.  Ezechiel  is  careful  to  note  repeatedly  the 
year  and  month  of  the  captivity  (cfr.  Ezech.  xxiv,  i;  xl,  i). 
Three  times  he  mentions  Daniel  (xiv,  14,  20  ;  xxviii.  3), 
and  frequently  speaks  of  the  King  of  Babylon,  naming 
Nabuchodonosor,  xxix,  18,  19  ;  xxx,  10.  *  The  atmosphere 
which  Ezekiel  breathes,'  says  Dean  Stanley,^' the  visions  by 
which  he  is  called  to  his  office,  are  alike  strange  to  the  older 
period;  no  longer  Hebrew,  but  Asiatic.  No  longer  the  single 
simple  figure  of  cloud  or  flame,  or  majestic  human  form, 
which  had  been  the  means  of  conveying  the  truth  of  the 
Divine  presence  to  Moses  or  Isaias,  but  a  vast  complexity, 
wheel  within  wheel,  as  if  corresponding  to  the  new  order  of 
a  larger,  wider,  deeper  Providence  now  opening  before  him. 
The  imagery  that  he  sees  is  that  which  no  one  could  have 
used  unless  he  had  wandered  through  the  vast  halls  of  Assy- 
rian palaces,  and  there  gazed  on  all  that  Assyrian  monuments 
have  disclosed  to  us.*  Here  is  graphically  described  just 
what  we  might  expect  in  a  prophet  living  during  the  exile. 
But  how  totally  different  from  what  we  find  in  Isaias'  last 
chapter.  No  reference  to  Daniel,  no  mention  of  Nabuchodo- 
nosor,  no  reckoning  of  the  weary  years  of  exile,  no  reflection 
or  shadow  of  the  great  country  in  which  the  exiles  lived." 

A  similar  contrast,  it  is  claimed,  exists  between  Isai.  xl- 
lxvi  and  the  book  of  Daniel.      Whichever  of  the  two  widely- 

»  The  Servant  of  Jehovah,  p.  28  sq. 
^  Jewish  Church,  vol.  ii,  p.  565. 


THE    r.OOK    OF    ISAIAS.  24  I 

separated  dates  (the  period  of  the  cai)tivity  and  tlie  time  of 
the  Machabees)  be  assigned  to  Daniel,  the  book  is  full  of 
historical  allusions  and  descriptions  appropriate  to  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  Jewish  exiles,  whereas  the  reverse  is  the 
case  with  the  second  part  of  Isaias.  Hence  ''the  entire 
absence"^  of  such  features  from  the  Deutero-Isaias  must 
point  to  a  period  anterior  to  the  Exile. 

It  must  be  freely  conceded  that  were  the  contrast  between 
Isai.  xl-lvi  and  Ezechiel  and  Daniel  as  striking  as  it  is 
affirmed  to  be  by  the  defenders  of  the  Isaianic  authorship, 
their  argument  drawn  from  a  comparison  between  the 
Deutero-Isaias  and  the  prophets  would  appear  very  strong. 
In  reality  the  contrast  is  described  in  an  exaggerated  man- 
ner. "  Signs  of  acquaintance  with  the  nature  and  customs 
of  Babylonia  are  not  wanting  in  Isai.  xl-lxvi.  For  example, 
xliv,  27  ;  xlv,  I  sq.,  bespeak  knowledge  of  the  country  which 
is  intersected  by  main  and  branch  rivers  ;  xliii,  14,  know- 
ledge of  the  traffic  enlivening  these  waterways  ;  chap,  xlvii, 
knowledge  of  the  capital,  with  its  luxurious  living,  its  organ- 
ized astrology  and  magic,  its  markets,  the  resorts  of  merchants 
from  far  and  near  ;  xlvi,  i  names  Bel  and  Nabo  as  gods  of 
Babylon,  in  reference  to  processions  with  images";^  etc. 
Indeed  the  fact  that  numerous  allusions  of  the  writer  to 
Babylon  and  Ba])ylonia  are  both  incidental  and  definite 
goes  a  great  way  toward  proving  that  he  lives  in  Babylonia 
and  addresses  fellow  captives  acquainted  with  that  country. 
As  regards  the  conclusion  in  favor  of  the  pre-exilic  author- 
ship drawn  from  a  comparison  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi  with  the 
prophecies  of  Jeremias,  it  should  not  be  considered  as  truly 
solid.  The  original  text  of  Jeremias,  as  we  shall  see  in  the 
next  chapter,  passed  through  several  important  stages  in  its 

1  Wm.  Urwick,  loc.  cit.,  p.  ag. 

2  Delitzsch,  loc.  cit,,  p.  124  sq.     See  also  Driver,  Isaiah  (in  "  Men  of  the  Bible,  " 
p.  189  sqqj. 


242         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

composition  and  transmission.'  It  is  therefore  i)robable 
that  the  verbal  resemblances  between  it  and  the  text  of  the 
Deutero-Isaias  are  due  to  the  working  of  i)assages  from 
chaps,  xl-lxvi  into  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias  by  a  post- 
exilic  editor. 

There  remains  to  set  forth  the  inference  for  the  pre-exilic 
date  which  is  drawm  from  Isai.  xl-lxvi  as  compared  with 
the  pre-exilic  prophets  Micheas,  Nahum,  and  Sophonias. 
in  the  prophecy  of  Micheas,  "  a  prophecy  undeniably  writ- 
ten under  King  Ezechias,"  ^  we  have  a  book  which,  like  the 
Deutero-Isaias,  foretells  the  Babylonian  captivity  and 
deliverance  from  it  (Mich,  iv,  lo)  ;  describes  the  devasta- 
tion of  Jerusalem  and  Juda  (i,  9,  12  ;  ii,  4,  10)  ;  predicts 
the  restoration  (ii,  12  ;  iv,  i  sqq.)  ;  "has  a  predominance  of 
comfort,  and  is  large  and  flowing  in  its  descriptions  of 
mercy  to  come."^  Whence  it  is  inferred  that  Isai.,  xl-lxvi 
should  be  considered  as  pre-exilic,  just  as  well  as  the  book 
of  Micheas.  A  similar  conclusion  is  drawn  from  the 
prophet  Nahum,  who  lived  shortly  after  Isaias,  and  seems  to 
have  been  acquainted  with  Isai.  xl-lxvi,  as  is  shown  by  a 
comparison  of  Nahum  i,  15  with  Isai.  Hi,  7  ;  Nah.  iii, 
4,  5  with  Isai.  xlvii  ;  Nah.  iii,  7  with  Isai.  Ii,  19  ;  etc.  It 
is  also  maintained  that  Sophonias,  who  lived  under  King 
Josias,  and  who  is  wont  to  quote  and  gather  from  other 
prophets  before  him,  has  distinct  points  of  resemblance 
with  the  Deutero-Isaias  (compare  Sophon.  ii,  15  with  Isai. 
xlvii,  8;  Sophon.  iii,  10  with  Isai.  Ixvi,  20  ;  etc.). 

Despite  the  confident  manner  in  which  these  minor 
prophets  have  been  appealed  to,  with  a  view^  to  establish 
the  pre-exilic  date  of  Isai.  xl-lxvi,  the  reasoning  based  on 
them  can  hardly  be    urged    against  the  opponents    of   the 

1  Cfr.  Driver,  Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  270  sqq, 
'  Wm.  Urwick,  loc.  cit.,  p.  27. 
3  Ibid. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  243 

Isaianic  authorsbii)  :  llieir  com[)ilat.ory  cliaracter  sliould, 
as  it  seems,  be  admitted,  together  with  tlie  post-exilic  dale 
of  several  parts  of  their  contents.^ 

4.  Standpoint  of  the  Writer  as  Witnessed  by 
Chaps,  xl-lxvi.  A  fourth  and  apparently  much  stronger 
argument  in  favor  of  the  Isaianic  authorship  of  chaps,  xl- 
lxvi  is  derived  from  what  is  considered  as  the  actual  stand- 
point of  the  writer.  The  defenders  of  the  traditional  view 
take  up  those  prophetic  chapters,  and  affirm  that,  as  wit- 
nessed by  the  pro])hecy  itself,  the  writer's  standing-place  is 
in  Palestine.  They  remind  us  that  in  Isai.  xliii,  22-24,  the 
prophet  reproaches  Israel  with  neglecting  the  offering  of 
holocausts  and  sacrifices — a  reproach  which  is  suited  only  to 
people  still  in  Palestine  and  within  reach  of  Temple-worship. 
That  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem  is  still  standing  is  inferred 
from  Isai.  Ixvi,  20  and  Ixiii,  18.'^  Again,  in  Ivi,  9-lvii,  10 
the  allusions  of  the  writer,  to  the  dreadful  persecutions 
under  Manasses  ;  to  the  criminal  neglect  of  Israel's  rulers 
and  "  shepherds,"  which,  as  we  know  from  other  sources, 
existed  before  the  Babylonian  exile  ;  and  to  idolatrous 
acts  practised  in  Manasses'  reign  by  the  people  of  Jerusa- 
lem in  the  valley  of  Hinnon,  prove  that  the  author,  who 
always  speaks  in  the  present,  lived  in  an  age  long  before 
the  Captivity.  Many  other  traits  concerning  the  social  and 
moral  condition  of  the  Jews  in  Isai.  lii,  5  ;  Iviii,  4  ;  lix,  3 
sqq.  ;^  or  referring  to  their  defective  worsliij)  of  Yahweh 
(cfr.  Isai.  Iviii,  1-3,  etc.),  are  described  in  a  manner  more 
appropriate  to  the  people  still  in  Juda,  than  to  exiles  in 
Babylon.  The  exact  place  where  the  author  writes  cannot 
be  Babylonia,  since  in  lii,  11  he  says  ^^  depart  f/ience  "  (had 

'  These   two  questions   will  be  discussed  in  the  author's  forthcoming   treatment  ot 
the  Minor  prophets  anterior  to  the  Exile. 

'■*  Cfr.  Card.  Mkignan,  les  Prophctes  d'lsraiil  et  le  Messie,  p.  247. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  249. 


244         SPPXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THP:    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

he  been  in  the  land  of  exile  at  tlie  time  of  writing,  he  would 
have  said  "depart  hence'')  ;  and  since  in  Ivii,  9-11  he  ad- 
dresses Jerusalem  as  still  standing,  as  still  running  after  the 
favor  of  the  Babylonian  king.^  Finally,  the  prophet,  in 
proof  of  the  divinity  of  the  God  of  Israel,  appeals  frequently 
to  fulfilled  predictions^  and  in  particular  claims  /<?r<fknowl- 
edge  of  the  deliverance  by  Cyrus.^  Now,  it  is  said,  this  is 
of  no  value  if  the  prophecy  dates  from  the  period  of  the 
Exile. 

Capital  has  been  made  of  this  last  part  of  the  fourth 
argument  in  favor  of  the  Isaianic  authorship.  To  serve  as 
an  unquestionable  proof  of  Yahweh's  divinity,  it  is  affirmed, 
the  predictions  appealed  to  as  fulfilled,  especially  those  which 
concern  Cyrus'  coming  and  victories,  must  needs  have  been 
made  long  before  the  Babylonian  captivity.^  "  This  reason- 
ing would  be  of  weight  if  it  could  be  shown  that  the  predic- 
tions alluded  to  were  those  constituting  the  prophecy  itself : 
but  if  the  passages  are  read  attentively,  it  will  be  seen  that 
they  contain  nothing  which  lends  support  to  such  a  supposi 
tion.  The  prophet's  standpoint  is  indicated  in  xlii,  9  : 
*  The  things  that  were  first,  behold  they  are  come  to  pass  j 
and  new  things  do  I  declare  ;  before  thev  spring  forth,  I 
cause  you  to  hear  them  '  (cfr.  xlviii,  3)  ;  on  the  ground  of 
prophecies  which,  as  he  speaks,  are  already  ft'lfdledf  he 
rests  his  claim  to  be  heard  in  the  7ieiv  announcements  now 
made  by  him.  The  new  announcements  are,  primarily,  the 
capture  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus  and  the  release  of  the  Jews, 
topics  to  which  the  prophet  repeatedly  reverts  in  the  course 
of  chaps,  xl-xlviii.  What  the  'former  things'  are  is  not 
distinctly  stated.  ...  As  Cyrus  is  alluded  to  as  already 
'stirred    up'    (xli,  2,  25  ;  xlv,    13)    at    the    time    when    the 

>  Cfr.  Card.  Meignan,  ibid.,  p.  250  sq. 

'  Cfr.  Isai.  xli,  2i-2g  ;  xlii,  q  ;  xliii.  8-10  ;  xlv.  2r  ,  .xlvi,  o,  10  ;  xlviii,  3-8. 

•'  Cfr.  Knabenbauer,  in  Isaiam,  vol.  ii,  p.  6,  and  writers  referred  to  there. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS. 


245 


prophecy  opens,  it  is  probable  that  they  were  prophecies 
relating  to  the  early  stages  of  Cyrus'  career  (cfr.  xli,  22,  26 
sq.;  xliii,  9  ;  xliv,  7  ;  xlviii,  14).  These  had  been  si)oken 
some  time  before;  they  Iiad  been  fulfilled  (cfr.  xlviii,  3-6='); 
and  now  fresh  prophecies  are  delivered  by  him  relating  to 
events  very  soon  to  take  place,  (cfr.  xlviii,  6''-8)."  ^  As 
regards  the  assertion  that  the  author  of  the  prophecy  claims 
/^^r^knowledge  of  the  deliverance  by  Cyrus,  it  cannot  be 
substantiated.  The  prophet  introduces  Cyrus  as  known,  and 
only  claims /.?;rknowledge  of  what  he  will  do,  precisely  as 
Isaias  does  in  the  case  of  Sennacherib  (e.g.,  xxxvii,  i^. 
And  this  view  of  the  prophet's  language  is  in  harmony  with 
every  passage  in  which  he  either  names  or  alludes  to  Cyrus. 
Thus,  according  to  xli,  2;  xlv,  i,  that  prince  is  already  in 
movement,  and  has  been  taken  by  the  hand,  and  will  pros- 
per in  his  own  undertaking.^ 

Most  of  the  passages  appealed  to  as  describing  pre-exilic 
circumstances,  moral,  social,  and  religious,  of  the  Jews, 
prove  perhaps  that  some  sections  in  chaps,  xl-lxvi  were 
written  before  the  Exile.  But  the  very  reason  for  which 
such  passages  may  be  considered  as  pre-exilic,  viz.,  the  fact 
that  their  primary  and  natural  meaning  seems  to  point  to  a 
time  before  the  Captivity,  forbids  most  contemporary  crit- 
ics to  assign  other  sections,  or  rather  the  great  bulk  of  the 
Deutero-Isaias,  to  pre-exilic  times.  The  only  theory  which 
seems  to  many  of  them  to  be  in  harmony  with  all  the  facts 
of  the  case  is  that  which  considers  the  Deutero-Isaias — 
like  the  First  Isaias — as  a  compilation  made  up  of  prophe- 
cies belonging  to  various  periods  of  Jewish  history.^ 

»  Driver,  Isaiah,  his  Life  and  Times  p.  188  sq. 

"^  Ibid.,  p.  180,  footn.  2.  This  simple  manner  of  interpreting  the  various  passages 
wliere  Cyrus  is  spoken  of  disposes  fully  of  Hp.  1 1 arneber(;'s  supposition  that  Cyrus' 
name  is  a  later  insertion  from  the  margin  into  the  sacred  text  (Histoire  de  la  RJvolation 
Biblique,  vol.  i,  p.  337.     French  Transl). 

3  The  peculiar  expression  "depart  th.-u--  -  ;„  reference  to  Babylon  in  lii,  ..,  may 
indeed  be  understood— in  view  of  the  general  conte  -t    verses  7-i2S     as  simply  the  out- 


246         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

5.  Testimony  of  Language.  The  resemblances  of 
style  and  language  noticeable  between  the  two  parts  of  the 
book  of  Isaias  are  a  last  argument  in  favor  of  the  Isaianic 
authorship  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi.  It  is  affirmed  that  these  re- 
semblances are  closer  than  those  which  exist  between  any 
two  independent  writings  of  the  Old  Testament,  that  tliey 
greatly  preponderate  over  the  diversities  between  the  two 
parts  of  Isaias,  and  that  in  consequence  they  point  to  Isaias 
as  the  writer  of  both  i-xxxix  and  xl-lxvi. 

The  most  striking  features  of  style  and  language,  which 
are  considered  as  distinctly  Isaianic  and  yet  are  common 
to  both  parts  of  the  book  of  Isaias,  are  the  following:  (i)  The 
phrase  "  the  Holy  One  of  Israel,"  applied  to  Yahw^eh,  which 
appears  everywhere  in  chaps,  i-xxxix,^  runs  also  through 
chaps,  xl-lxvi  ;  (2)  The  introduction  of  divine  words  by  : 
"  Yahweh  saith  "  (cfr.  i,  11,  18  ;  xxxiii,  10  ;  xJ,  i,  25  ;  xli, 
21  ;  Ixi,  9),  and  their  confirmation  by  the  formula  :  "the 
mouth  of  Yahweh  hath  spoken"  (i,  20  ;  xl,  5  ;  Iviii,  14);^ 
(3)  "  The  frequent  recurrence  of  the  word  Tohu  (the  chaos 
of  Gen.  i,  i  (three  times  in  the  First  Isaias,  and  seven  times 
in  the  Second  Isaias,  almost,  as  it  were,  the  catchword  of 
both  books,  much  as  some  modern  w^-iters  are  characterized 
by  the  use  of  phrases  like  '  the  absolute  '  or  'the  eterni- 
ies'";^  (4)  In  both  parts  of  Isaias  God  is  often  called 
"  King"  (vi,  5  ;  xxxiii,  22  ;  cfr.  viii,  21  ;  xli,  21  ;  xliii,  15  ; 
xliv,  6),  and  His  royal  dominion  is  celebrated  (xxiv,  23;  lii, 

come  of  the  fact  that  the  prophet  places  himself  in  spirit  at  Jerusalem,  and  thus  speaks 
of  Babylon  as  a  distant  place.  But  the  parallel  expression  in  the  second  part  of  verse 
11:  "go  out  of  the  midst  of  hek,'*  seems  to  imply  that  primitively,  instead  of  "  depart 
thence,^^  the  Hebrew  had  "  depart  from  Bal'vlon,""  as  it  still  reads  in  xlviii.  20.  In  He- 
brew, Babel,  the  proper  name  for  Babylon,  is  feminine.  It  may  have  been  omitted  in 
lii,  II.  through  hatred  for  that  famous  city  (cfr.  Ps.  cxxxvi,  8). 

'  This  is  true  only  in  reference  to  the  acknowledged  prophecies  of  the  "  First  Isaias," 

2  This  confirmatory  formula  is  found  nowhere  else  in  Scripture. 

3  E.    H.   Plumptre,   Isaiah,  in  "  Old  Test.   Introductions,"  edited  by  C.  J.  Elli- 
COTT,  p.  253. 


THE    BOOK    OF    IS.^.TaS.  247 

7);'  (5)  In  both  parts,  too,  tlie  divine  omnipotence  is  inci- 
dentally called  "  Yahweh's  arm"  or  "His  arm  "  (\\x,  30  ; 
xxxiii,  2  ;  cfr.  ix,  20  ;  xvii,  5  ;  xl,  10,  11  ;  xlviii,  14  ;  li,  5  ; 
etc.);  (6)  'I'he  figure  epanaphora,  i.e.  the  repetition  of  wortls 
at  the  beginning  and  end  of  sentences,^  runs  throughout  the 
book  of  Isaias  as  a  favorite  rhetorical  phrase  (i,  7;  iv,  3; 
vi,  II  ;  xiii,  10  ;  xiv,  25;  xv,  8  ;  xxx,  20  ;  xxxiv,  9;  xl,  19  ; 
xlii,  15,  19;  xlviii,  21;  etc.);  (7)  The  same  holds  good  of 
anadiplosis^  a  figure  in  which  the  ending  of  a  sentence,  line, 
or  clause  is  rej)eated  and  emphasized  at  the  beginning  of 
the  next,  and  which  occurs  in  viii,  9;  xxix,  i  ;  cfr.  xxi,  9  ; 
xl,  I  ;  xli,  27;  xliii,  11,  25  ;  li,  9,  12,  17  ;  etc.;  (8)  "In  the 
same  way,  the  crowding  together  of  short  sentences,  as  in 
i,  17  ;  xxiii,  10  ;  xlvii,  2 — everywhere  the  same  breathless 
haste  in  the  movement  of  thought.  But  there  are  still  more 
intimate  lines  of  connection.  How  strikingly,  for  example, 
xxviii,  5  and  Ixii,  3  rhyme  together,  and  also  xxix,  23  and 
V,  7  with  Ix,  21  !  And  does  not  the  fundamental  thought, 
heard  in  xxii,  11;  xxxvii,  26  (cfr.  xxv,  i),  that  everything 
realized  in  history  pre-exists  as  idea,  i.e.  a  mental  picture, 
in  God,  run  through  chapters  xl-lxvi  as  a  constant  echo  ? 
And  is  not  what  is  said  in  xi,  6  sqq. ;  xxx,  26  ;  and  other 
places,  of  the  future  glorifying  of  the  earthly  and  heavenly 
creation,  repeated  in  the  second  half  of  the  book  in  grand, 
elaborate  pictures,  and  partly  in  the  same  word,  a  not  un- 
Isaianic  feature,  Ixv,  25  ?  Also  the  designation  of  God  as 
'Saviour,'  found  everywhere  in  cliaps.  xl-lxvi,  has  its  roots 
in  the  sayings  of  the  first  part,  such  as  xii,  2;  xxxv,  4."^ 

*  Cfr.  Delitzsch,  loc.  cit.,  p.  127. 

2  Here  is  an  example  of  epanaphora  (Isai.  i,  7)  : 

Your  land  is  desolate, 
Your  country,  strangers  devour  before  your  face, 

And  it  is  desolate. 
As  overthrown  by  strangers. 

•  Delitzsch,  loc.  cit.,  p.  127  sq. 


248         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

From  these  and  other  such  forms  of  thought  and  expres- 
sion/ which  are  common  to  both  parts  of  Isaias,  some  con- 
temporary scholars  (however  in  a  decreasing  number)  have 
inferred  unity  of  authorship.  They  have  endeavored  to  ac- 
count for  the  diversities  disclosed  by  a  comparison  of  the 
two  portions  of  the  book  by  appealing  to  the  different  cir- 
cumstances of  composition.  "As  he  grows  old,"  says 
Plumptre  in  this  connection,^  **  a  waiter  of  genius  [like  Isaias] 
develops  new  thoughts,  enlarges  his  vocabulary,  varies  his 
phraseology  and  style,  according  to  the  occasion  which  leads 
him  to  write  or  the  intensity  of  his  emotions.  Many,  if  not 
most.  New  Testament  students  find  no  difficulty  in  accept- 
ing the  Pastoral  Epistles  as  written  by  St.  Paul,  in  spite  of 
the  long  list  of  words  found  in  them  which  are  not  found  in 
his  other  waitings,  and  the  peculiarities  of  style  and  thought 
which  characterize  them."  And  yet  the  same  scholar, 
though  he  admits  the  unity  of  authorship,  adds  signifi- 
cantly :  "On  the  other  hand,  the  history  of  all  literature 
shows  that  one  writer  may,  either  from  pure  reverence  and 
love,  or  from  a  deliberate  purpose  of  personation,  so  imbue 
his  mind  with  the  thoughts  and  language  of  another,  adopt 
his  phrases,  reproduce  the  turns  and  tricks  of  his  style,  that 
it  will  not  be  easy,  even  for  an  expert,  to  distinguish  between 
the  counterfeit  and  the  original."  More  important  still 
than  these  words  of  Dean  Plumptre  are  those  of  Franz 
Delitzsch,  who,  after  having  long  maintained  Isaianic  au- 
thorship of  chaps,  xl-lxvi,  and  the  value  of  the  argument 
in  its  favor  drawn  from  the  language  of  the  book,  wrote 
thus  in  the  last  edition  of  his  valuable  Commentary  on 
Isaias  :^  "  We  may  say  that  the  second  half  of  the  book  of 

'  For  fuller  information  in  that  regard,  see  Wm.  Urwick,  the  Servant  of  Jehovah,  p. 
36  sqq  ;  Wm.  H.  Cobb's  Essays  in  "  the  Bibliotheca  Sacra,"  April,  Oct.,  1881,  and 
_;aii..  July,  1882  ;  and  the  Commentaries  of  Kay,  Cheyne,  etc.,  on  Isaias. 

'^  Plumptre,  Isaiah,  p.  253. 

3  Biblical  Commentary  on   the   Prophecies  of   Isaiah,  vol.  ii,  p.128  (Engl.  Transl.). 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  249 

Isaias  (chaps,  xl-lxvi)  is  in  course  of  progressive  growth  ar, 
to  its  theme,  standpoint,  style,  and  ideas  throiigliout  the 
first  part  (chaps,  i-xxxix).  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  also 
true  that  all  this  does  not  prove  the  identity  of  the  two 
Isaias,  but  only  that  the  Second  Isaias  is  a  disciple  of  the 
first,  outstripping  the  master,  on  whom  he  is  formed." 

§  3.  Argujuents  against  the  Isaianic  Authorship  of 
chaps,  xl-lxvi. 

I.  The  Historical  Background.  In  the  eyes  of  those 
who  reject  the  Isaianic  authorship  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi  the 
strongest  argument  for  their  position  is  drawn  from  the 
historical  background  of  these  chapters  understood  in  their 
obvious  sense.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  sections,  which 
may  be  considered  as  pre-exilic  in  date  on  account  of  their 
tenor,^  the  historical  position  of  the  Deutero-Isaias  is,  as 
we  are  told,  "  plainly  and  throughout  exilian."  ^  The  Baby- 
lonian captivity  is  not  predicted  in  chaps,  xl-lxvi,  but  as- 
sumed as  having  already  taken  place.  Those  whom  the 
prophet  addresses  in  person  (cfr.  xl,  21,  26,  28  ;  xliii,  10  ; 
xlviii,  8  ;  1,  10  sq. ;  li,  6,  12  sq.;  Iviii,  3  sqq.)  are  not  the 
men  of  Jerusalem,  contemporaries  of  Ezechias,  or  even  of 
Manasses  ;  they  are  the  exiles  in  Babylonia  (xlviii,  20;  etc.). 
His  purpose  is  to  comfort  them  by  the  assurance  that  the 
time  of  punishment  is  coming  to  an  end  (xl,  2;  xlvi,  13; 
etc.).  Jerusalem  and  its  temple  lie  still  in  ruin  (xliv,  26,  28; 
li,  3  ;  Hi,  9  ;  Iviii,  12  ;  Ix,  10  ;  Ixiii,  18;  Ixiv,  9-1 1);  Judaea 
is  ravaged   and  depopulated  (Ixii,  4;  etc.);  and  the  nation 

from  the  4th  Germ.  Edit).  See  also  Cheney's  strictures  on  Delitzsch's  former  posi- 
tion, in  Cheyne,  the  Prophecies  of  Isaiah,  vol.  ii,  p.  254  (New  York,  1892). 

1  We  have  already  spoken  of  those  sections,  in  connection  with  the  standpoint  of 
the  writer  as  appealed  to  by  the  defenders  of  the  Isaianic  authorship.  Instead  of 
pre-exilic,  the  sections  in  question  might  be  post-exilic  (cfr.  G.  A.  Smith,  art.  Isaiah, 
in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii.  p.  494. 

■^  Orelli,  tb«  Prophecies  of  J.saiah,  d.  2ti. 


250         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

is  in  exile  (xlii,  22,  24;  Hi,  2,  3,  5;  etc.)-  Numerous  are  the 
allusions  to  the  sufferings  which  the  Jews  have  experienced, 
or  are  experiencing,  at  the  hands  of  the  Chaldaeans  (xlii,  25; 
xlvii,  6;  xlii,  22;  Hi,  5).  The  time  of  the  Assyrians  lies 
far  behind  (Hi,  4  sqq.),  and  the  desolation  of  Jerusalem  is  of 
long  standing,  or  "  ancient  "  (Iviii,  12;  Ixi,  4);  but  the  pros- 
pect of  the  return  is  imminent  (xl,  2;  xlvi,  13;  xlviii,  20; 
etc.).  The  Persian  conqueror  w^ho  is  to  deliver  Israel  is  a 
well-known  hero  of  the  day  whom  one  needs  not  mention 
byname  to  be  understood  when  alluding  to  him  (xli,  2  sqq.; 
25);  only  afterwards  is  his  name  given,  as  it  were,  casually 
(xliv,  28);  and  this  prince  is  spoken  of  as  already  in  move- 
ment (xli,  2;  xlv,  i).  It  should  also  be  noticed  that  "as 
part  of  an  argument  for  the  unique  divinity  of  the  God 
of  Israel,  Cyrus,  alive  and  irresistible,  and  already  accred- 
ited with  success,  is  pointed  out  as  the  unmistakable 
proof  that  former  prophecies  of  a  deliverance  for  Israel 
are  already  coming  to  pass.  Cyrus,  in  short,  is  not  pre- 
sented as  a  prediction,  but  as  a  proof  that  a  prediction  is 
being  fulfilled."^  This  suggests  that  chaps,  xl-lxvi  spring 
from  tlie  last  period  of  the  Babylonian  exile  :  Cyrus  has 
already  appeared,  and  is  about — according  to  a  new  pre- 
diction—to capture  Babylon  xlviii,  6;  xlv,  3).  It  is  be- 
cause the  return  from  Exile  is  so  near  at  hand,  so  abso- 
lutely certain,  that  the  prophet  bids  the  Exiles  to  be  com- 
forted, to  dispose  themselves  to  accept  the  approaching 
salvation,  and  be  ready  for  departure  from  Babylon  (ii-lii, 
12;  liv-lv;  xlviii,  20;  etc.).  Even  the  impenitent,  hardened 
sinners  are  threatened,  not  with  exile,  but  with  exclusion  from 
the  coming  deliverance  (Ixv,  13  sqq.;   etc.). 

All  these  data  supplied  by  the  second  section  of  Isaias 
suggest,  it  is  claimed,  to  the  mind  of  the  unbiassed  reader 
the   period   of   the   Babylonian   exile  as  that  of  the  writer 

*  G.  A.  Smith,  loc.  cit.,  p.  493. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  251 

and  of  his  contemporaries,  no  less  effectively  tlian  do  the 
following  words  of  Psalm  cxxxvi  (Heb.  cxxxvii):* 

By  the  streams  of  Babylon  we  sat  down  and  wep^ 
When  we  remembered  Sion, 


How  shall  we  sing  Yahweh's  song 
In  a  foreign  land  ? 

O  daughter  of  Babylon,  thou  doomed  one, 

Happy  he  that  pays  thee  back 

For  what  thou  hast  done  against  us  ! 

In  both  the  Deutero-Isaias  and  Psalm  cxxxvi  the  Cap- 
tivity is  presupposed,  not  foretold.  Both  chaps,  xl-lxvi 
and  Ps.  cxxxvi  have  no  inscription  in  the  original  text,  and 
belong  to  a  large  collection  which  has  been  ascribed  to 
great  names  in  Israel — Isaias  and  David  respectively;  but 
in  neither  case  is  the  fact  of  such  a  union,  as  indeed  of  the 
ascription  of  the  whole  collection  either  to  Isaias  or  to 
David,  sufficient  to  counterbalance  internal  evidence  which 
distinctly  points  to  a  later  period  as  the  date  of  composi- 
tion. In  neither  case,  therefore,  is  recourse  necessary  to 
such  a  supernatural  intervention  that  either  writer^  was 
actually  tra,ns]3orted  in  vision  out  of  his  own  time  onwards 
to  the  time  of  the  Exile;  and  being  thus  placed  by  the 
Spirit  of  God  in  an  ideal  present,  that  he  describes  the  cir- 
cumstances around  him  in  vision,  and  makes  that  ideal 
present  a  standi)oint  for  his  words  relative  to  the  past  or  to 
the  future.  This  theory  of  rapture  has  indeed  been  advo- 
cated,  in  regard  to  the  Deutero-Isaias,  by  several  conserva- 
tive scholars  of  the  nineteenth  century;  but  as  William 
Urwick — himself   a  defender  of  the  Isaianic   authorship — 

'  Cfr.  T.  K.  Cheynk,  Encyclop.  Eiblica.  vol.  ii,  col.  2203. 

2  Such  a  divine  intervention  as  would  have  enabled  David  to  write  Ps.  cxxxvi  is 
now  commonly  rejected  as  "a  groundless  conjecture."  (CI.  Fillion,  les  Psaumes, 
p.  609.     Paris,  1895.) 


252         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

writes:  "It  seems  too  much  like  an  expedient  to  meet  a 
difficulty;  and  Dean  Stanley  justly  describes  it  as  'a. 
hypothesis  without  any  other  example  in  the  Scriptures.' 
Hengstenberg  does  indeed  refer  to  Deuter.  xxxii,  to  the 
earlier  portions  of  Isaias,  and  to  the  minor  prophets,  where 
he  considers  this  theory  illustrated.  But  the  places  he 
refers  to  can  be  explained  without  it.  It  is,  in  fact,  a  bold 
conjecture  introduced  to  meet  an  apparent  difficulty."^ 

The  conjectural  character  of  the  theory  of  rapture 
appears  in  the  strongest  light  when  the  historical  stand- 
point of  the  writer  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi  is  judged  by  the 
"Analogy  of  Prophecy."  "The  prophet,"  says  Driver,^ 
"  to  whose  thrilling  words  we  listen  has  no  interest  in  the 
events  of  Isaias'  age;  the  deliverer,  Cyrus,  rivets  his  gaze; 
the  prospect  of  return  to  Sion  absorbs  his  thoughts. 
Judged  by  the  analogy  of  prophecy^  this  constitutes  the 
strongest  possible  ground  for  supposing  that  the  autlior 
actually  lived  in  the  period  which. he  thus  describes,  and  is 
not  merely  (as  has  been  surmised)  Isaias  immersed  in  spirit 
in  the  future,  and  holding  converse,  as  it  were,  with  the 
generations  yet  unborn.  Such  an  immersion  in  the  future 
would  be  not  only  without  parallel  in  the  Old  Testament;^ 
it  would  be  alien  itself  to  the  nature  of  prophecy.  As  has 
been  before  observed,  the  prophet  speaks  primarily  to  his 
contemporaries^  and  his  predictions  rest  upon  the  basis  of 
the  history  of  his  time.  This  principle  of  prophecy  can  be 
exemplified  most  readily  in  connection  with  the  Isaianic 
prophecies   in   chaps,    i-xxxix:    Isaias'  greatest  prophecies 

1  William  Urwick,  the  Servant  of  Jehovah,  p.  11.  Cfr.  also  Card  Meignan,  las 
Prophetes  d'Israel  et  le  Messie,  p.  246.  Father  Fillion,  as  already  stated,  calls  a  similar 
theory  in  legard  to  the  authorship  of  Ps.  cxxxvi  '•  a  groundless  conjecture." 

■^  Isaiah,  his  Life  and  Times   p.  185  sq 

3  " 'I'he  wTitings  of  the  prophets  supply  no  ana'ogy  for  such  a  snstniiied  transfer- 
ence to  the  future  as  wou'd  be  implied  if  chaps,  xl-l.wi  were  by  Isaias,  or  for  the  de- 
t (tiled  and  definite  description  of  the  circumstances  of  a  distant  age  "  (Driver,  Introd. 
to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  238). 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISATAS.  253 

have,  one  and  all,  as  their  human  orcasIonSj  the  crises  and 
circumstances  of  his  own  age.  The  same  principle  is  ob- 
served equally  in  the  case  of  the  other  propliets.  Jere- 
mias,  for  instance,  predicts  the  restoration  of  Israel;  but 
how  ?  He  predicts  first  the  exile,  then  the  restoration 
(chaps,  xxx-xxxiii);  but  he  never  abandons  his  own  his- 
torical position;  he  speaks  uniformly  from  the  period  in 
which  he  lives;  exile  and  restoration  are  alike  viewed  by. 
him  as  future.  Ezechiel,  in  prophecies  written  before  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem,  does  the  same  (chaps,  xvi,  xvii).  There 
is  no  analogy  for  the  case  of  a  prophet  transported  in  spirit 
to  a  future  age,  and  predicting//-^;;/  that  stajidpoi?it a  futuye 
remoter  still.  In  the  proj^hecy  before  us  (chaps,  xl-lxvi) 
there  is  x\o prediction  of  exile;  the  exile  is  not  announced  as 
something  yet  future,  it  is  presupposed.  Had  Isaias  been 
the  author,  he  would,  according  to  all  analogy,  have  pre- 
dicted both  the  exile  a7id  the  restoration.  He  would  have 
represented  both,  as  Jeremias  and  Ezechiel  do,  as  lying 
equally  in  the  future."^ 

2.  The  Evidence  of  Language  and   Style.     The 

foregoing  argument,  though  very  strong  in  itself,  is  rendered 
stronger  still  by  the  evidence  of  language  and  style.  Like 
almost  all  Biblical  writers — like  Osee,  Jeremias,  Ezechiel, 
in  the  Old  Testament;  the  Synoptists,  St.  John,  in  the 
New — Isaias  exhibits  in  the  prophecies  which  possess  an 
evident  reference  to  the  circumstances  of  his  time  well- 
marked  individualities  of  style.  He  has  a  preference  for  par- 
ticular words  and  turns  of  expression,  many  of  which  are 
used  by  no  other  writer  of  the  Old  Testament.  So  that  it 
is  only  natural  to  admit  that  the  chapters  in  the  book  of 
Isaias,  from   wliich  such   distinguishing  features  are  absent, 

'  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  prediction  of  the  Exile  in  Isai.  xx.xix  is  treated  as 
borrowed  from  IV  Kings,  togetlier  with  almost  all  the  rest  of  the  Historical  Ap- 
pendix to  the  1  irst  Isaias 


2  54         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT, 

and  in  which  new  phrases  and  images  repeatedly  occur  in* 
stead,  bear  the  impress  of  different  authorship.  In  this 
case  "  such  coincidence  cannot  be  accidental.  The  sub- 
ject of  chaps,  xl-lxvi  is  not  so  different  from  that  of  Isaias' 
prophecies  (e.g.)  against  the  Assyrians  as  to  necessitate  a 
new  phraseology  and  rhetorical  form:  the  differences  can 
only  be  reasonably  explained  by  the  supposition  of  a 
change  of  authors.  Isaias,  in  his  earliest,  as  in  his  latest, 
prophecies  (chaps,  xxix-xxxiii;  xxxvii,  22-32,  written  when 
he  must  have  been  at  least  sixty  years  of  age),  uses  the 
same  style  and  shows  a  preference  for  the  same  figures; 
and  the  change  of  subject  in  chaps,  xl-lxvi  is  not  suffi- 
ciently great  to  account  for  the  marked  differences  which 
show  themselves,  and  which  indeed  often  relate  to  points, 
such  as  the  form  and  construction  of  sentences,  which 
stand  in  no  appreciable  relation  to  the  subject  treated."^ 

The  following  are  examples  of  words  and  phrases  occur- 
ring repeatedly  in  Isaianic  chapters,  and  therefore  charac- 
teristic of  Isaias'  style,  but  never  found  in  chaps,  xl-lxvi i*^ 

1.  TAe  Lord  (Heb.  Ado7i\  Jehovah  of  Hosts:  i,  24;  iii,  i;  x,  16,  33; 
xix,  4.t 

2.  N'ot-gods  (elilim)  :  ii,  8,  18,  20;  x,  ii;  xix,  I,  3;  xxxi,  7. 

3.  The  figure  of  Yahweh's  showing  Himself  exalted  (ii,  1 1,  17; 
xxxiii,  5),  or  lofty  (v,  16),  or  arising  [ii,  19,  21 ;  xxviii,  21 ;  etc.;  or  lift- 
ing Himself  up  (XXX,  18;  xxxiii,  3,  10). 

4.  To  inotirn{'abal,  unusual  word):  iii,  26;  xix,  S.f 

5.  The  escaped  [or  body  of  fugitives):   iv,   2;  x,  20;  xv,  9;  xxxvii,  31, 

32. 

6.  A  trampling  down:  v,  5;  vii,  25;  x,  6;  xxviii,  18. 

7.  The  glory  of  a  nation,  especially  with  figures  signifying  its  dis- 
appearance or  decay:  v  13;  viii,  7;  x,  18;  xvi,  14;  xvii,  3,  4;  xxi,  16; 
xxii,  18. 

8.  Rottenness :  iii,  24;  v,  24."|' 

9.  Hay:  v,  24;  xxxiii,  ii.| 

1  Driver,  Intiod.  to  Literat.  of  Old  Test.,  p.  238. 

''This  list  is  substantially  the  one  given  by  Driver.  "  Isaiah,  his  Life  and  Times," 
p.  ig4  sq.     The  expressions  that  are  marked  t  are  used  only  by  Isaias. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  255 

10.  Dust  (not  the  usual  word):  v,  24;  xxix,  5.      Rare  besides. 

11.  The  figure  of  Yahweli's  hanel  stretched  out  against  a  nation  or 
part  of  the  earth:  v,  25;  ix,  12,  17,  21;  x,  4;  xiv,  26,  27;  xxiii,  11 ; 
xxxi,  3.  A  figure  used  also  by  other  writers  (e.g.  Exod.  vi,  6),  but 
applied  by  Isaiah  with  singular  picturesqueness  and  force. 

jj.    To  hiss  (as  a  signal):  v,  26;  vii,  18. 

13.  To  smear ^  of  the  eyes,  i.e.  to  blind  them:  vi,  10 ;  xxix,  9; 
xxxii,  3.t 

14.  To  be  ruined {wi\\xiU2.\  word):  vi,  ii  bis;  xxxvii,  26  (  =  II  Kings 
xix,  25).t 

15.  Figures  borrowed  from  haruest:  ix,  3  [Heb.  2];  xvii,  5,  II; 
xviii,  4. 

16.  Burden:  ix,  4  [Heb.  3];  x,  27;  xi,  25. f 

17.  To  spur  or  incite:  ix,  1 1  [Heb.  10];  xix,  7..-\  A  remarkable 
word. 

18.  The  thickets  of  the  forest:   ix,  18  [Heb.  17];    x,  34.-f 

19.  The  proverbial  phrase,  '■^  head  and  tail,  palm-branch  and rush^^: 
ix,  14  [Heb.  13];    xix,  15. f 

20.  The  figure  of  M^yiz/ reduced  to  leanness:  x,  16;    xvii,  4.f 

21.  Garden-land:  x,  18;  xvi,  10;  xxix,  17;  xxxii,  15,  16;  xxxvii, 
24.     Very  rare  besides. 

22.  Remnant:  x,  19,  20,  21,  22;  xi,  ii,  16;  xvi,  4;  xvii,  3;  xxi, 
17;  xxviii,  5;  and  in  the  proper  name,  Shearjashub,  vii,  3.  The 
term  expressing  Isaiah's  characteristic  teaching,  used  by  no  other 
prophet  except  (in  less  special  applications)  chap,  xiv,  22  ;  Soph,  i,  4  ; 
Mai.  ii,  15 ;  and  occurring  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testament  only  in 
Chron.,  Esdras,  Neh.,  Esther.  (The  term  used  generally  for  remnant  is 
different.) 

23.  A  consu7nmation  and  that  determitied:  x,  23;  xxviii,  22.  A 
peculiar  phrase;    only,  besides,  borrowed  from  Isaiah,  in  Dan.   ix,  27. 

24.  The  figure  of  the  j-rfj^r^v?.*    x,  26;    xxviii,  15,  18. 

25.  The  swinging  of  Jehovah's  hand:  xi,  15;  xix,  16:  cf.  xxx,  32 
("battles  of  swinging  "). 

26.  A  flying  fery  serpent:    xiv,  29;    xxx,  6.f 

27.  The  devastator:  xvi,  4;  xxi,  2;  xxxiii,  I.  So  devastated: 
XV,  I  bis;  xxiii,  I,  14.  (Not  very  common  besides,  except  in 
Jeremiah.) 

28.  Many  (an  uncommon  word,  not  the  one  usually  employed  in 
Hebrew):  xvi,  14;  xvii,  12;  xxviii,  2.  Only  seven  times  in  Job  be- 
sides. 


256         SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

29.  .A  treading  down:    xviii,  2.  7;   xxii,  5.f 

30.  To  wither  (not  the  ordinary  word):    xix,  6;    xxxiii.  g.-j* 

31.  TV  wrtir  (uncommon  word):    xxix,  7,  8;    xxxi,  4. 

This  list  might  be  readily  increased.  The  expressions  which  follow 
are  found  also  in  chaps,  xxiv-xxvii,  and  therefore,  so  far  as  they  go,  tend 
to  support  the  conjecture  that  these  chapters  embody  elements  derived 
from  Isaias  ;  but  they  never  occur  in  chaps,  xl  -Ixri. 

32.  Storm  (prop,  streaming  rain)  :  iv,  6;  xxviii,  2  bis;  xxx,  30, 
xxxii,  2.     Also  XXV,  4  bis.     Only  twice  besides  in  the  Old  Testament. 

33.  Briers  and  thorns  (an  alliterative  phrase):  v,  6;  vii,  23,  24, 
25;  and  figuratively,  ix,  18  [Heb.  17];  x,  17.  Also  xxvii,  4.  {Briers 
also  in  xxxii,  13;  neither  word  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testament.) 

34.  Little  (not  the  usual  word):  x,  25;  xvi,  14;  xxix,  17.  Only 
xxiv,  6  besides.  A  diminutive,  derived  from  the  same  root :  xxviii,  10, 
13;    only  besides  in  Job  xxxvi,  2. 

35.  To  Jlee  (not  one  of  the  words  most  commonly  used  to  express  this 
idea):  x,  31;  xvi,  2,  3;  xxi,  14,  15;  xxii,  3;  xxxiii,  3.  In  an  in- 
tensive form,  xxiv,  20. 

As  there  are  numerous  features  characteristic  of  Isaias* 
style  absent  from  chaps,  xl-lxvi,  so,  conversely,  many  words 
and  phrases  appear  exclusively  in  these  chapters  (some- 
times also  in  chaps,  xiii  sq.,  and  xxxiv  sq.),  and  are  never 
found  in  the  prophecies  which  give  independent  evidence 
of  belonging  to  Isaias'  own  time.     Thus:  ^ 

1.  To  choose^  of  God's  choice  of  Israel:  4I''"',  43'°,  44^*'  (cf.  42^,  49"^, 
of  the  ideal,  individualized  nation);  my  chosen,  43^0^  45*,  659"i5  22^ 
So  14I. 

2.  Praise  (subst.  and  verb):    428-io-i2,  4321,  439,   6o6-i8,  6i'-^i,  62T-9, 

63^  6410. 

3.  To  shoot  ox  spring  forth:  44,55^",  6i^'*;  esp.  metaphorically — 
{a)  of  a  moral  state,  45",  58^,  6i^^*>  ;  {b)  of  an  event  manifesting  itself  in 
history  (not  so  elsewhere),  42',  43^^. 

•  The  list  given  is  taken  from  Driver,  Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  Old  Test.  p.  238 
sqq.  For  fuller  information,  see  T.  K.Chkynk,  Introd.  to  the  Book  of  Isaiah,  pp. 
355-271  (London,  1895). 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  2  57 

4  To  break  out  into  si)iging  :  44--'',  49''*,  52",  54\  55'2.  Also  14'. 
Only  Ps.  98*  besides. 

5.  Pleasure:  (a)  of  Yahweh's  purpose,  44-*^,  46'",  48'^,  53'"  ;  {h)  01 
human  purpose  or  business,  58^*^''.     More  generally,  54>-',  Sa*. 

6.  Goodzvill,  acceptance  {God's):  49',  56',  58%  6o*o,  6i2. 

7.  T/iy  sons — the  prorxoun  being  feminine  and  referring  to  Sion : 
49"-22-25^  5120,  54'=*,  6o-*-9,  625 ;  cf.  66^  Isaias,  when  lie  uses  the  same 
word,  always  says  sons  absolutely,  the  implicit  reference  being  to  God 
(Dt.  14I):    so  i2-i,  301-9. 

8.  To  rejoice:  6110,  62^,  64^  65I8  i9,  66to.u.     Also  35I. 

9.  The  phrases,  /  am  Ya/nveh,  and  there  is  none  else  (or  besides): 
^^5.6.18.21.22.  J  a7n  the  first,  and  I  am  the  last:  44«,  48^2  ;  cf.  41-1;  I  am  thy 
God,  thy  Saviour^  etc.:  4Il"•^•^  43'',  48i^*>,  61^;  I  am  He,  i.e.  He  who  is, 
opp.  to  the  unreal  gods  of  the  heathen  (from  Dt.  32-^9):  41'*'',  43 '"'••'•\ 
46^,  48^2^     ]sJq  such  phrases  are  ever  used  by  Isaias. 

10.  The  combination  of  the  Divine  name  with  a  participial  epithet 
(in  the  English  version  often  represented  by  a  relative  clause):  e.g. 
Creator  (or  stretcher -out)  of  the  heavens  or  the  earth:  402^,42^,  442*'' ^4^7.18^ 
5 1^3;  creator  or  former  of  Israel:  43^■'^  44^■^^  45^^49^;  thy  Savior:  4926, 
60^6.  thy  {your,  IsraePs)  redeemer:  43^^,  442*,  48i^a^  497^  ^48.  comp. 
4o22f,  42i6f^  4425-28,  461%  5 1^5,  56*,  63i2f.  Isaias  never  casts  his  thought 
into  this  form. 

The  following  words,  though  found  once  or  twice  each 
'.n  Isaias,  are  destitute  there  of  any  special  force  or  signifi- 
cance, whereas  in  chaps,  xl-lxvi  they  occur  frequently,  some- 
times with  a  particular  nuance,  or  shade  of  meaning,  which 
is  foreign  to  the  usage  of  Isaias: 

1.  Isles  or  coast:  used  representatively  of  distant  regions  of  the 
earth:  40'^,  41' -^  42*-io-i2.i5^  491^  ^iS^  ^gis^  go^  6Q^.  In  Isaias,  ii" 
(also  24!^)^  where  it  is  used  in  its  primary  sense  (Gen.  lo^)  of  the  isles 
and  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  The  application  in  c.  40--66  is  a 
marked  extension  of  the  usage  of  Isaias. 

2.  Nought  (not  the  ordinary  word);  401',  41^2.29^  45^-^"*,  46^  47^"'°,  52^ 
54'^.  Also  34^2_  Ij^  Isaias,  5^  only  (where,  however,  the  original  signi- 
fication of  the  word  is  still  perceptible). 

3.  To  create:  4026-28^  4120^  426,  43l•'•^^  457.8.12.18^  54I6  5719^  6^17.18. 
In  Isaias,  only  4*  in  a  limited  application.  The  prominence  given  to 
the  idea  of  creation  in  c.  40-66  is  very  noticeable. 


258         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

4.  (9^/r/;;^.- 42^  44',  48'^,  61^,  652'\  In  Isaias,  22^*,  Also  34^.  Rather 
a  peculiar  word.  The  usage  in  c.  40-66  is  wider  and  more  general 
than  that  in  222*,  and  agrees  with  the  usage  of  the  hook  of  Job,  5^5,  21*, 
27U   2i8.      The  word  does  not  occur  elsewhere. 

5.  Justice  emphasized  as  a  principle  guiding  and  determining  God's 
action:  4i2-io«>^  42^1,  45^^-^',  51^;  cf.  582i>.  The  peculiar  stress  laid  upon 
this  principle  is  almost  confined  to  these  chapters;  comp.  however, 
Hos.  2i9  [Heb.  21]. 

6.  The  arm  of  YaJnueh  ■  5i5b-9,  5210,  53I,  5916b  (cf.  40IO),  628,  Cy-^"^. 
Hence  Ps.  98^  (see  59'^,  52^^).  In  Isaias,  30^^.  But  observe  the  greater 
independence  of  the  figure  as  applied  in  C.  40-66. 

7.  To  deck,  or  (in  the  reflexive  conjunction)  to  deck  oneself,  i.e.  to 
glory y  especially  of  Yahweh,  either  glorifying  Israel,  or  glorifying  Him- 
self in  Israel:  44'^^,  49^.  55^,  6o"-9-i^'2i,  61=^.  In  Isaias,  only  lO^^  of  the 
saw  vaunting  itself  against  its  user. 

8.  The  future  gracious  relation  of  Yahweh  to  Israel  represented  as  a 
covenant:  42*  (  —49^),  54^^  55^,  59-',  61^.  In  28i5-i^  33^  the  word  is 
used  merely  in  the  sense  of  a  treaty  or  compact.  Isaias,  often  as  he 
speaks  of  a  future  state  of  grace,  to  be  enjoyed  by  his  people,  never 
represents  it  under  the  form  of  a  covenant. 

9.  Yea,  used  with  strong  rhetorical  force  25  times  from  402-*  to  48^*. 
In  Isaias,  only  33^.     Elsewhere  in  the  book,  268-9 '^i,  ^^z^ 

There  in  addition  several  words  and  idioms  occurring  in 
c.  40-66  which  point  to  a  later  period  of  the  language  than 
Isaias'  age,  for  which  it  must  suffice  to  refer  to  Cheyne» 
Isaiah^  ii.  257  f.  (more  fully  Introd.  pp.  255-270),  or  Dillm 

P-  353-  •  •  • 

As  features  of  style  may  be  noticed  : 

1.  The  duplication  of  words,  significant  of  the  impassioned  ardor  or 
the  preacher:  4o\  43^'-25,  4811-15,  519.12.17^  ^^x.w^  576•l*•l^  6210"!%  65'. 
Very  characteristic  of  this  prophecy;  in  Isaias  the  only  examples — and 
those  but  partly  parallel — are  8^'>    [21^],  29I. 

2.  A  habit  of  repeating  the  same  word  or  words  in  adjacent  clauses 
or  verses;  thus  4012''  (regulated);  v.i-^  e"*!  and  v.  1*  ^^^  (taught  him);  v.i* 
(instructed  him);  40^1  and  41I  (renewed  strength);  v.^^  (courage, 
encourage);  v.^f  (have  chosen  thee);  v.i^f  (I  have  holpen  thee);  45*^ 
(hast  not  known  me);  v.^f  (and  none  else);  50^  and  ^  (will  help  me);  53^ 
(despised);  e."    (esteemed  him);  v.'' (opened  not  his  mouth);  581^    (thine 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  259 

own  pleasure);  59^  (peace);  61''  (double).  The  attentive  reader  of  the 
Hebrew  will  notice  further  instances.  Very  rare  indeed  in  Isaias  ;  cf. 
i'  (desolate);  17^  (ears);  32^^^  (peace). 

3.  Differences  in  the  structure  of  sentences,  e.g.  the  relative  particle 
omitted  with  much  greater  frequency  than  by  Isaias. 

Finally,  in  order,  as  it  were,  to  clinch  the  argument  from 
style,  the  opponents  of  the  Isaianic  authorship  point  out 
many  literary  features  of  a  more  general  character  marking 
off  the  writer  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi  from  the  prophet  Isaias. 
The  style  of  the  Deutero-Isaias  they  describe  as  more  flow- 
ing; his  eloquence  is  warmer  and  bursting  out  more  easily 
into  a  lyric  strain.  His  imagery,  we  are  told,  is  drawn  par- 
ticularly from  the  sphere  of  human  emotion,  and  his  fond- 
ness for  figures  taken  from  such  sources  is  most  evident  in 
his  numerous  examples  of  perscnification  :  of  Sion,  for  ex- 
ample, as  a  bride,  a  mother,  a  widow;  etc.^ 

3.  The  Theological  Ideas  of  Chaps,  xl-lxvi.  Who- 
ever admits  such  differences  in  language  and  style  between 
chaps,  xl-lxvi  and  the  prophecies  of  Isaias  as  to  bear  out 
the  view  that  an  interval  of  nearly  a  century  and  a  half 
elapsed  between  the  composition  of  the  two  writings  will 
naturally  expect  to  find  proportionate  differences  between 
them  with  respect  to  theological  ideas.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
opponents  of  the  Isaianic  authorship  think  that,  when 
closely  examined,  the  two  parts  of  Isaias  are  found  to  differ 
in  such  a  way  as  to  imply  a  real  development  of  religi<nis 
doctrines,  which  points  to  two  different  periods  of  Jewish 
history.  The  following  words  of  one  prominent  among 
them  '  contain  a  short  but  substantial  presentation  of  thij 
argument  :  *'  The  theological  ideas oi  chaps,  xl-lxvi  (in  so  far 

^  For  details,  cfr.  Driver,  Introd.  to  Literal,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  241  sq.;  Chey.ni  , 
Introduction  to  Isaiah  ;  etc. 

*  Driver,  ioc.  cit.,  p.  242  sq.  For  particulars,  see  Driver's  Isaiah,  his  Life  and 
Times,  pp.  168-180;  A.  B.  Davidson,  in  "the  Expositor  "  for  1883  and  1884  ;  G.  A. 
Smith,  the  Book  of  Isaiah,  in  •'  the  E.\positor's  Bible  ";  etc. 


2  60         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

as  they  are  not  of  that  fundamental  kind  common  to  the 
prophets  generally)  differ  remarkably  from  those  which  ap- 
pear, from  chaps,  i-xxxix,  to  be  distinctive  of  Isaias.  Thus 
on  the  nature  of  God  generally,  the  ideas  expressed  are 
much  larger  and  fuller.  Isaias,  for  instance,  depicts  the 
majesty  of  Yahweh;  in  chaps,  xl-lxvi  the  prophet  empha- 
sizes His  mfi7iitude;  He  is  the  Creator,  the  Sustainer  of  the 
universe,  the  Life-Giver,  the  Author  of  history  (xli,  4),  the 
First  and  the  Last,  the  Incomparable  One.  This  is  a  real 
difference.  And  yet  it  cannot  be  argued  that  opportunities 
for  such  assertions  of  Yahweh's  power  and  Godhead  would 
not  have  presented  themselves  naturally  to  Isaias  whilst  he 
was  engaged  in  defying  the  armies  of  Assyria.  But,  in 
truth,  chaps,  xl-lxvi  show  an  advance  upon  Isaias,  not  only 
in  the  substance  of  their  theology,  but  also  in  the  form  in 
which  it  is  presented;  truths  which  are  merely  affirmed  in 
Isaias  being  here  made  the  subject  of  reflection  and  argu- 
ment. Again,  the  doctrine  of  the  preservation  from  judg- 
ment of  a  faithful  remnant  is  characteristic  of  Isaias.  It 
appears  both  in  his  first  prophecy  and  in  his  last  (vi,  13; 
xxvii,  31  sq.)  :  in  chaps  xl-lxvi,  if  it  is  present  once  or  twice 
by  implication  (lix,  20  ;  Ix,  8sq.),  it  is  no  distinctive  element 
in  the  author's  teaching  ;  it  is  not  expressed  in  Isaias' 
terminology  (Heb.  S/f'ar:  x,  20-22;  xi,  11,  16;  xvi,  4; 
xvii,  3;  xxi,  17;  xxviii,  5;  cfr.  vii,  3),  and  it  is  not  more 
prominent  than  in  the  writings  of  any  other  prophets.  The 
relation  of  Israel  to  Yahweh — its  choice  by  Him,  its  destiny, 
the  purpose  of  its  call — is  developed  in  different  terms  and 
under  different  conceptions  ^  from  those  used  by  Isaias  : 
the  figure  of  the  Messias  King  (Isai.  ix,  6,  7;  xi,  i  sqq.)  is 
absent;  the  prophet  associates  his  view  of  the  future  with  a 

'  Israel  is  Yahweh's  servant,  entrusted  by  Him  with  the  discharge  of  a  sacred  mis- 
sion, and  hence  cannot  now  be  disowned  by  its  Divine  Lord  (xli,  8-10 ;  xlii,  19  sq.; 
xliii,  10;  xliv,  1  sq.,  2r  ;  xlv,  4  ;  xlviii,  20). 


THE    BOUi     OF    ISA  IAS.  26 1 

figure  of  very  different  character,  Yaliweh's  righteous  Ser- 
vant/ which  is  closely  connected  with  his  own  distinctive 
view  of  Israel's  destiny.^  The  Divine  purpose  in  relation  to 
the  nations,  especially  in  connection  with  the  prophetic 
mission  of  Israel,  is  more  comprehensively  developed.^  The 
prophet,  in  a  word,  in  whatever  elements  of  his  teacliing  are 
distinctive,  moves  in  a  different  region  of  thought  from 
Isaias;  he  apprehends  and  emphasizes  different  aspects  of 
divine  truth."  "  He  is  a  later  writer  expanding  and  devel- 
oping, in  virtue  of  the  fuller  measure  of  inspiration  vouch- 
safed to  him,  elements  due,  perhaps,  originally  to  a  prede- 
cessor." *  Finally,  to  a  certain  point,  a  relation  may  be 
traced  between  the  truths  which  that  later  writer  emphasizes 
and  his  historical  situation.  Throughout  chaps,  xl-xlviii, 
for  instance,  the  prophet's  aim  is  to  vindicate,  as  against  the 
pretensions  of  idolatry,  Yahweh's  true  Deity,  and  he  carries 
cut  his  purpose  with  a  vigor  hardly  equalled  in  any  other 
writing  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  reason  of  this  is  natu- 
rally found  in  the  circumstances  of  the  time  and  place  : 
idolatry  was  practised  in  Babylon  with  an  imposing  magni- 
ficence and  completeness,  and  idolaters  boasted  that  their 
gods  were  more  powerful  and  wise  than  Yahweh,  whom 
they  considered  as  conquered,  together  with  His  people,  by 
the  Babylonian  deities.  In  like  manner  the  peculiar  feat- 
ures noticeable  in  Israel's  mission  to  the  nations  and  in  the 
picture  of  "  Yahweh's  Servant,"  etc.,  in   the  Deutero-Isaias 


^  Isai.  xlii,  t  sqq  ;  xlix,  i  sqq.;  1,  4-q ;  lii,  is-liii.  12  ;  Ixi,  1-3. 

2  To  say  that  the  figure  of  the  ideal  Servant  of  chaps  xl  Ixvi  is  an  advance  upon 
that  of  the  Messianic  King  of  Isaias  is  not  correct.  It  sliould  not  be  considered  as  a 
direct  continuation,  tliough  perhaps  fuller,  of  one  and  the  same  idea.  It  starts  from  a 
different  origin  altogether  :  \\.'\%  parallel  Xo\\.,  not  a  continuation  of  it.  I'oth  repre- 
sentations meet  and  are  fulfilled  in  the  person  of  Our  l.ord  Jesus  Christ,  but  in  the  Ud 
Testament  they  are  distinct. 

=*  Israel  in  its  ideal  character  is  to  be  the  medium  of  religious  instruction  to  the 
world:  xlii,  i,  4,  6;  xlix,  6;  etc. 

*  Dkivkr.  Isaiah,  his  Life  and  Times    p.    (.7. 


262         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

are  manifestly  in  relation  with  the  corresponding  conditions 
under  which  chaps,  xl-lxvi  were  composed.  And  all  this 
points  to  a  later  period  in  Jewish  history  as  the  special 
period  in  which  the  author  of  the  second  part  of  Isaias  lived 
and  carried  out  his  mission  of  consolation  to  Israel. 

§  4,   Coficludmg  Remarks, 

The  foregoing  exposition  of  the  arguments  which  are 
nowadays  appealed  to  for  or  agaitist  the  Isaianic  authorship 
of  chaps,  xl-lxvi  suggests  a  few  general  conclusions.  In  the 
first  place,  it  is,  to  say  the  least,  misleading  on  the  part  of 
certain  conservative  writers  baldly  to  affirm  that  the  argu- 
ments set  forth  against  the  authorship  are  not  worth  taking 
into  account,  that  the  true  reason  for  which  the  authorship 
is  rejected  is  rationalistic  bias,  etc.  Arguments  w^hich 
have  been  tested  and  accepted  by  the  great  majority  of 
contemporary  scholars  should  not  be  set  aside  so  lightly; 
and  indeed  the  foregoing  exposition  of  such  arguments, 
however  brief,  proves  that  they  are  worthy  of  serious  con- 
sideration. Many  sections  in  chaps,  xl-lxvi  bear  the  dis- 
tinct impress  of  the  Babylonian  exile,  so  that  it  is  no  less 
difficult  to  ascribe  them  to  the  prophet  Isaias  than  it  would 
be  to  consider  David  as  the  writer  of  the  Psalm  "  Super 
Flumina  Babylonis"  (Ps.  cxxxvi).  Again,  certain  differ- 
ences of  style  and  thought  must  needs  be  granted  between 
the  two  parts  of  the  book,  and  the  question  is  certainly 
worth  considering  which  of  the  resemblances  and  of  the 
differences  in  language,  thought,  etc.,  are  truly  predominat- 
ing, and  therefore  telling  either /^r  or  against  the  Isaianic 
authorship.  And  let  it  be  borne  in  mind  that,  once  several 
large  sections  are  granted  to  be  exilic,  the  whole  second 
part,  as  it  now  stands,  cannot  be  regarded  as  Isaianic.  It 
is  indeed  true  that,  chiefly  in  the  early  infancy  of  Biblical 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  263 

criticism,  some  Rationalists  have  simply  denied  the  aiuhor- 
ship  because  the  second  part  of  the  book,  if  granted  to  l)e 
Isaianic,  would  contain  true,  supernatural  prophecies.  ]]ut 
all  genuine  scholars  of  the  day  have  discarded  sucli  ration- 
alistic bias  and  simply  weighed  the  arguments /<?;-  or  agatfist 
the  authorship  on  their  own  merit.  Besides,  it  is  clear 
that  to  admit  that  the  second  part  of  the  book  of  Isaias  is 
the  w'ork  of  an  author  writing  toward  the  close  of  the  exile, 
and  predicting  the  approaching  conquest  of  Babylon  by 
Cyrus,  just  as  Isaias  predicted  the  deliverance  of  Jerusalem 
from  Sennacherib,  far  from  impairing  the  theological  value 
of  the  prophecy,  rather  enhances  it.  It  enables  one  to 
point  out  in  a  more  convincing  manner  how  the  whole  tone 
of  the  prophecy  of  the  future  capture  of  Babylon  is  a  firm 
ground  for  admitting  that  it  is  prior  to  the  events  which  it 
declares  to  be  approaching.^  Nor  are  the  Messianic  pre- 
dictions contained  in  chaps,  xl-lxvi  done  away  with  or 
even  \veakened  by  the  denial  of  the  Isaianic  authorship. 
For,  as  Father  Corluy,  S.J.,^  well  says:  "Even  though 
those  chapters  should  not  be  ascribed  to  the  son  of  Amos, 
but  to  some  '  Great  Unknown'  contemporary  with  the  re- 
turn from  Babylon,  it  would  remain  true,  all  the  same,  that 
in  those  sacred  pages  the  life,  passion,  and  violent  death  of 
the  Messias  are  foretold  several  centuries  before  they  came 
to  pass,  and  that  consequently  the  finger  of  God  is  there." 

In  the  second  place,  several  defenders — and  even  some 
opponents — of  the  Isaianic  authorship  have  remarked  that 
to  put  the  composition  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi  in  immediate  con- 
nection with  the  Babylonian  captivity  is  to  make  it  impos- 
sible to  explain  how  the  name  of  the  author  of  such  mag- 
nificent prophecies  was  allowed  to  drop  into  oblivion.     Tlie 

1  For  valuable  remarks  on  this  particular  point,  see  Dkiver,  Introd.  to  I.i:erat.  of 
Old  Test.,  p.  243. 

^  "  La  Science  Catholique  ''  for  i\Iarch  i88g.  See  also  Bp.  HANNKBiiH(;"s  lemarks 
to  the  same  effect  (Histoire  de  la  Revelation  IJiblique,  vol.  i,  p.  336)  (French  Translj. 


264         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

prophetical  writings  of  the  Exile  and  of  the  period  imme- 
diately after  the  Exile  are,  it  is  said,  not  anonymous,  and 
a  mistaken  ascription  to  Isaias  of  chaps,  xl-lxvi  by  Eccle- 
siasticus  so  near  the  supposed  date  of  composition  is 
well-nigh  inconceivable.  Whence  it  is  inferred  that  the 
external  evidence  in  favor  of  the  authorship  should  be  con- 
sidered as  valid.  And  yet,  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that 
Jewish  tradition  oftentimes  ascribed  to  the  great  men  of 
Israel,  such  as  David,  Solomon,  Esdras,  etc.,  works  which, 
in  whole  or  in  part,  they  certainly  never  wrote,  its  testi- 
mony for  the  Isaianic  authorship  loses  much  of  its  ap- 
parent cogency.  As  we  shall  see  in  the  sequel,  the  value 
of  the  traditional  title  to  the  prophecies  of  Zacharias  is 
not  beyond  question,  and  this  seems  also  to  be  the  case 
with  the  contents  of  other  prophetical  writings  whose 
authorship  was  formerly  taken  too  easily  for  granted,  see- 
ing that  internal  evidence  clearly  points  to  their  compila- 
tory  character.  The  testimony  of  the  sacred  writer  of 
Ecclesiasticus,  which  is  the  oldest  on  record  in  regard  to 
the  Isaianic  authorship,  does  not  necessarily  prove  that 
authorship.  It  may  be  understood  as  simply  bearing  wit- 
ness to  the  fact  that  the  two  parts  of  this  book  were  already 
put  together  as  they  are. in  the  present  day,  and  regarded 
at  that  late  date — about  180  b.c. — as  written  by  the  great 
prophet  Isaias.  Even  granting  that  the  compiler  of  the 
second  part  of  Isaias  did  not  purposely  imitate  Isaias'  style, 
and  omit  his  own  name,  in  order  that  his  work  of  compila- 
tion might  enjoy  greater  authority  in  the  eyes  of  his  con- 
temporaries, it  is  not  improbable  that  the  resemblances  of 
style  and  thought  between  the  two  parts  of  the  book,  to- 
gether with  other  less  important  reasons,  led  the  editor  of 
the  whole  work  to  put  side  by  side  the  Deutero-  with  the 
Proto-Isaias,  and  to  include  them  all  under  the  same  com- 
mon title  of  Isaias,  as  one  single  work:  parallel  cases  exist 


THE    BOOK    OF    ISAIAS.  265 

in  regard  to  other  Old  Testament  writings,  and  in  all  such 
cases  the  compilatory  character  of  a  book  is  chiefly  made 
out  by  a  careful  study  of  internal  evidence. 

Lastly,  whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  value  of  the 
arguments  set  forth  by  the  opponents  of  the  authorshij),  it 
must  be  granted  that  the  question  itself  is  one  not  settled 
by  the  authority  of  the  Church.  "It  does  not  matter," 
says  Card.  Newman  in  this  connection,  *Svhether  one  or 
two  Isaias  wrote  the  book  which  bears  that  prophet's  name, 
the  Church,  without  settling  this  point,  pronounces  it  in- 
spired.^ And  in  a  like  strain  Card.  Meignan,^  whose  words 
are  quoted  by  several  Catholic  scholars,  writes:  "One  can, 
without  being  open  to  the  charge  of  heterodoxy,  defend 
the  thesis  against  which  we  have  declared  ourselves." 

The  probable  manner  in  which,  on  the  basis  of  its  com- 
pilatory character,  the  book  of  Isaias  gradually  assumed  its 
present  form  is  described  in  a  concise  way  by  W.  H. 
Bennett,  "A  Primer  of  the  Bible,"  pp.  77-79. 

'J.  H.  Newman,   on  the  Inspiration  of  Scripture,  in  "the  Nineteenth  Centxiry,'' 
Feb.  1884,  p.  196. 
2  Card.  Mkignan,  les  Prophetes  d'Israel  et  le  Messie,  p.  359  sq. 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  XII. 
Jeremias,  Lamentations,  and  Baruch. 


I. 

The  Prophecies 

OF 

Jeremias : 


I.   Preliminary  Remarks  :  The  Life  and  Times  of 
the  Prophet. 


2.  Contents; 


3.  Authorship 


General  Characteristics  (Proph- 
ecy and  Biography  Combined, 
etc.). 

Many  proposed  Divisions  Un- 
satisfactory. 

Summary  of  Contents  of  Princi- 
pal Sections. 

The  Great  Bulk  of  the  Book 
unquestionably  Genuine. 

Arguments  For  and  Against 
Authorship  of  Certain 
Parts. 

The  Literary  Method  of  Com- 
position. 


4.     Hebrew  and  Sep 


(  Resemblances  and  Differ- 


tuagint  Texts  :    |  ^^^^^^^{^^  Value. 


IL 

The  Book  of     ^ 


1.  Title  and  Place  in  the  Canon. 

2.  Literary  Form  and  Chief  Contents. 


Lamentations  :    |   3-   Arguments  For  and  Against  Jeremian  Author- 


ship. 


m. 

The  Prophecy    -l 
OF  Baruch  : 


the    Book 


r  Leading  Sections  of 

1.  Contents  of  J        Proper  (i-v). 

the  Book:   1    The  Appended  Letter  of  Jere- 
[       mias  (Baruch  vi). 

2.  Original  Language  and  Unity  of  Composition. 


3.  Authorship  and  Date. 
266 


CHAPTER  XII. 

JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH. 

§  I .    The  Prophecies  of  Jere7nias 

I.  The  Life  and  Times  of  the  Prophet.  Jeremias 
(Heb.  Yirmyahu,  shorter  form  Yir7)fyah^  whence  'lepe^iaZ. 
Jeremias),  the  second  of  the  greater  prophets  in  the  Septu- 
agint  and  the  Vulgate,  was  of  priestly  descent.  He  is  de- 
scribed (Jerem.  i,  i)  as  "  the  son  of  Helcias,^  of  the  priests 
residing  at  Anathoth,"  a  town  some  three  miles  northeast 
of  Jerusalem.  He  was  called  to  the  prophetical  office  in 
the  thirteenth  year  of  King  Josias^  (626  B.C.,  five  years  be- 
fore the  discovery  of  the  "  Book  of  the  Law  "  by  the  high 
priest  Helcias),  and  probably  exercised  his  ministry  as  a 
prophet  in  his  native  town  for  some  time.^  He  was  still 
young  when  he  received  his  mission,  so  that  he  must 
have  been  born  under  Manasses  and  grown  up  under  the 
reaction  which  that  idolatrous  king  had  inaugurated  against 
Isaias'  teaching,  and  which  seems  to  have  won  over  princes, 
prophets,  and  priests.  Against  this  baneful  influence  the 
faithful  prophets  of  Yahweh,  Sophonias  and  Jeremias,  set 
themselves,  under  Josias,  the  pious  successor  of  Manasses. 
Jeremias  thus  promoted  the  religious  movement  which 
culminated  in  the  reforms  of  Josias  and  the  establishment 

'  Jeremias"  father  was  called  Helcias,  like  the  high  priest  who  found  the  "  Book  of 
the  Law  "  in  the  Temple  under  Josias,  but  should  not  be  considered  as  one  and  the 
same  person  with  him. 

2  Cfr.  Jerem.  i,  2  ;  xxv,  3. 

'  Jerem.  xi,  21. 

267 


205  SPECIAL    INTR0DUCT:3\    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

of  the  Deuteronomic  La-v,  but  also  drew  upon  himself  the 
hatred  of  the  heathenizing  party.  In  fact,  except  perhaps 
during  the  remainder  cf  Josias'  reign,  the  ministry  of  Jere- 
mias  was  thwarted  by  that  faction  which  was  Egyptian  in 
l)olitics  and  heae.'.enizing  in  religion,  while  he  fearlessly 
stood  up  for  Yahweh's  pure  worship  and  for  Babylonian 
influence  in  the  affairs  of  his  country.  Well  indeed  might 
he  lament  the  defeat  and  death  of  Josias  on  the  battle-field 
of  IMageddo,^  for  it  was  construed  by  his  enemies  into  a 
distinct  repudiation  by  heaven  of  the  Deuteronomic  re- 
forms, of  Jeremias  himself  and  his  political  views.  The 
Egyptian  party  regained  its  supremacy  under  Joakim,  the 
Judean  appointee  of  the  Egyptian  monarch,  Nechao.  It  is 
true  that  Nechao's  defeat  at  Carchemis  by  Nabuchodonosor 
placed  Western  Asia  once  more  at  the  disposal  of  the  Baby- 
lonian kings,  and  showed  the  wisdom  of  the  policy  advo- 
cated by  Jeremias  and  his  friends.  But  despite  Jeremias' 
counsels,  and  though  maintained  on  the  Jewish  throne  by  the 
Babylonian  monarch,  Joakim  never  accepted  fully  his  con- 
dition of  Babylonian  vassalage.  In  vain  did  Jeremias  battle 
against  the  pro-Egyptian  policy  of  the  government,  do  his 
best  to  purify  social  life  and  the  administration  of  justice, 
and  to  reform  religious  faith  and  worship,  threatening  his 
contemporaries  even  with  the  future  destruction  of  Jerusa- 
lem and  its  Temple.  He  was  universally  unpopular  and  at 
times  barely  escaped  with  his  life.  At  length  Joakim  re- 
belled, but  died  just  in  time  to  escape  the  vengeance  of 
Nabuchodonosor.  His  son  and  successor,  Joachim,  paid 
the  penalty  for  the  revolt  :  the  Holy  City  w^as  besieged,  the 
king  surrendered  at  discretion,  and  he,  together  with  tlie 
queen,  the  principal  members  of  the  court,  and  the  leading 
citizens  of  Jerusalem,  were  led  to  exile  in  Babylonia. 
Sedecias,  Joachim's  uncle,  swore  allegiance  to  Nabuchod- 

1  Cfr.  II  Paralip.  xxxv,  24,  25. 


JEREMIAS,  LAMENTATIONS,  AND  BAKUCH.         269 

onosor  and  became  king  of  Juda.  Soon,  however,  he  con^- 
promised  himself  by  negotiations  vvitli  Pharao  Oi)lira,  despite 
the  solemn  warnings  of  Jeremias.  This  led  to  a  fresh  Baby- 
lonian invasion  and  a  new  siege  of  Jerusalem.  Yahweh's 
l^rophet  then  proclaimed  the  success  of  the  enemy,  urged 
the  king  to  submit,  and  declared  those  only  safe  who  would 
desert  to  the  besiegers.  He  was  therefore  imprisoned  as  a 
traitor  and  nearly  starved  to  death.  After  the  surrender  of 
the  Holy  City  the  victors  allowed  him  to  remain  where  he 
pleased.  He  threw  in  his  lot  with  the  Jewish  population 
which  was  left  in  Juda,  but  was  carried  by  them  into  Egypt, 
where  they  withdrew  for  fear  of  Nabuchodonosor.  It  is  not 
improbable  that,  tired  with  his  denunciations  of  their  idol- 
atry, these  Jewish  refugees  stoned  him  to  death  ;  ^  but  tra- 
ditions regarding  the  manner  of  his  death  are  conflicting.^ 

2.  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Jeremias.  The  fore- 
going account  of  the  Life  and  Times  of  the  prophet  Jere- 
mias is  almost  entirely  derived  from  the  contents  of  his 
prophecies.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  book  of  Jere- 
mias presents  among  its  general  characteristics  a  wonderful 
combination  of  prophetical  oracles  and  historical  narratives. 
In  no  other  prophetical  writing  is  tne  history  of  the  period 
— of  the  principal  parties  in  Juda  and  their  leaders  ;  of  the 
fears  and  hopes  of  the  people  at  large  ;  of  the  various  events 
of  the  time,  great  and  small,  and  of  their  consequences;  of 
the  persecutions  raised  against  Jeremias,  their  cause,  their 
development;  etc. — set  forth  in  such  detail  and  so  mingled 
with  the  public  discourses  of  the  prophet.  Numerous 
sections,  some  of  them  considerable  in  extent  (for  instance, 

'  Cfr.  Tertui.lian,  Scorpiace,  chap,  viii  ;  St.  Jerome,  against  Jovinian,  ii,  3 
(MiGNH,  P.  Lat.,  vol.  xxiii,  col.  335)  ;  etc. 

"^  "  The  ascription  to  Jeremias  of  Deuteronomy,  Kings,  certain  Psalms,  etc..  rests  on 
no  good  evidence.  Jeremias  has  often  been  held  to  be  the  original  picture  of  the  Suf- 
fering Servant  of  Yahweh,  Isaias  liii."  (W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introduction, 
p.  197,  footn.  3.) 


270         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

chaps,  xxxvi-xlv),  are  thus  taken  up  with  narrations  which 
bear  the  manifest  impress  of  being  accounts  contemporary 
with  the  events  described,  and  give  to  the  entire  book,  not 
the  appearance  of  what  we  should  term  ^'  a  collection  of 
Jeremias'  prophecies,  but  a  rough  equivalent  of  what  we 
should  call  'The  Life,  Times,  and  Works  of  Jeremias,'  "  ^ 

The  twofold  element — prophetical  and  historical — which 
is  thus  remarkably  combined  in  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias 
is  also  steeped  in  that  melancholy  which  forms  another  gen- 
eral characteristic  of  the  book.  This  constant  tone  of  sad- 
ness and  desolation  was  noticed  many  centuries  ago  by  the 
Talmudists,  who  thereby  explained  the  insertion  of  Jeremias, 
"  who  is  wholly  occupied  with  the  desolation,"  between  tlie 
book  of  Kings  "  which  ends  in  the  desolation  "  and  Ezechiel, 
"who  begins  with  it,  but  ends  with  the  consolation."  The 
narratives  depict  him  as  pre-eminently  "  the  man  who  had 
seen  affliction,"  "no  sorrow  being  like  unto  his  sorrow." 
There  fell  to  his  lot  more  and  sharper  sufferings  than  any 
previous  prophet  of  Israel  experienced.  Others  had  only 
contemplated  from  afar  the  forthcoming  ruin  of  Jerusalem 
and  its  Temple,  and  had  passed  through  periods  of  persecu- 
tion, but  with  intervals  of  repose  and  an  honorable  death 
in  the  Holy  Land.  Their  prophetical  words  had  sometimes 
been  listened  to,  and  partial  reformation  of  their  fellow 
citizens,  together  with  heavenly  blessings  bestowed  on 
Israel,  had  crowned  their  generous  efforts.  But  not  so  with 
Jeremias.  All,  or  nearly  all,  persecuted  him,  and  he  wit- 
nessed the  departure,  one  by  one,  of  all  his  hopes  of 
national  reformation  and  deliverance.  From  beginning  to 
end  he  appeared  a  prophet  of  evil,  and  uttered  warnings 
which  were  disregarded.  His  duty  it  was  to  counsel  sub- 
mission to  an  alien  and  pagan  conqueror  and  to  incur  tlie 
reproach  of  being  treacherous  alike  to  God  and  his  country. 

*  \V.  H.  Bennett,  loc.  cit.,  p.  199. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    IIARUCH.  27 1 

He  witnessed  the  several  invasions  of  Palestine,  the  repeated 
captivities  of  his  people,  the  utter  ruin  of  Yahweh's  Holy 
Place,  and  died  in  a  foreign  land.  Finally,  '*  in  every  page 
of  his  prophecies  we  recognize  the  temperament  which, 
while  it  does  not  lead  the  man  who  has  it  to  shrink  from 
doing  God's  work,  makes  the  pain  of  doing  it  infinitely 
more  acute,  and  gives  to  the  whole  character  the  impress  of 
a  deeper  and  more  lasting  melancholy."^ 

A  third  feature  to  be  mentioned  in  reference  to  the  gen- 
eral contents  of  the  book  of  Jeremias  consists  in  the  details 
therein  given  regarding  the  composition  of  that  inspired 
writing.  Even  a  cursory  reading  of  tlie  prophecies  discloses 
an  exceptionally  large  number  of  definite  statements  as  to 
the  time  and  place  of  tlieir  delivery.  From  incidental  re- 
marks it  appears  that  Jeremias  usually  addressed  the  people 
in  some  conspicuous  public  place,  now  just  outside  one  of 
the  gates  of  Jerusalem,  now  in  the  court  of  tlie  Temple."^ 
We  also  learn  that  it  was  long  after  he  had  begun  to  proph- 
esy— some  twenty  years  later — that,  conformably  to  a  Divine 
command,  he  started  writing  down  what  he  had  spoken.^ 
Nor  did  he  write  himself,  but  dictated  to  his  disciple  Ba- 
ruch,  who  wrote,  we  may  suppose,  on  a  roll  of  roughly- 
prepared  leather.  The  public  reading  of  these  written 
prophecies  made  a  profound  impression  upon  the  people, 
but  the  infuriated  monarch  cut  the  roll  into  shreds,  and 
threw  them  into  the  brazier  which  warmed  the  apartment 
in  which  he  was  sitting.  A  new  and  enlarged  edition  of 
the  prophecies  was  therefore  written  by  Baruch,  Jeremias' 
scribe. 

This  narrative  of  the  burning  and  re-editing  of  the 
prophecies  of  Jeremias*  is  particularly  instructive.      It  sug- 

*  E.  H.  Plumptre,  Jeremiah,  in  Smith,  Bible  Diet.,  vol    ii,  p.  1259  (Amer.  Edit.). 
^  Cfr.  Jerem.  xix,  2  ;  xxvi,  2  ;  xxxvi,  5. 

'  Cfr.  xxxvi,  I  sq. 

♦  Cfr.  Jerera.  xxxvi  for  particulars. 


272         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

gests,  first  of  all,  that  since  the  divinely-inspired  prophet, 
when  re-editing  his  words,  could  freely  add  to  them  and 
thereby  adapt  them  to  altered  circumstances,  a  subsequent 
writer,  enjoying  the  same  gift  of  inspiration,  could  no  less 
freely  republish  the  work  of  Jeremias,  adding  to  it  the  narra- 
tive of  what  had  occurred  after  the  prophet's  time,  or  was 
more  or  less  directly  connected  with  him  in  oral  or  written 
tradition.  It  suggests,  in  the  second  place,  that  since  the 
first  edition  of  Jeremias'  written  words  was  subject  to  the 
same  mishaps,  even  to  destruction,  as  another  book  of  the 
time  would  be  liable  to,  the  second,  or  for  that  matter  any 
subsequent,  edition  of  the  prophet's  work  would  naturally  be 
exposed  to  all  kinds  of  dangers,in  the  midst  of  the  times  of  dire 
distress  in  which  lived  Jeremias  and  Baruch  and  their  con- 
temporaries and  the  Jewish  exiles  after  them.  "  Their  country 
wasted  by  successive  invasions  ;  Jerusalem  twice  taken,  and 
once  sacked  and  destroyed  ;  hurried  flights,  like  that  of 
Sedecias'  men  of  war  'by  the  way  of  the  gate  between  the 
two  walls,  which  was  by  the  king's  garden';  ^  long  marches 
into  the  interior,  with  all  the  chances  of  flood  and  field  ; 
the  few  precious  scraps  of  roll  hastily  stowed  away  in  the 
first  receptacle  that  offered,  and  then  perhaps  committed  as 
a  last  bequest  by  one  dying  exile  to  another.  Can  we 
wonder  if,  when  the  attempt  was  made  to  collect  what  re- 
mained from  the  wreck,  it  was  attended  by  serious  difficul- 
ties ?  At  first  there  was  no  central  body  to  make  the 
attempt.  Little  by  little  there  grew  up,  and  from  Esdras 
onwards  we  may  believe  that  there  flourished,  a  class  of 
scribes  specially  devoted  to  the  collecting,  transcription, 
and  study  of  the  ancient  writings.  But  in  many  cases  the  mis"- 
ciiief  was  done  before  these  came  into  their  hands.  Owner- 
less fragments  of  MS.  were  straying  about.  Portions  of 
the  work  of  one  prophet  would  be  mixed  up  with  the  work  of 

>  IV  Kings  xxv,  4. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH.  273 

another.  And  tlie  editors  into  wliose  hands  they  came  had 
no  clue  to  discriminate  between  them.  Sometimes  mere  jux- 
taposition in  place,  the  fact  that  two  or  three  rolls  or  portions 
of  rolls  were  found  together  in  the  same  case,  might  be  held  to 
prove  identity  of  authorship.  And  so  nothing  would  be  easier 
thnt  intrusive  matter  should  sometimes  make  its  way  into  the 
later  collections,  or  that  the  order  of  a  prophet's  writings 
should  not  be  preserved.  .  .  .  The  longest  and  the  most 
important  of  the  Prophetic  Books  have  perliaps  suffered  most; 
both  Jeremias  and  Isaias  from  dislocation  of  order,  and 
Isaias  also  from  the  mixing  up  of  anonymous  fragments  of 
prophecy  with  his  own."  ^ 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  these  various  causes  of  dis- 
location, to  which  others  might  be  easily  added,  the  fact 
itself  of  a  real  lack  of  order  in  the  contents  especially  of  the 
Hebrew  Text  of  Jeremias  is  admitted  by  most  scholars,  though 
its  extent  remains  a  matter  of  debate  among  them.  Some — 
a  comparatively  few^ — would  confine  it  to  a  misplacement  of 
the  "  Prophecies  against  the  Nations  "  (chaps,  xlvi-li),  which 
they  think  should  be  found  after  chap,  xxv,  13  or  14. 
Others  go  much  farther,  and  assign  to  the  various  parts  of 
the  book  an  order  very  different  from  the  one  now  embod- 
ied in  the  Hebrew  Textus  Receptus.  Thus  the  Catholic 
scholar  F.  C.  Movers  divides  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias  into 
six  parts,  as  follows  :  (i)  chaps  i-xx,  xxvi,  xlvi-xlix  ;  (2)  xxx, 
xxxi,  xxxiii  ;  (3)  1,  li  ;  (4)  xxiii,  xxii,  xxiv  ;  (5)  xxi,  xxxiv, 
xxxvii,  xxxii,  xxxviii-xliv;  (6)  xxvii-xxix.  H.  Ewald 
admits  only  five  parts  :  (i)  chap,  i  ;  (2)  ii-xxiv  ;  (3)  xlvi- 
xlix,  xxv,  appendix:  xxvi-xxix;  (4)  xxx-xxxiii,  app. :  xxxiv, 
xxxv  ;   (5)  xxxvi,  xlv,    app.:    1-lii.     F.    Hitzig    goes    much 

'  W.  Sanday,  Inspiration,  in  "  Bampton  Lectures  "  for  1893,  p.  239  sqq. 

2  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  Corn'ely,  S.J.  ;  Lr-etre  ;  etc.  The  former 
scholar  (Introd  Speciaiis.  vol.  ii,  pp.  384.  387)  seems  to  consider  verse  14  of  cliap.  xxv 
as  a  later  interpolation.  In  point  of  fact  that  verse  is  not  found  in  the  MSS.  and 
authentic  edition  of  the  LXX. 


2  74         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 


farther  into  liis  division  of  the  books;  lie  regards  it  as  made 
up  of  twelve  parts,  thus:  (i)  i-xii,  6  ;  (2)  xxv  ;  (3)  xxvi  ;  (4) 
XXXV,  (5)  xxxvi;  (6)  xlv;  (7)  xlvi-xlix;  (8)  xii,  8-xxiv: 
(9)  xxvii-xxix  ;  (10)  xxx-xxxiii  ;  (u)  1,  li  ;  (12)  Hi,  A. 
Scholz,  on  the  other  hand,  reduces  the  divisions  to  six: 
(i)  i-x  ;  (2)  xi-xx  ;  (3)  xxi-xxiv  ;  (4)  xxv,  1-14,  xlvi-li  ; 
(5)   xxv,  15-xxxiii  ;  (6)  xxxiv-xliv  ;  app.  xlv  and  lii. 

The  marked  differences  between  all  such  schemes  have 
naturally  led  some  scholars^  to  what  may  seem  to  be 
another  extreme  position,  viz.,  the  pure  and  simple  adop- 
tion of  the  order  found  in  the  Massoretic  Text.  Yet  even 
they  do  not  agree  as  to  the  divisions  and  subdivisions  of 
the  prophecies  of  Jeremias.  While  Vigouroux,  for  instance, 
— followed  by  Ermoni, — admits  as  many  as  four  leading 
parts  in  the  book,  together  with  chaps,  i  and  lii  as  a  Preface 
and  an  Appendix,  respectively  ;  others,  like  Trochon — 
following  in  this  Keil, — prefer  to  divide  the  book  into  only 
two  parts,  the  first  of  which  would  give  the  prophecies  and 
history  relating  to  the  prophet's  own  country  (i-xliv),  and 
the  second  the  prophecies  against  the  Foreign  Nations 
(xlv-li)^  the  last  chapter  (lii)  being  also  considered  as  a 
Historical  Appendix.  They  are  still  more  at  variance  in 
regard  to  the  subdivisions  of  the  first  part  into  sections, 
prophetical  discourses,  and  appendices.^  From  all  this  it  is 
plain  that  the  arrangements  in  the  Hebrew  Text — which  is 
closely  adhered  to  by  the  Vulgate — does  not  supply  clear 
and  definite  data  for  a  systematic  division  of  the  contents. 

It  is  true  that  could  we  trust  the  chronological  data  with 
which  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias  are  intersi)ersed,  we  should 
be  able  to  group  them  according  to  the  reigns  under  which 
they  were   written   or   delivered.      In    fact   this  method  of 

1  For  instance,  F.  Delitzsch  ;  Vic.oukoux  ;  Trochon  ;  Ermoni  ;  etc. 

2  Compare,  for  instance,  the  subdivisions  given  by  Tkoch  >n  ( JJrjmie,  in   Lethiel 
LHUx'  Bible,  p   9  sq.)  with  tlios.;  accepted  by  Kii.i.ion  (Biblia  Sacra). 


JEREMIAS,    LAMKNTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH.  275 

dividing  the  contents  of  Jereniias  has  been  adopted  by 
several  scholars.^  But  even  such  data  do  not  afford  by 
themselves  an  absolutely  sure  means  of  grouping  tlie  con- 
tents of  that  prophetical  writing.^  There  remains,  therefore, 
simply  to  give  a  brief  sketch  of  those  contents  according  to 
the  various  leading  sections,  without  attempt  at  anything 
like  a  systematic  arrangement. 

After  a  twofold  title  (i,  1-2  and  i,  3) '  the  first  section 
(i-vi)  *  records  Jeremias*  call  to  the  prophetic  ofifice  (chap. 
i),  and  contains  a  series  of  closely  connected  discourses 
upbraiding  all  classes  with  their  sins,  predicting  destruction 
by  a  distant  people  who  should  come  from  the  North  and 
speak  a  language  unknown  to  the  Jews,  and  foretelling  the 
return  and  re-establishment  of  the  nation. 

In  the  second  section  (vii-x)  ^  the  prophet  delivers  his 
message  standing  at  the  gate  of  the  Temple,  and  exhorts 
the  Jews  not  to  trust  in  that  sacred  building  for  protection, 
but  in  sincere  reform,  lest  they  should  experience  the  fate 
of  the  Northern  Kingdom.  The  section  concludes  (x,  23- 
25)  with  Jeremias'  words  of  intercession  in  behalf  of  Juda. 

The  third  section  comprises  chaps,  xi-xx.  In  chaps,  xi,  xii 
Jeremias  bids  the  Jews  to  conform  to  the  covenant  of 
Yahweh  which  has  been  recently  entered  into  by  Josias  and 
the  people  (cfr.  IV  Kings  xxii,  xxiii),  complains  of  attempts 
on  his  life  on  the  part  of  his  priestly  kinsmen  at  Anathoth, 
and  deplores  the  calamities  brought  on  Juda  by  its  leaders 

>  E.  H.  Plumptke  ;  W.  H.  Bennett  ;  etc. 

2  ViGOLRoux  (Manuel  Biblique,  n.  1004.  footn.  i)  agrees  with  Dom  Calmet,  O.S.B., 
in  regarding  the  reading  :  "  In  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Sedecias,"  as  the  correct 
one,  instead  of  :  "  In  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Joakim"  (Jerem.  xxvii,  1).  See  also 
VV.  H.  Bennett,  a  Primer  of  the  Bible,  p.  34. 

3  Cfr.  A.  B.  Davidson,  art.  Jeremiah,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  572. 
*  In  this  first  section  iii,  19   is  generally  regarded  as  the  immediate  continuation  of 

i,  5  ;  and  iii,  6-18,  which  breaks  the  connection,  has  a  separate  heading  and  a  special 
\)pic  (cfr.  W.  H.  Bennett,  loc.  cit.,  p.  36,  and  A.  li.  Davidson',  loc.  cit.). 

^  In  the  second  section  x,  1-16,  seems  to  be  foreign  to  the  context,  and  verse  11  b  in 
Aramaic. 


2'](i         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

and  by  the  evil  influence  of  its  neighbors,  wlio  will  share  its 
punishment.  Chap,  xviii  symbolizes  the  coming  ruin  of  Juda 
by  the  spoiling  of  a  girdle  buried  by  the  Euphrates  ^  (verses 
i-ii),  likens  the  filling  of  all  classes  in  Juda  with  the  wrath 
of  God  to  the  filling  of  a  bottle  with  wine  (verses  12-19),  ^^'""^ 
proclaims  that  the  ingrained  sin  of  Jerusalem  shall  be  pun- 
ished by  shame  and  destruction  (verses  20-27).  The  follow- 
ing chapters  (xiv-xvii,  18)  contain  Jeremias' repeated  but  vain 
prayers  for  his  people,  together  with  his  renewed  warnings 
of  the  future  wasting  of  the  land  and  removal  of  the  Jews 
for  their  various  crimes.  Jeremias  complains  also  of  his 
ungrateful  task  which  exposes  him  to  ridicule  and  persecu- 
tions ;  whereupon  Yahweh  encourages  him,  and  bids  him 
not  to  marry  or  take  part  in  any  festivity.  The  last  part  of 
chap,  xvii  (verses  19-27)  describes  the  perfect  observance 
of  the  Sabbath  as  the  condition  of  national  salvation.  In 
chaps,  xviii-xx  the  prophet  uses  the  figure  of  a  potter  to  set 
forth  Yahweh's  absolute  mastery  over  Israel,  the  work  of 
His  hands,  and  breaks  a  potter's  vessel  in  presence  of  the 
Jewish  elders  to  signify  the  forthcoming  and  irrevocable 
ruin  of  Juda.  Whereupon  he  was  beaten  and  put  in  the 
stocks,  by  order  of  the  governor  of  the  Temple.  The  sec- 
tion concludes  with  Jeremias'  bitter  denunciation  of  his 
persecutors,  and  solemn  curse  of  the  day  of  his  birth. 

The  fourth  section  (chaps,  xxi-xxix)  opens  with  the 
prophet's  reply  to  the  messengers  of  Sedecias,  who  had  in- 
quired about  the  fate  of  the  besieged  Jerusalem,  that  the 
city  will  be  taken  and  burnt,  and  that  the  only  way  of 
escape  is  desertion  to  the  Chaldeans  (xxi,  i-io).  Next 
comes  a  passage  parallel  to  chap,  xvii,  19-27;  it  is  a  promise 
of  national  salvation  directed  to  the  court  of  Juda,  under 

*  The  narrative  of  Jeremias'  twofold  journey  to  the  Euphrates  in  this  connection 
is  usually  interpreted  as  part  of  a  parable  or  allegory  (cfr.  Tkochon,  Je'r^mie  (in 
Lethielleux'  Bible),  p.  98  ;  Vigouroux,  Man.  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  n.  995). 


;kremias,  lamentations,  and   haruch.  277 

the  condition  that  the  king  and  his  attendants  shall  rule 
in  righteousness  (xxi,  1  i-xxii,  9).  This  is  followed  by  a 
strong  polemic  against  Jeremias'  opponents:  chap,  xxii, 
10-30  contains  judgments  on  several  Jewish  kings;  chap, 
xxiii  is  a  denunciation  of  the  shepherds  (princes,  priests, 
prophets)  of  Juda,  but  also  includes  the  promise  of  good 
shepherds,  as  indeed  of  the  righteous  Branch  of  David, 
under  whom  both  Israel  and  Juda  shall  be  restored;  chap, 
xxiv  declares  that  Joakim  and  his  fellow  captives  are  like 
a  basket  of  good  figs,  and  that  the  Jews  left  in  Juda  are  like 
a  basket  of  bad  figs.  Chap,  xxv  foretells  the  subdual  of 
the  Jews  by  Nabuchodonosor,  and  the  seventy  years*  cap- 
tivity, together  with  severe  punishments  for  various  other 
nations,  the  Babylonians  themselves  included.  In  chap. 
xxvi  Jeremias  predicts  the  destruction  of  the  Temple,  and 
is  on  that  account  accused  of  the  capital  crime  of  blas- 
phemy by  priests  and  prophets,  but  is  rescued  from  death 
by  his  friends  among  the  princes.  The  last  chapters  of  the 
section  (xxvii-xxix)  give  the  history  of  some  episodes  of 
Jeremias'  controversy  with  the  prophets.  The  latter, 
especially  Hananias,  favored  rebellion  against  Babylon,  and 
flatly  contradicted  Jeremias  in  the  name  of  Yahweh.  Then 
it  was  that  Hananias'  speedy  death  fulfilled  Jeremias'  pre- 
diction concerning  him.  But  the  controversy  continued 
between  Jeremias  and  the  prophetical  supporters  of  Hana- 
nias, who  had  been  carried  into  exile. 

The  fifth  section  (xxx-xxxiii)  is  chiefly  taken  up  with  the 
prophecies  of  restoration.  After  the  coming  calamity  has 
proved  the  utter  uselessness  of  foreign  alliances  and  all 
human  help,  Yahweh  will  Himself  free  His  people,  lead  them 
back  to  the  Holy  Land  and  set  over  them  "  David,  their 
king"  (xxx).  Nor  shall  Juda  alone  be  delivered  and  re- 
stored. Israel  also,  reconciled  to  Juda,  will  share  in  Yah- 
weh's  renewed    mercy,   under  a   New   Covenant,   that   of 


2/0         -SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESIAMENT. 

inner  loyalty  to  and  fellowship  with  the  true  God  (xxxi). 
Chapters  xxxii  and  xxxiii  reiterate  the  promises  of  restora- 
tion, concluding  (xxxiii,  14-26)^  with  the  solemn  prediction 
that  the  House  of  David  and  the  Levitical  priesthood  shall 
endure  for  evermore. 

The  sixth  section  (xxxiv,  xxxv)  contains  utterances 
which  have  no  strict  connection  with  either  the  promises  of 
Restoration  in  the  foregoing  section,  or  the  historical  chap- 
ters (xxxvi-xlv)  which  immediately  follow.  Chap,  xxxiv 
predicts  that  King  Sedecias  will  be  taken  and  carried 
away  into  exile,  but  that  his  life  shall  be  spared.  It  de- 
clares also  that  the  Jewish  nobles  shall  be  punished,  be- 
cause, after  Nabuchodonosor  had  raised  the  siege  for  a 
time,  they  reclaimed  the  Hebrew  slaves  whom  they  had  set 
free.  Chap,  xxxv  records  how,  the  nomad  Rechabites  hav- 
ing shown  themselves  faithful  to  their  tribal  customs,  Jere- 
mias  appealed  to  their  example  to  shame  the  Jews,  unfaith- 
ful to  the  divine  religion  of  their  fathers,  and  to  renew  the 
threat  of  punishment. 

The  seventh  section  (xxxvi-xlv)  may  be  entitled  "  a 
History  of  Jeremias."^  Chap,  xxxvi  describes  the  inci- 
dents relating  to  the  twofold  dictation  of  Jeremias'  proph- 
ecies already  mentioned.  Chaps,  xxxvii-xxxix  narrate 
how  Jeremias,  arrested  as  a  deserter  to  the  Babylonians, 
was  beaten  and  imprisoned,  how  he  repeatedly  advised 
Sedecias  to  surrender,  and  how  he  was  nearly  starved  to 
death,  and  kept  in  prison  till  tlie  sacking  of  the  Holy 
City,  when  he  was  released  by  the  express  orders  of  Nabu- 
chodonosor.  Chaps,  xl-xliv  give  an  account  of  Jeremias 
after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem.  Released  from  among  the 
captives,  the  prophet  cast  his  lot  with  the  Jewish   remnant 

'  The  genuineness  of  xxxiii,  14-2')  is  particularly  questioned  by  critics:  it  is  absent 
from  the  Sef)tuagint  Version. 

*  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Hiblicai  Introduction,  p.  206. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMKNTATIOXS,    AM)    RARUCH.  279 

at  Masphath>  and  assured  them  of  God's  protection  pro- 
vided they  remained  in  tlie  land.  This  they  refused  to  do, 
and  went  to  Egypt,  carrying  with  them  Jeremias,  who  even 
in  that  pagan  country  denounced  ruin  against  Egypt  and 
the  Jewish  refugees.  In  chap,  xlv  Baruch  is  comforted  by 
the  promise  that  amidst  the  calamities  of  the  time  God 
will  preserve  his  life. 

The  eighth  and  last  large  section  of  the  book  (xlvi-li)  is 
made  up  of  prophecies  against  Foreign  Nations.  The  most 
important  part  of  that  section  comprises  chaps.  1  and  li.  It 
contains  exultant  prophecies  of  the  coming  ruin  of  Babylon, 
and  concludes  (li,  59-64)  with  "a  note  stating  that  Jere- 
mias wrote  the  doom  of  Babylon  in  a  book  and  gave  it  to 
Saraias,  Sedecias'  chamberlain,  to  take  to  Babylon,  read  it 
there,  tie  a  stone  to  it  and  throw  it  into  the  Euphrates. 
This  book  is  probably  intended  to  be  identified  with  1, 
li."  ^  Chap,  li  ends  with  the  formula:  "  Thus  far  are  the 
words  of  Jeremias." 

The  last  chapter  (lii)  is  a  Historical  Appendix  telling  of 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem  and  the  release  of  Joachin  from  his 
prison  in  Babylon.  It  is  borrowed  from  the  fourth  book  of 
Kings  (IV  Kings  xxiv,  i8-xxv,  21,  27-30).^ 

2'  Authorship.  The  foregoing  account  of  the  con- 
tents of  the  book  of  Jeremias,  however  short,  enables  us  to 
realize  something  of  the  difference  which  exists  between 
them  and  those  of  the  book  of  Isaias.  In  the  latter  book 
an  entire  large  section  (xl-lxvi)  has  no  direct  reference  to 
the  person  or  work  of  Isaias,  and  in  so  far  appears  con- 
nected with  him  solely  by  its  inclusion  with  prophecies 
and  narratives  concerning  him,  under  the  general  title  of 
"Isaias."  In  the  book  of  Jeremias,  on  the  contrary,  all 
the  sections,  great  or  small,  projjhetical   or  narrative,  con- 

'  W.  H.  Bennett,  loc    cit  ,  p.  2  jS. 
^  Cfr.  Trochon,  Jtfremie,  p.  13  sq. 


28o         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

tain  distinct  references  to  his  words  or  deeds,  and  are 
thereby  naturally  connected  with  him.  Again,  the  stand- 
point of  the  writer  in  Isaias  is  not  clearly  consistent 
throughout,  inasmuch  as  chaps,  xl-lxvi  seem  to  assume 
and  maintain  a  historical  position  different  from  that  taken 
in  the  chapters  by  which  they  are  preceded.  The  case  is 
different  with  the  book  of  Jeremias,  wherein,  from  beginning 
to  end,  the  prophet  never  loses  sight  of  his  own  circum- 
stances o/  time  and  place,^  but,  on  the  contrary,  uses 
them  as  a  starting-point  for  his  predictions  of  woe  or  of 
blessing.  It  is  not  therefore  to  be  wondered  at  if,  on  the 
basis  of  the  general  contents  of  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias, 
contemporary  critics  admit  readily  that  "  there  is  no  doubt 
of  the  genuine  connection  of  the  bulk  of  the  book  with  that 
prophet."  ^ 

This  same  important  conclusion  is  also  borne  out  by  the 
fact  that  while  the  book  of  Jeremias  contains  in  all  its 
parts  many  pointed  references  to  even  minor  events  con- 
cerning his  })erson,  the  event  of  his  death  is  neither  men- 
tioned nor  so  much  as  intimated.  This  seems  to  inijily 
that  the  book,  in  its  main  part,  was  completed  before  the 
prophet's  death,  and  is  consequently  his  work.^  It  is  also 
claimed,  though  perhaps  with  less  ground  in  fact,*  that, 
since  "  the  book  bears  almost  everywhere  the  stamp  of 
Jeremias'  literary  characteristics  to  a  very  high  degree, 
doubt  of  its  authenticity  as  a  whole  is  out  of  the  ques- 
tion."'"^ 

Disagreement  among  scholars  arises  only  in  connection 
with  the  authorship  of  certain  parts  of  the  book.      The  first 

'  We  sliall  soon  see  that  x,  1-16,  addressed  to  tlie  Exiles,  is  probably  not  of  Jeremias. 
^  W.  H    Bennett,  loc.  cit.,  p.  19,. 

3  Cfr.  VoN  ()   El. LI,  the  Prophecies  of  Jeremiah    p.  23  '  Engl.  Transl  1. 
■*  I'fr.  A    H    D.wiDsox,  Jeremiah,  in    Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  575 
sq.,  for  important  remarks  in  regard  to  the  current  conception  of  Jeremias'  style. 
*  Von  Okelli,  loc.  cit. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH.  28 1 

section,  the  Jereinian  authorship  of  which  is  often  denied, 
is  chaj).  X,  1-16.  According  to  several  scholars  of  the 
nineteenth  century  (among  whom  may  be  mentioned 
Ewald,  Keil,  Neumann,  Trochon,  Ermoni,  etc.)  there  is  no 
sufficient  reason  for  ascribing  the  passage  to  a  later  writer, 
to  one  who  would  have  lived  during  the  Exile,  the  Deutero- 
Isaias,  for  instance.  The  section,  it  is  said,  contains  not  a 
single  word  tluit  would  imply  Babylonia  as  the  place  of 
writing.  It  reads  indeed  as  a  warning  against  Babylonian 
idolatry,  but  may  have  been  composed  by  Jeremias  as  an 
admonition  to  the  Northern  tribes  already  in  exile.  The 
wording  of  the  passage  resembles  that  of  Isaias*  denuncia- 
tions of  idol-worship,  but  this  may  be  accounted  for  by 
admitting  that  Jeremias  here  imitated  Isaias  ;  and  further, 
"  from  an  author  of  Jeremias'  long  and  diversified  literary 
activity  it  is  unreasonable  to  expect  the  same  style  and 
turns  of  phrase."  ^ 

Over  against  these  negative  arguments,  many  scholars '^ 
appeal  to  the  following  positive  grounds  as  disproving  the 
Jeremian  authorship  :  (i)  It  interrupts  the  connection  be- 
tween ix,  22  and  x,  17,  being  entirely  foreign  to  the  con- 
text ;  (2)  "  Jeremias'  argument  is,  'Expect  no  help  from 
vain  gods;  they  cannot  save  you'  (ii,  28;  xi,  12);  here  the 
argument  is,  '  Do  not  fear  them,  they  cannot  harm  you.* 
And  yet,  according  to  Jeremias'  teaching,  at  the  very  time 
to  which  from  its  position  this  section  would  be  referred, 
Jeremias  was  prophesying  that  Juda  would  shortly  be 
ruined  by  a  nation  of  idolaters.  The  descriptions  in  verses 
3-5,9   imply  that    the   'House   of   Israel'   addressed  is  in 

'  Von  Orki-Li,  loc.  cit.,  p  q8  See  also  Knabenbauf.r,  S.J.,  in  Jeremiam.  p.  156. 
Keil,  Intr  to  Old  Test.,  vol.  i,  p.  432  ;  etc. 

2  Among  tliem  may  be  mentioned  F  C.  Mo\  ers,  the  Catholic  scholar  who  examined 
-o  ."arefully  the  composition  of  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias  tliat  more  recetU  critics  can 
act  help  admiring  his  ingenuity  and  tiioroughness  /"Cfr.  Bishop  Hannebkkg,  Histoirft 
'le  la  Revelation  Biblique,  vol.  i,  p.  352.     French  Transl.) 


20  2         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

presence  of  an  elaborate  idol-worship  carried  on,  not  by 
themselves,  but  by  the  heathen^  which,  they  are  emphati- 
cally taught,  deserves  no  consideration  at  their  hands.  The 
situation  is  that  of  the  exiles  in  Babylonia'' \'^  (3)  The 
passage  is  parallel  to  and  probably  dependent  on  the 
Deutero-Isaias  (xl,  19-22;  xli,  7,  29  ;  etc.)  ;  (4)  In  the 
phraseology  the  only  noticeable  point  of  contact  with  Jere- 
mias'  style  is  in  verse  15.  Again,  verse  11 — which  clearly 
belongs  to  the  context — when  verses  6-8,  10,  which  are 
wanting  in  the  MSS.  and  the  authentic  edition  of  the  Sep- 
tuagint,  are  set  aside — is  in  Aramaic,  with  certain  peculiari- 
ties showing  that  its  author  must  have  spoken  a  particular 
Aramaic  dialect.^ 

The  second  important  passage  the  Jeremian  authorship 
of  which  is  much  questioned  is  chap,  xxv,  11-14,  to  which 
are  sometimes  added  verses  9,  10,  and  26^  of  the  same 
chapter.  Considered  as  a  continuous  section,  chap,  xxv, 
9-14  reads  in  the  Hebrew  Text,  and  consequently  also  in 
the  Vulgate  derived  from  it,  like  an  explicit  and  accurate 
prophecy  of  the  duration  of  the  Babylonian  exile.  Influ- 
enced more  or  less  by  dogmatic  prejudice,  several  rational- 
istic scholars  have  therefore  rejected  as  spurious  a  passage 
that  would  imply  distinct  and  miraculous  knowledge  of  an 
event  seventy  years  distant.  Accordingly  some  conserva 
tives  scholars,  apparently  more  anxious  to  afiirm  the 
prophetical  bearing  of  the  passage  than  to  investigate  the 
facts  of  the  case,  have  repeatedly  claimed  that  the  denial 
of  the  Jeremian  authorship  was  simply  the  outcome  of 
rationalistic  bias.  In  reality,  as  was  pointed  out  long  ago, 
"the  Hebrew  Text  is  here  furnished  with  many  additions 
which  are  not  in  the  Septuagint,  and  which  are  due  to  a 
later  author  who  wrought  over  the  text  designing  to  make 

^  Cfr.  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  254. 
9  Ibid. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH. 


zS 


the  prediction  more  clear."  ^  This  is  obvious  from  a  sim- 
ple comi)arison  between  the  present  Hebrew  Text  and  that 
found  in  the  MSS.  and  the  authentic  edition  of  the  Sep- 
tuagint  ;^  and  in  consequence  "nearly  all  modern  critics 
are  of  opinion  that  the  original  prophecy  has  here  been 
expanded  by  a  writer  who  had  the  entire  book  (including 


1  De  Wette,  a  Critical  and  Historical  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  ii,  p.  411  (Engl- 
Trans).,  Boston,  1850) 

"^  We  subjoin  an  English  rendering  of  the  Hebrew  and  the  Septuagint.  The  single 
words  or  expressions  in  the  Hebrew  alone  are  in  italics;  their  absence  in  the  Septua- 
gint is  m.rked  by  dots  : 

Septuagint. 
Chap.  XXV,  q.  Behold  I  send,  and  will 
take  .  .  .  the  kindreds  ot  the  north,  .  .  . 
and  will  bring  them  against  this  land,  and 
against  the  inhabitants  thereof,  and  against 
all  these  nations  round  about ;  and  I  wi  1 
destroy  them,  and  make  them  an  aston- 
ishment, and  a  hissing,  and  perpetual 
desolaticns. 


Hebrew. 
Chap.  XXV,  9.  Behold  I  will  send  and 
take  'liV  the  kindreds  of  the  north,  sailh 
Yaliivek,  and  Nuhuchodonosor,  the 
kin^^of  Babylon^  My  srrvant,  and  will 
bring  them  against  this  land,  and  against 
the  inhabitants  thereof,  and  against  all 
these  nations  round  about ;  and  I  will  de- 
stroy them  and  make  them  an  astonish- 
ment, and  a  hissing,  and  perpetual  desola- 
tions. 

10.  And  I  will  take  away  from  them 
the  voice  of  mirth,  and  the  voice  of  glad- 
ness, the  voice  of  the  bridegroom,  and  the 
voice  of  the  bride,  the  sound  of  the  mill- 
stones, and  the  light  of  the  lamps. 

11.  And  this  whole  land  shall  be  a 
desolation,  and  an  astonishment :  and 
these  nations  shall  serve  the  king  0/ 
Babylon  seventy  years. 

12.  And  when  the  seventy  years  are  ac- 
complished, I  will  punish  tlie  king  0/ 
Babylon  and  that  nation,  saith  Vahweh, 
for  their  iniquity^  and  the  land  0/ the 
Chaldeans:  and  I  will  make  it  perpetual 
desolations. 

13.  And  I  will  bring  upon  that  land  all 
My  words  which  I  have  spoken  against  it, 
all  that  is  written  in  this  book  which  Jere- 
mias  hath  prophesied  against  all  the  na- 
tions. 

14.  For  many  nations  and  great 
kin^s  shall  serine  thentsehes  0/  tlieni 
also:  and  I  iv ill  repay  them  according 
to  their  deeds  and  according  to  the 
works  0/ their  hands  (cfr.  xxvii,  7). 


10.  (The  same  text  as  in  the  Hebrew.) 


11.  And  this  whole  land  shall  be  an 
astonishment,  and  they  will  serve  among 
THE  NATIONS  .  ,  .  Seventy  years. 

12.  And  when  the  seventy  years  are  ac- 
complished. I  will  punish  .  .  .  that  nation 
.  .  .  and  I  will  make  it  perpetual  desola- 
tions. 


13.  And  I  will  bring  upon  that  land  all 
My  words  which  I  have  spoken  against  it, 
all  that  is  written  in  this  book.  What 
Jeremias     prophesied     against    the 

NATIONS  OF  El-AM. 

14.  .  .  .  (The  whole  verse  is  not  in  the 
LXX.  Nor  is  xxvii,  7  in  that  Version 
either.) 


284         SPECIAL    INTRODrCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

chaps.  1,  li,  to  which  chap,  xxv,  13  alludes)  before  him.''^ 
How  far  this  expansion  of  the  original  prophecy  has  been 
actually  carried  out  is  now  impossible  to  define.  It  has 
indeed  been  maintained  that  since,  when  11^-14^  are  set 
aside,  the  connection  becomes  natural,  it  is  probable  that 
all  these  verses  are  late  additions  to  the  original  prophecy.^ 
But  the  text,  whether  in  the  Hebrew  or  in  the  Septuagint 
(which  appears  better  here  than  the  Massoretic  Text),  is 
at  present  so  considerably  altered  that  it  is  better  to  refrain 
from  conjecture  as  regards  its  primitive  reading.^ 

A  third  section,  the  original  character  of  which  is  often 
rejected,  is  xxxiii,  14-26.  The  following  are  the  principal 
grounds  in  favor  of  the  Jeremian  authorship  :  (i)  Chap. 
xxxiii,  14-26  is  the  sole  place  in  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias 
which  contains  the  disclosure  of  the  wonderful  and  hidden 
things  promised  in  xxxiii,  3  ;  (2)  The  section  is  intimately 
connected  with  chaps,  xxx,  xxxi,  by  the  similarity  of  its 
contents.  It  carries  out  what  is  said  in  xxxi,  31.  And  in 
particular  it  tallies  with  xxx,  14,  21,  by  mentioning  ex- 
plicitly both  king  and  priests  ;*  (3)  "  These  oracles  so  mani- 
festly bear  the  stamp  of  Jeremias'  style  that  the  suspicion 
of  spuriousness  is  groundless."^ 

In  favor  of  the  opposite  view,  which  has  been  accepted 
by  such  prominent  Catholic  scholars  as  Jahn  and  Movers, 
and  which,  according  to  Driver,^  is  the  one  maintained  by 
"  the  majority  of  recent  critics,"  ihe  following  reasons  have 
been  set  forth  :  (i)  Chap,  xxxiii,  14—26  is  not  in  the 
Septuagint,    and     this    absence    cannot    be    satisfactorily 

'  Driver,  Introd.  to  Literat.  of  Old  Test.,  p.  260.  In  regard  to  xxv,  2'^''.  the  words 
"the  king  of  Sesac  (i.e.  Babylon)  shall  drink  after  them  "  are  not  found  in  the  Sep- 
tuagint, and  are  most  likely  a  late  addition  like  those  in  verses  9-14. 

2  Samuel  DxV\  idson,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii.  p.  98. 

3  This  remark  applies  fully  to  xxvii-xxix,  as  was  admitted  long  ago  by  F,  C.  M0VKK5. 

*  Cfr.  Knabfnfjauer,  loc.  cit.;  p.  421  sq. 

*  Von  Orf.li.i,  loc.  cit.,  p.  254. 
•Introd.  to  Literal,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  262. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH.  285 

accounted  for — the  suppression  of  so  important  a  passage 
by  the  Greek  translators  being  extremely  improbable' — 
except  by  supposing  tliat  it  is  one  of  the  many  late  addi- 
tions to  the  Hebrew  Text  of  Jeremias;  (2)  Many  of  tlie 
verses  which  go  to  make  up  the  passage  are  almost  literally 
derived  from  other  places  (compare  xxxiii,  14,  15,  16  with 
xxiii,  5,6;  xxxiii,  20-22,  25-26  with  xxxi,  35-37)  ;  while  in 
xxxiii,  21  the  words  "  with  the  Levites,  tlie  priests.  My  minis- 
ters "  are  clearly  an  addition  which  renders  the  grammatical 
constructions  clumsy  and  disturbs  the  parallelism  of  the 
members  ;  (3)  It  is  also  argued  for  the  non-authentic  char- 
acter of  the  passage  that  it  evinces  "a  keen  interest  in  the 
Levites  which  has  no  parallel  elsewhere  in  the  book,"^  and 
that  the  words  "  the  Levites^  the  priests,  standing  in  apposition, 
do  not  occur  elsewhere  in  Jeremias."  *^  Whence  it  is  inferred 
that  the  resemblances  in  the  style  with  Jeremias  can  easily 
be  explained  by  supposing  that  the  insertion  was  made 
by  means  of  expressions  borrowed  from  other  passages  of 
that  prophet,  while  the  various  differences  betray  another 
writer,  later  than  Jeremias,  and  whose  interpolation  had  not 
yet  crept  into  the  Hebrew  Text  when  it  was  rendered  into 
Greek  by  the  Septuagint  interpreter.  Finally,  it  may  be  re- 
marked that  the  closer  the  resemblances  in  style,*  the  greater 
the  harmony  of  such  an  interpolation  with  the  immediate 
and  the  general  context,  the  more  also  the  addition  would 
have  a  chance  to  be  accepted  as  a  genuine  part  of  the  text. 
As  regards  the  section  xxxix,  i,  2,  4-13,  it  is  commonly, 
and  indeed  justly,  regarded  as  an  interpolation  by  all  un- 
biassed critics.^     It  is  true  that,  according  to   Keil  and  a 

1  rfr    Fried.  Blf.ek,  Introd.  to  Old  Test  ,  %  z\6,  d. 

'  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introd.,  p.  206. 

3  Samuel  D.winsoN,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test  ,  vol   iii,  p.  102 

*  A.  ScHoi.z  calls  the  whole  section  "  ein  Mosaik  jeremianischer  Stellen."  Scholz, 
who  rejects  the  genuineness  of  xxxiii,  14-26,  is  one  of  the  f-  w  recent  Catholic  commen- 
tators of  the  book  of  Jeremias. 

^  HiTZiG  and  Okeli.i  extend  the  interpolation  only  as  far  as  verse  10  inclusively. 


2B6         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

few  scholars  too  ready  to  abide  by  his  views,  "  the  rejection 
of  xxxix,  I,  2,  4-13  is  connected  with  imaginary  liistorical 
inaccuracies,  the  burden  of  which  falls,  not  upon  the  text, 
but  only  on  some  of  its  expositors."^  They  also  affirm  that 
the  narrative  contained  in  the  section  is  well  connected 
with  the  immediate  and  the  general  context,  and  that  the 
style  of  the  verses  in  question  is  truly  that  of  Jeremias.^ 
But  all  such  assertions  cannot  prevail  against  plain  internal 
evidence,  which  all  points  in  the  opposite  direction.  "  The 
last  half  of  the  28th  verse  of  chap,  xxxviii  should  begin  the 
xxxixth  chapter,  viz. :  *  And  it  came  to  pass  as  soon  as 
Jerusalem  was  taken.'  The  xxxviiith  chapter  really  ends 
with  the  words,  *  And  Jeremias  dwelt  in  the  court  of  the 
prison  until  the  day  that  Jerusalem  was  taken.'  After  the 
beginning,  'And  it  came  to  pass  as  soon  as  Jerusalem  was 
taken,'  we  naturally  look  for  the  continuation  of  Jeremias' 
history,  not  for  an  account  of  the  taking  of  the  city  itself,"'' 
which,  however,  follows  immediately  in  the  first  and  second 
verses  of  the  xxxixth  chapter.  The  connection  is  disturbed 
by  the  first  and  second  verses  ;  whereas  the  third  verse 
belongs  to  the  commencing  words,  *  And  it  came  to  pass 
as  soon  as  Jerusalem  was  taken.'  Hence  the  suspicion 
arises  that  the  first  and  second  verses  were  a  later  inter- 
polation. This  is  confirmed  by  their  contents,  which  are 
taken  from  Hi,  4-7  and  IV  Kings  xxv.  It  is  worthy  of  re- 
mark that  the  LXX  and  Syriac  omit  the  introduction — that 
is,  the  last  half  of  xxxviii,  28 — perceiving  that  it  did  not 
hang  well  together  with  the  first  and  second  verses  of  the 
xxxixth  chapter,  though  it  was  undoubtedly  authentic.  In 
like  manner  the  passage  from  verse  four  to  thirteen,  in- 
clusive, proceeded  from   the  same  interpolator.     This  ap- 

»  Keil,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  i.  p.  343  (Engl.  Traiisl.). 
^Tkochon,  Jeremie,  p.  250;   Knabenbauex,  in  Jeremiam,  p.  465. 
=*  In  the  present  Hebrew  Text  chap,  xxxix,  i  goes  back  to  the  beginning  of  the  siege 
(Driver,  loc.  cit.  p.  263). 


JEREMIAS,    LAMKNTAl  lOXS,    AND     liAKUCH.  2S7 

pears  from  internal  evidence.  The  diction  is  not  Jereniias'. 
It  is  too  like  an  abridgment  of  lii,  7-16  (or,  more  j^robably, 
of  IV  Kings  XXV,  4-12),  from  wliicli  also  it  was  taken/  The 
history  of  Jeremias  begins  with  tiie  fourteenth  verse,  which 
has  a  natural  connection  with  the  third  ;  whereas  the  attach- 
ment of  the  fourth  to  the  third  is  awkward  and  unsuitable 
The  whole  piece  from  four  to  thirteen  is  evidently  an 
insertion  proceeding  from  one  posterior  to  Jeremias.  It  is 
omitted  in  the  LXX,  though  that  fact  is  not  decisive 
against  it.  It  does  not  agree  well  with  xl,  1-6  ;  at  least  in 
the  time  at  which  Jeremias  was  favored  by  Nabuzardan, 
and  allowed  his  free  choice  to  go  to  Babylon  or  remain  in 
his  own  land.  How  could  the  prophet  have  been  carried 
as  far  as  Rama  in  chains,  as  is  related  in  xl,  1-6,  and  yet 
have  such  favor  shown  him  by  Nabuchodonosor  as  is  im- 
plied in  verses  11- 13  of  the  xxxixth  chapter?  "^ 

The  genuineness  of  chaps.  1-li  has  also  been  much  ques- 
tioned, and  is  actually  given  up  by  many  scholars.  Its  de- 
fenders— among  whom  may  be  mentioned  Kiiper,  Umbreit, 
Havernick,  Bleek,  Niigelsbach,  Keil,  Graf,  Trochon,  Come- 
ly, Knabenbauer,  and  Orelli — rely  chiefly  on  the  following 
arguments  :  (i)  "  As  concerns  the  form  of  these  oracles, 
the  literary  style  of  the  prophet  Jeremias  shows  itself  so 
frequently  and  unmistakably  therein  that,  if  his  authorship 
be  rejected,  we  must  suppose  that  some  one  imitated  him 
from  a  petty  desire  to  be  taken  for  Jeremias.  But  this  is 
not  in  keeping  with  the  independence  which  the  author 
shows,  even  where  he  repeats  Jeremias'  own  words'';^  (2) 
The  epilogue  (li,  59-64)  to  the  section  bears  the  peculiar 
impress  of  Jeremias'  symbolical  method  of  teaching  (cfr. 

>  As  we  shall  soon  see,  chap,  lii  is  not  the  work  of  Jeremias. 

2  Samuel  Davidson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  104.     Jahn  and  Movers  rejected  chap,  xxxix,  1-2, 
4-13,  long  ago,  for  the  same  reasons. 

3  Von   Orklli,  the  Prophecies  of  Jeremiah,  p.  372  (Engl.  Transl.),     Cfr.  1,  40-46 
with  xiii,  1^-21,  etc.  ;  and  li,  15   19  with  x,  12-16. 


2  88         SPECIAL     INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

verse  63),  and  attests  the  authenticity  of  the  oracles  re- 
corded ;  (3)  "In  the  utterance  itself  we  find  indications 
that  it  was  composed  in  Judaea  during  tlie  existence  of  the 
sanctuary  at  Sion  (1,  5  ;  li,  50),  and  also  of  the  city  of 
Jerusalem  (li,  35).  Also  the  words  (li,  51),  'strangers  are 
come  into  the  sanctuaries  of  Yahweh's  house,'  suit  well  the 
time  of  Sedecias,  as  stated  "  in  li,  59/ 

The  genuineness  is  contested  by  many  writers — among 
whom  may  be  named  Ewald,  Cheyne,  Kuenen,  Reuss, 
Budde,  E.  Kautzsch,  Driver,^  W.  H.  Bennett,  A.  B.  David- 
son, etc. — on  such  grounds  as  the  following:  The  histor- 
ical situation  is  that  of  the  Exile.  The  Jews  are  in  Chaldsea 
suffering  for  their  sins  (1,  4-7,  17,  ^^  ;  li>  34,  35);  t>ut 
Yahweh  is  now  ready  to  pardon  and  deliver  them  (1,  20, 
34  ;  li,  ^^,  36)  ;  the  Temple  and  Jerusalem  are  in  ruins  (1, 
28;  li,  II,  50,  51),  but  the  hour  of  retribution  for  their 
destroyers  is  at  hand  (1,  14-16,  21,  29,  etc.),  while  the  exiles 
themselves  are  bidden  to  prepare  to  leave  Babylon  (1,  8  ;  li, 
6,  45,  46,  50).  "  The  poinf  of  vieu\  also,  is  not  that  of 
Jeremias,  either  in  or  about  the  year  593  B.C.  At  that 
time,  as  we  know  from  chaps,  xxvii-xxix,  Jeremias  was  op- 
posing earnestly  the  prophets  who  were  promising  that 
shortly  Babylon  would  fall  and  the  exiles  be  restored  ;  he 
was  even  (chap,  xxix)  exhorting  the  exiles  to  settle  down 
contentedly  in  their  new  home.  But  the  prophet  who 
speaks  in  1-li,  so  far  from  counselling  patience,  uses  all  the  arts 
of  language  for  the  purpose  of  inspiring  the  exiles  with  the 
hopes  of  a  speedy  release,  for  doing  which  the  false  proph- 
ets were  severely  denounced  by  Jeremias.  .  .  .  Again,  the 
prophecy  is  not  a  inere  declaration  of  the  end  of  the  Baby- 
lonian  rule;  it   is   animated   by  a  temper   which,   if    it    be 


J  Friedrich  Bleek,  Introd.  to  Old  Test.,  §  209      The  correct  rendering  of  li,  51  is 

Strangers  came  upon  the  sanctuaries  of  Yahweh's  house." 

2  Driver  agrees  wiih  Karl  Bi  udk  in  regarding  li,  5>-i'4  as  genuine. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH.  289 

Jeremias',  is  not  adequately  accounted  for.  The  vein  of 
strong  feeling  which  pervades  it,  tke  manifest  satisfaction 
with  which  the  prophet  who  utters  it  contemplates,  under 
every  imaginable  aspect,  the  fate  which  he  sees  imminent 
upon  Babylon,  show  it  to  be  the  work  of  one  who  felt  far 
more  keenly  against  the  Chaldaeans  than  Jeremias  did,  who 
indeed,  after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  was  treated  by 
Nabuchodonosor  with  marked  consideration  (chap,  xxxix, 
etc.),  and  who,  even  when  in  Egypt,  still  regarded  the 
Babylonian  king  as  carrying  out  the  purposes  of  Providence 
(xliii,  10  sqq.  ;  xliv,  30).  There  breathes  in  this  prophecy 
the  spirit  of  an  Israelite,  whose  experiences  had  been  far 
other  than  Jeremias',  who  had  smarted  under  the  vexatious 
yoke  of  the  Chaldeeans  (cfr.  Isai.  xl,  6,  7  ;  Hi,  5),  and  whose 
thoughts  were  full  of  vengeance  for  the  sufferings  which 
his  fellow  countrymen  had  endured  at  their  hands.  Other 
indications  support  the  conclusion  thus  reached.  Jeremias 
is  not,  indeed,  like  Isaias,  a  master  of  literary  style;  but 
the  repetitions  and  the  unmethodical  development  of  the 
subject  which  characterize  chaps.  1-li  are  both  in  excess  of 
his  usual  manner.  Jeremias  also,  it  is  true,  sometimes  re- 
peats his  own  words,  but  not  to  the  extent  which  would 
be  the  case  here  if  he  were  the  author  of  chaps.  1-li  (1,  30- 
32,  40-46  ;  li,  15-19)."' 

A  third  and  last  view  regarding  the  authorship  of  chaps. 
1-li  has  been  advocated  by  Movers,  De  Wette,  and  Hitzig. 
It  afifirms  that  the  section,  like  many  other  passages  in  the 
prophecies  of  Jeremias,  goes  back  originally  to  that  prophet, 
but  has  been  considerably  interpolated  and  altered.  It  is 
now  universally  given  up. 

1  Driver,  Introd.  to  Literat,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  267.  In  regard  to  the  style  of  the  sec- 
tion, W.  H.  Bennett  writes  as  follows  :  "  Much  of  the  section  is  borrowed  from  the 
rest  of  the  book  and  from  other  literature  (1,  40-46  =  xlix,  18  ;  vi,  22-24  ;  ^li^.  19-21  ; 
li,  15-19  =  X,  i2-i6.  Cfr.  1,  39  with  Isai.  xiii,  21,  22),  after  the  manner  of  other  sec- 
ondary passages  in  Jeremias.  Except  for  such  borrowing,  the  style  is  not  that  of 
Jeremias  "  (a  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  208). 


290         SPECIAL    INTRODDCTIOxM    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

The  last  chapter  of  the  book  (Hi)  is  a  Historical  A[)})en- 
dix,  which,  as  already  stated,  is  borrowed  from  the  fourtli 
book  of  Kings  (xxiv,  18-xxv,  21,  27-30).  Its  later  ad- 
dition to  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias  is  made  manifest, 
among  other  things,  by  the  subscription  in  li,  646  :  *'  Thus 
far  are  the  words  of  Jeremias."  Nevertheless  its  genuine- 
ness has  been  defended  by  Hiivernick,  and  is  still  main- 
tained by  Cornely  and  Knabenbauer.  But  even  Keil  ^  and 
Trochon^  reject  it  as  an  untenable  position. 

The  foregoing  study  of  the  authorship  of  the  leading  sec- 
tions in  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias,  however  short  and 
incomplete,'  prepares  us  to  consider  that  prophetical  writing 
as  a  work  which  reached  its  present  condition  only  gradu- 
ally. It  proves  that,  over  and  above  the  additions  which 
Jeremias  himself  introduced  into  the  second  edition  of  his 
prophecies  (cfr.  xxxvi,  27-32),  others,  no  less  extensive, 
were  inserted  after  his  time.  It  shows  that  narrations  (for 
instance,  xxxix,  4-13;  Hi)  were  added,  while  prophecies 
were  either  amplified,  or  borrowed  from  other  sources  (for 
instance,  xxv,  9-14;  xxxiii,  14-26).  So  that  a  compilatory 
process,  with  its  more  or  less  probable  stages,*  should  be 
admitted — as  it  is  indeed  generally  admitted  at  the  present 
day — as  the  literary  method  followed  in  the  composition  of 
the  book  of  Jeremias. 

4.  The  Hebrew  and  Septuagint  Texts  Compared. 

The  position  just  assumed,  to  the  effect  that  the  prophecies 

»  Keil,  Introd.  to  Old  Test.,  vol.  i,  p.  349  (Engl.  Transl.). 

'  Jer^mie,  p.  14.  See  also  Bp.  Hanneberg,  Histoire  de  la  Revelation  Biblique, 
vol.  i,  p.  354  (French  Transl.). 

3  It  might  easily  be  shown  that  other  extensive  sections  (such,  for  instance,  as 
xxxvi-xxxix)  have  actually  undergone  ;i  considerable  amount  of  revision. 

*  Concerning  the  probable  stages  in  the  composition  of  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias, 
see  F.  C.  Moveks,  in  Hanneberg's  Histoire  de  la  R^v^lation  Biblique,  vol.  i,  p. 
352;  E.  Kautzsch.  OutHne  of  the  History  of  the  Liter,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  84  sq.  (Engl. 
Transl.);  Nathanael  Schmidt,  art.  Jeremiah  (book),  in  Cheyne,  Ency.  Biblica  ;  A. 
B.  Davidson,  art.  Jeremiah,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  575  ;  Driver, 
Introd.  to  Liter,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  271;  etc. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,   AND    BARUCH.  29 1 

of  Jeremias  passed  through  the  different  stages  of  a  coni- 
pilatory  process,  is  furtlier  confirmed  by  a  comparison  of  the 
Massoretic  Text  with  the  Hebrew  Text  which  was  rendered 
into  Greek  by  the  Septuagint  translator/  Both  texts  are 
manifestly  representatives  of  one  and  the  same  book,  and  in 
consequence  exhibit  about  the  same  general  features  ; 
roughly  speaking,  they  have  the  same  contents,  the  same 
general  style  and  phraseology,  the  same  usual  disposition  of 
the  sections,  etc.  Yea,  more  :  they  both  are  furnished  with 
passages  which  internal  evidence  proves  to  be  the  outcome 
of  gradual  accretion,  "  some  additions  and  insertions  having 
penetrated  into  all  the  MSS.;  for  instance,  chaps.  1,  li,  lii,x, 
1-16  (except  verses  6-8,  10);  xvi,  14,  15;  xvii,  19-27,  and 
much  more."^  In  these  respects  and  several  others  both 
texts  seem  at  first  sight  to  have  about  the  same  general 
resemblances  as  are  noticeable  between  our  present  Hebrew 
Text  and  the  Septuagint  Version  of  any  other  sacred  writ- 
ing of  the  Old  Testament.  When  more  closely  considered, 
however,  the  Hebrew  and  Septuagint  Texts  of  Jeremias 
present  differences  greater  than  they  are  in  any  other  book, 
even  that  of  Job.  Thus  the  contents  of  the  Septuagint 
are  considerably  smaller  than  those  of  the  Hebrew  Text. 
According  to  the  calculation  of  Graf,  the  Greek  Text  is  by 
about  2700  words,  or  one  eighth  of  the  book,  shorter  than 
the  Hebrew,  and  in  many  cases  the  parts  wanting  are  not 
merely  single  words,  but  also  one  or  two  or  more  verses  at 
a  time.^  Again,  the  prophecies  against  Foreign  Nations, 
which  stand  at  the  end  of  the  book  in  the  Hebrew  (chaps, 
xlvi-li),  are  inserted  in  the  Greek  between  chap,  xxv,  13  and 
XXV,  15  (verse  14  being  wanting  in  the  LXX),  and  are  given 

•  Cfr.  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  271  sq. 
'  A.  B.  Davidson,  loc.  cit.,  p,  575. 

'  For  instance,  viii,  10-12;  x,6-8 ;  xvii,  1-4;  xxix,  16-20  ;  xxxiii,  14-216;  ZZzix,4-X3, 
are  wanting  in  the  LXX. 


292  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

in  an  order  different  from  the  Hebrew,  as  maybe  easily  seen 
in  the  following  schedule  : 

Hebrew.  Septuagint. 

XXV,  15-38 xxxii,  1-24 

xxvi,  i-xliii,  13 xxxiii,  i-l,  13 

xliv,  1-30 li,  1-30 

xlv,  1-5 li,  31-35 

xlvi,  1-28 xxvi,  1-28 

xlvii,  1-7 xxix,  1-7 

xlviii,  1-47 xxxi,  1-44 

xlix,  1-5 XXX,  1-5 

xlix,  7-22 xxix,  7-22 

xlix,  23-27 XXX,  12-16 

xlix,  28-33 ^^^,  6-1 1 

xlix,  34-39 XXV,  34-39 

1,  1-41,  64 xxvii,  i-xxviii,  64 

The  change  in  the  order  of  these  prophecies  may  be  bet- 
ter realized  thus  : 

Hebrew.  Septuagint. 

Oracle  against  Egypt Elam 

Pnilistines Egypt 

Moab Babylon 

Ammon Philistines 

Edom Edom 

Damascus Ammon 

Cedar Cedar 

Elam Damascus 

Babylon Moab 

Scholars  biassed  in  favor  of  the  Hebrew  Text  attribute 
all  such  differences  to  the  ignorance,  carelessness,  and  in- 
capacity of  the  Greek  translator.  They  point  out  how  in  a 
certain  number  of  cases  he  easily  misunderstood  the  text 
before  him,  tampered  with  it  to  get  a  suitable  continuation, 
and  was  satisfied  with  expressing  its  general  sense,  unmind- 
ful of  the  exact  wording  of  his  original.^     They  also  think 

^  With  this  end  in  view,  they  refer  to  such  passages  as  ii,  2,  19,  20,  23  ;  viii,  6,  18  ;  x, 
J7,  18 ;  xii,  13  ;  xv,  10,  16 ;  xviii,  14;  xx,  n  ;  xxii,  15,  16,  20;  etc. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH.  293 

that  he  was  not  loatli  in  omitting  such  clauses  as  tally  with 
the  halting  style  of  Jeremias,  but  might  seem  sui)erfluous  or 
difficult  to  the  Hellenist,  as  also  verses  which  were  already 
contained  in  the  book  ;  etc/  There  is  no  doubt  that,  in 
many  cases,  their  suggestions  of  mistaken  renderings,  inten- 
tional omissions,  etc.,  on  the  part  of  the  Septuagint  trans- 
lator appear  plausible,  and  are,  at  times,  practically  certain. 
It  may  well  be  doubted,  however,  if  so  one-sided  a  view  of 
the  case  is  really  correct.  In  fact  most  contemporary 
scholars  find  it  exaggerated,  and  assume  that  only  a  part  of 
the  variations  between  the  two  texts  can  be  accounted  for 
by  the  faulty  manner  in  which  the  Greek  translation  was 
carried  out.  "  In  minor  variations  the  correct  text  is  to  be 
found  sometimes  in  the  one  edition,  sometimes  in  the 
other  ;  but  the  longer — and  indeed,  at  times,  most  impor- 
tant— passages  absent  from  the  Septuagint  are  probably  edi- 
torial additions  in  the  Hebrew  Text.  They  do  not  show 
that  such  editorial  expansion  continued  after  the  text  under- 
lying the  Septuagint  was  rendered  into  Greek,  but  only 
that  when  that  translation  was  made  at  least  two  very  dif- 
ferent Hebrew  editions  of  the  book  were  still  current." ' 
It  seems  likev.ise,  though  this  is  much  controverted  among 
critics,  that  the  Septuagint,  in  placing  the  Prophecies 
against  Foreign  Nations  in  chap,  xxv  after  verse  13,  has 
retained  an  older  order  than  the  one  now  embodied  in  the 
Massoretic  Text.^ 

§  2.    The  Book  of  Lamentations, 

I.  Title  and  Place  in  the  Canon.     Besides  the  collec- 
tion of  prophecies  which  we  have  just  considered,  there  is 

1  For  examples  cfr.  Von  Orelli,  the  Prophecies  of  Jeremiah,  p.  26. 

"  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introd.,  p.  200.  Cfr.  Knabenbauer,  S.J.,  in  Jere- 
miam,  p.  10;  Driver,  Introduction,  p.  270  ;  A.  R.  Davidson,  art.  Jeremiah,  in  Hast- 
ings, Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  574,  and  authors  referred  to  on  p.  575. 

'  Cfr.  CoRNELY,  Introd.  specialis,  vol.  ii,  part  ii,  p.  369 ;  A.  B.  Davidson,  loc.  cit., 
p.  574 ;  etc. 


2  94         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

another  shorter  work  likewise  ascribed  to  Jeremias  among 
the  sacred  writings  of  the  Old  Testament.  Its  title  in  the 
Hebrew  Text  is  simply  ' Ekhah  (How),  the  opening  word 
of  the  book.  In  the  Talmud  and  Rabbinical  writings  it  is 
usually  called  Qinoth^  (Lamentations,  or  Dirges),  a  name 
which  has  its  exact  equivalent  in  the  Greek  Bprjvoi  found 
in  the  Septuagint  and  Latinized  under  the  form  of  Thrtni 
in  the  Latin  Vulgate.  The  full  title  in  the  official  Vulgate 
is  :  Threni,  id  est  Lamentaiiones  JercmicB  ProphetcB^  whence 
the  ordinary  English  title  of  the  book  :  "  The  Lamenta- 
tions of  Jeremias." 

In  the  Hebrew  Canon  this  book  is  placed  among  the 
KUhubhim,  as  one  of  the  M'ghilloth  (Rolls),  between  Ruth 
and  Ecclesiastes,^  and  is  read  in  public  Jewish  services  on 
the  day  of  the  Destruction  of  Jerusalem,  viz.,  the  9th  of  the 
fifth  month,  Ab  (July-August).  In  the  Septuagint,  the 
Vulgate,  and  Versions  which  follow  their  arrangement  of 
the  sacred  writings  of  the  Old  Covenant,  Lamentations 
stand  after  Jeremias,  and  it  is  probable  that  at  an  earlier 
time  those  elegies  had  that  position  in  the  Hebrew  Canon 
also.*  Their  mournful  words  are  used  in  the  public  services 
of  Holy  Week  in  the  Christian  Church. 

2.  Literary  Form  and  Chief  Contents.  The  first 
four  Lamentations  are  literary  compositions  which  belong 
to  the  elegiac  poetry  of  the  Bible.  This  kind  of  poetry  is 
based  on  the  primitive  wail  or  dirge  which  was  sung  on  the 
occasion  of  the  death  of  individuals,  and  which,  owing  to 
the  existence  of  professional  mourners,  early  attained  matu- 
rity as  a  form  of  literature  with  metrical  and  other  charac- 
teristic features.     The  Hebrew  elegy  has  a  peculiar  rhythm 

*  This  Hebrew  word  is  found  in  Jerem.  vii,  29 ;  ix,  19,  29 ;  etc.,  with  the  meaning 
of  "mournful  songs,  or  lamentations." 

a  Cfr.  H.  E.  Ryle,  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  280. 

3  Cfr.  Friedrich  Bleek,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  §§  295,  298. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH.  295 

wliich  was  observed  long  ago  l3y  liishop  R.  Lowtli,  but  lias 
been  described  of  late  with  great  success  by  Karl  Budde. 
According  to  him  "the  elegiac  verse  may  consist  of  one  or 
more  members,  but  each  member,  which  contains  on  an 
average  not  more  than  five  or  six  words,  is  divided  by  a 
CiEsura  into  two  unequal  parts,  the  first  being  usually  about 
the  length  of  an  ordinary  verse-member,  the  second  being 
decidedly  shorter  and  very  often  not  parallel  in  thought  to 
the  first."  ^  Owing  to  this  lack  of  antithesis  or  parallelism 
between  the  two  members  of  a  verse,  these  members  can  be 
best  printed  as  a  single  line  with  a  caesura,  as  in  the  follow- 
ing instance,  wherein  the  elegiac  Hebrew  rhythm  can  be 
easily  felt  even  through  the  English  rendering  : 

How  doth  the  city  sit  solitary, — she  that  was  full  of  people  ! 
She  is  become  a  widow, — she  that  was  great  among  the  nations. 
The  princess  among  the  provinces, — she  is  become  tributary. 

(Lament,  i,  i.) 

Besides  the  elegiac  rhythm,  the  first  four  Lamentations 
present  another  and  indeed  more  artificial  poetical  feature. 
They  are  alphabetical  poems.  The  first,  second,  and  fourth 
consist  of  twenty-two  verses,  each  verse  commencing  with  a 
letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  in  regular  succession  and 
consisting  of  several  lines.  The  third  contains  in  all  sixty- 
six  or  thrice  twenty-two  verses,  in  the  following  manner : 
three  verses  are  allotted  to  each  successive  letter  of  the 
alphabet,  and  each  of  these  three  verses  has  the  same 
initial  letter  as  the  group  to  which  it  belongs.* 

The  fifth  and  last  Lamentation  differs  considerably  in 
point  of  literary  form  from  the  others.  It  is  indeed  poetical, 
but  it  has  not  the  elegiac  rhythm,  and  consists  simply  of 
distichs  in  synonymous  parallelisms.     It  may  also  be  con- 

»  Driver,  Introd.  to  Literat.  of  Old  Test.,  p.  457. 

2  The  fact  that  in  the  second,  third,  and  fourth  Lamentations  ••  comes  before  r  in 
the  order  of  letters  has  not  yet  been  fully  accounted  for.  It  should  also  be  noticed  thai 
only  these  three  elegies  begin  with  the  word  ''ekha  (How  !). 


296         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

nected  in  some  manner  with  the  Hebrew  ali)habet,  since 
it  contains  twenty-two  couplets  after  the  number  of  the 
Hebrew  letters,  but  it  is  not  an  acrostic.  It  seems,  there- 
fore, that  though  it  is  not  an  unstudied  effusion  of  natural 
feeling,  it  is  not  so  carefully  elaborated  a  poem  as  the  four 
Lamentations  by  which  it  is  preceded. 

These  differences  in  literary  form  coexist  with  remark- 
able differences  with  respect  to  contents.  While  it  can 
hardly  be  doubted  that  Jerusalem,  fallen  and  ruined  by 
Nabuchodonosor,  as  long  predicted  by  Jeremias,  is  the  gen- 
eral subject  of  all  the  five  Lamentations,  it  remains  true 
that  the  points  of  likeness  in  the  treatment  of  the  general 
subject  appear  chiefly  in  the  first,  second,  and  fourth  ele- 
gies, and  the  points  of  unlikeness  particularly  in  the  third 
and  fifth.  "  The  first  dwells  on  the  sad,  ruined  Sion  ;  the 
second  sings  of  the  *  fons  et  origo '  of  the  woe  of  Sion — 
Yahweh,  who  at  last  has  carried  out  the  awful  threats  of 
punishment  on  a  wicked  people  ;  the  theme  of  the  fourth 
depicts  the  sufferings  of  the  various  classes  of  the  people  at 
the  hands  of  their  conquerors."  ^  So  that,  thus  far,  there  is 
both  unity  and  progress  in  the  thought,  in  harmony  with  the 
unity  of  the  literary  form.  The  points  of  difference  begin 
to  appear  in  the  third  Lamentation,  which  is  usually  re- 
garded as  giving  vent  to  the  nation's  complaint  and  setting 
forth  its  ground  of  consolation,  but  is  decidedly  more  per- 
sonal, the  writer  speaking  of  himself  as  "  the  man  who  has 
seen  the  affliction,"  so  that  some  scholars  think  that  the 
poet,  instead  of  speaking  in  the  name  of  the  community, 
simply  bewails  his  own  misfortunes.''^  But  the  differences  as 
regards  the  contents  are  greatest  in  regard  to  the  last  Lam- 
entation. Not  only  the  elegiac  rhythm,  which  is  found  in 
all  the  Lamentations  by  which  it  is  preceded,  is  foreign  to 

*  H.  D.  M.  Spknch,  the  Lamentations  of  Jeremiah,  in  "  Book  by  Book,"  p.  230. 
'  Cfr.  Jno.  Jahn,  Introd.  to  Old  Test.,  p.  393  (Engl.  Transl.). 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH.  297 

its  literary  form  ;  but  its  contents  are  rather  those  of  a 
prayer^  tlian  those  of  an  elegy."  The  elegy  proper  must 
begin  with  the  utterance  of  grief  for  its  own  sake.  Here, 
on  the  contrary,  the  first  words  are  a  petition,  and  the 
picture  of  Israel's  woes  comes  in  to  support  the  prayer. 
The  point  of  rest  (observable  in  the  other  Lamentations), 
too,  is  changed,  and  the  chapter  closes  under  the  sense  of 
continued  wrath.  The  centre  of  the  singer's  feeling  no 
longer  lies  in  the  recollection  of  the  last  days  of  Jerusalem, 
but  in  the  long  continuance  of  a  divine  indignation  which 
seems  to  lay  a  measureless  interval  between  the  present 
afflicted  state  of  Israel  and  those  happy  days  of  old  which 
are  so  fresh  in  the  recollection  of  the  poet  in  the  first  four 
chapters  (see  Lam.  v,  20).  The  details,  too,  are  drawn  less 
from  one  crowning  misfortune  than  from  a  continued  state 
of  bondage  to  the  servants  of  the  foreign  tyrant  (verse  8), 
and  a  continued  series  of  insults  and  miseries.  And  with 
this  goes  a  change  in  the  consciousness  of  sin  :  *  Our 
fathers  have  sinned,  and  are  not ;  and  we  have  borne  their 
iniquities'  (Lam.  v,  7  ;  compare  Zachar.  i,  2-6)."* 

3.  Arguments  For  and  Against  Jeremian  Author- 
ship. Despite  these  and  other  such  differences,  which 
seem  to  point  to  the  conclusion  that  all  the  Lamentations 
are  not  by  one  and  the  same  author,  many  contemporary 
scholars  ascribe  the  whole  book  to  Jeremias,  the  prophet. 
They  appeal  first  of  all  to  extrinsic  evidence.  The  Septua- 
gint  Version  affirms  explicitly  the  Jeremian  authorship  in 
the  following  preface  to  the  book  :  "  And  it  came  to  pass 
after  Israel  was  taken  captive,  and  Jerusalem  laid  waste, 
that  Jeremias  sat  weeping,  and  lamented  with  this  lamenta- 
tion over  Jerusalem,  and  said."     This  statement  is  repeated 

•  Hence  the  heading  :  "  The  Prayer  of  Jeremias,  the  Prophet,"  which  is  prefixed  to 
it  in  the  Vulgate. 
'  W.  R.  Smith,  art.  Lamentations,  in  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  9th  edit. 


.ii)b         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

ill  the  Latin  Vulgate  with  some  sliglit  additions,  and  is 
apparently  endorsed  by  Josephiis,  who,  in  his  Antiquities  of 
the  Jews,  seems  to  identify  our  five  canonical  Lamentations 
with  those  which,  according  to  the  chronicler  (II  Paral. 
XXXV,  25),  Jeremias  composed  for  the  funeral  of  Josias.^ 
The  Targum,  instead  of  the  above  preface  to  the  Septuagint 
translation  of  the  Lamentations,  has  :  "  Jeremias,  the 
prophet  and  chief  priest,  said,"  an  ascription  perhaps  inde- 
pendent of  both  the  Septuagint  and  Josephus.  The 
Talmudists  also  assume  that  Jeremias  was  the  author  of 
the  book,^  and  the  Greek  and  Latin  Fathers,  naturally 
following  the  preface  to  the  Versions  at  their  disposal,  never 
question  the  Jeremian  authorship. 

To  confirm  this  argument  from  tradition,  the  defenders 
of  the  authorship  appeal,  in  the  second  place,  to  internal 
evidence.  The  writer,  it  is  said,  was  clearly  an  eye-witness 
of  the  national  misfortunes  he  bewails^  and  in  fact,  like 
Jeremias,  shared  in  the  severe  experiences  and  sufferings  of 
those  calamitous  times.^  Further,  the  book  of  Lamenta- 
tions breathes  the  same  spirit  as  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias, 
for  in  both  there  appears  the  same  sensitive  temper,  deeply 
affected  by  national  sorrow,  and  most  ready  to  pour  forth 
its  various  emotions;*  in  both,  too,  the  public  calamities 
are  ascribed  to  the  same  causes,  viz.,  the  national  break  of 
Yahweh's  covenant  ;^  unfounded  confidence  in  false  proph- 
ets and  dissolute  priests;''  vain  hope  of  help  from  weak 
and  faithless  allies.''  Together  with  this  similarity  of  views, 
there  is   found    in    both   writings   a    striking   similarity   of 

*  Cfr.  Josephus,  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  book  x,  chap,  v,  §  i. 
'  Treatise  Baba  Bathra,  fol.  15,  col.  1. 

'  Cfr.  ii,  u  ;  iii  ;  iv,  17-20;  and  the  whole  of  chap.  v. 

*  Compare  the  Lamentations  with  Jerem.  xiv,  xv,  more  particularly, 

»  Comp.  Lam.  i,  5,  8,  14,  18  ;  iii,  39,  42  ;  iv,  6,  22  ;  v,  7,  16,  with  Jerem.  xiv,  7  ;  xvi, 
10-12  •  xvii,  1-3;  etc. 

*  Comp.  Lam.  ii,  14  ;  iv,  13-15,  with  Jerem.  ii.  7,  8  ;  v,  31  ;  xiv,  13  ;  xxiii,  11-40;  etc. 
'  Comp.  Lam,  i,  2,  19;  iv,  17,  with  Jerem.  ii,  iS,  36;  xxx,  14;  xxxvii,  5-10, 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH.  299 

images  and  expressions,  which  is  claimed  to  point  also  to 
unity  of  authorship.  Thus  the  vivid  images  of  the  virgin 
daughter  of  Juda  or  of  Sion  afflicted  with  an  incurable 
breach  ;^  of  the  prophet's  eyes  running  down  with  water  ;^ 
of  the  sense  of  terrors  on  all  sides  ;^  of  direct  appeal  for 
vengeance  to  the  righteous  Judge;*  etc., are  common  to  both 
books.  This  is  also  the  case  with  many  peculiar  words  and 
turns  of  expression,  the  principal  of  which  can  be  easily 
realized  by  means  of  the  subjoined  schedule  borrowed  from 
Driver's  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment (p.  462):^ 

Lamentations.  Jeremias. 

i'  (no  comforter  of  all  her  lovers).        30^. 

ji68^  2"a.  i8b^    348.  49  (eyes  running  g^'  ^^^,  13!'^  14". 

down  with  tears,  etc.). 

2II,  348^410  (the  breach  of  the  daugh-  6^*,     gn-";    cf.     4«-'o,    6^,     lo**, 

ter  of  my  people)  ;    cf.    2^^    (the  14'''^'  a/. 

breach  great),  3^^. 

2'^  4^^  (sins  of  prophets  and  priests).  Cf.  2^,  5'',  14"',  23". 

220^    410  (women   eating    their    own  Cf,  19*  (Dt.  28^3^. 

children). 

222  (<'  my  terrors  round  about ").  6*^*,  20'°  (^'■terror  round  about"). 

3'*  (I  am  become  a  derision).  2o''„ 

3'5  (wormwood)  i'  (wormwood  and  9^*,  231*  (Dt.  29'''). 

gall). 

3'*''  (fear  and  the  snare).  48*'  ("fear  and  the  snare  and  tht 

pit-). 

3"  (they  hunt  me).  i6i«^. 

42i'>  (the  cup).  2515,  4912. 

*  Comp.  Lam.  i,  15  ;  ii,  13,  with  Jerem.  viii,  21,  22  ;  xiv,  19. 

'  Comp.  Lam.  i,  16  ;  ii,  11,  18  ;  iii,  48,  49,  with  Jerem.  ix,  i,  18  ;  xiii,  19;  xiv.  17. 
3  Comp.  Lam.  ii,  22,  with  Jerem.  vi,  25  ;  xx,  lo. 

*  Comp.  Lam.  iii.  64-66  with  Jerem.  xi.  20. 

'  Driver's  schedule  is   based  on  Keil's  dat.i,    in  the  latter's  Introd.  to    the  Old 
Test.,  §  127  (p.  511  of  Engl.  Transl.). 


300         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

The  many  opponents  of  the  Jeremian  authorship,  whose 
number  is  steadily  increasing  among  contemporary  scholars, 
refuse  to  regard  as  conclusive  the  testimony  of  the  tradition 
which  ascribes  all  the  Lamentations  to  Jeremias.  This 
tradition  can  indeed  be  traced  back  to  the  short  preface  to 
the  book  of  Lamentations  in  the  Septuagint  Version.  But 
nothing  proves  that  the  preface  itself  is  simply  a  rendering 
into  Greek  of  a  corresponding  piece  in  the  Hebrew  original. 
It  does  not  appear  in  our  received  Hebrew  Text,  and  was  not 
found  there  in  St.  Jerome's  day.  Its  suppression  from  the 
Hebrew  Text,  since  the  time  of  the  Septuagint  Version,  is 
not  probable  ;  all  the  more  so  because  never  since  then 
have  Jewish  scribes  and  scholars  called  in  question  the 
Jeremian  authorship.  Moreover,  "it  cannot  be  at  once 
assumed  that  the  tradition  embodied  in  the  Septuagint's 
preface  has  a  genuine  historical  basis  :  an  interval  of  at 
least  three  centuries  separated  the  Septuagint  translators 
from  the  age  of  Jeremias  ;  and  the  tradition  may^  for  exam- 
ple, be  merely  an  inference  founded  on  the  general  resem- 
blance of  tone  which  the  Lamentation  exhibit  with  such 
passages  as  Jerem.  viii,  i8-ix  ;  xiv-xv,  and  on  the  reference 
assumed  to  be  contained  in  I  am.  iii,  14,  53-56,  to  incidents 
in  the  prophet's  life  (Jerem.  xx,  7  ;  xxxviii,  6  sqq.)."^ 

Having  thus  thrown  a  serious  doubt  on  the  tradition 
which  regards  Jeremias  as  the  author  of  the  Lamentations, 
the  opponents  of  the  Jeremian  authorship  claim  that, 
though  the  book  has  parallels  to  the  sty^e  and  teaching  of 
that  prophet,  and  various  passages  which  seem  to  have 
been  written  by  an  eye-witness,  a  comparison  of  its  con- 
tents with  Jeremias'  prophecies  disproves  the  unity  of 
authorship.  They  maintain,  first  of  all,  that  the  point  of 
view  is  sometimes  at  variance  with  that  of  Jeremias.      For 

»  Driver,  loc  cit.,  p.  461.  See  also  W.  R,  Smith,  art.  Lamentations,  in  Encyclop. 
Britannica,  9th  edit 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    RARUCH.  3OI 

example,  in  Lam.  i,  21,  22  ;  iii,  59-66,  the  writer  gives  vent 
to  bitter  feelings  against  the  Clialdieans,  invoking  retribu- 
tion upon  them,  but  this  is  hardly  in  harmony  with  Jcre- 
mias'  conviction  that  the  enemies  of  his  nation  were  simply 
executing  God's  purpose  upon  Juda.  In  like  manner  the 
author  of  Lam.  ii,  9^  says  that  Sion's  prophets  find  no  vision 
from  Yahweh,  a  statement  which  seems  to  imply  that  he  is 
;/£?/ himself  a  prophet.  Again,  in  Lam.  iv,  17  the  speaker 
identifies  himself  with  those  who  hope  for  help  from  Egypt, 
whereas  Jeremias  always  discouraged  such  hopeso  Con- 
sidering Jeremias'  poor  opinion  of  Sedecias,^  it  is  very  un° 
likely  that  he  should  speak  of  him  as  "  the  breath  of  our 
nostrils,  the  anointed  of  Yahweh,  ...  of  whom  we  said  : 
Under  his  shadow  we  shall  live  among  the  Gentiles,"  etc. 

The  opponents  of  the  Jeremian  authorship  claim,  in  the 
second  place,  that  the  phraseology  of  Lamentations  varies 
from  that  of  Jeremias.  "  Lam.  contains  a  very  large 
number  of  words  not  found  in  Jeremias  ;  and  though  the 
non-occurrence  in  Jeremias  of  several  of  these  must  be  due 
to  accident,  and  the  non-occurrence  of  others  may  be 
attributed  to  the  peculiar  character  of  Lamentations,  and 
is  thus  of  slight  or  no  significance,  yet  others  are  more  re 
markable  ;  and  taken  together,  the  impression  which  they 
leave  upon  an  impartial  critic  is  that  their  number  is 
greater  than  would  be  the  case  if  Jeremias  were  the 
author."^  This  second  argument  is  now  considered  as 
very  strong  by  many  writers,  among  whom  may  be  mentioned 
the  Catholic  scholar  B.  Neteler,  who  openly  says:  "Von 
den  Klagelied  hat  Nagelsbach^  in  vollstandig  iiberzeu- 
gender   Weise    bewiesen,    dass    sie    wegen     ihrer    grossen 

*  Cfr.  Jerem.  xxiv,  8-10 ;  etc, 

'Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  463,  and  footn.  2,  where  are  given  examples  of  words  eiclu« 
sively  found  in  Lamentations. 

'  Nagelsbach  is  one  of  the  commentators  of  the  nineteenth  century  who  have  com« 
pared  most  carefully  the  style  of  Lamentations  with  that  of  Jeremias. 


$02         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

sprachlichen  Verschiedenheit  vom  Buche  Jeremias  von  den? 
Verfasser  dieses  Buches  nicht  herriihren  konnen."^ 

Finally,  it  is  argued  that  the  variation  in  the  alphabetic 
order  which  has  been  already  noticed  in  connection  with 
the  literary  form  of  Lam.  ii,  iii,  iv,  tends  at  least  to  show  that 
these  elegies  were  not  by  the  author  of  the  first  Lamenta- 
tion; while  the  peculiarities  in  respect  of  both  contents  and 
form  which  have  also  been  pointed  out  in  reference  to  the 
fifth  Lamentation,  point  to  an  author  different  from  that  of 
the  other  Lamentations. 

"  On  the  whole,  the  balance  of  internal  evidence  may  be 
said  to  preponderate  against  Jeremias'  authorship  of  the 
book.  The  case  is  one  in  which  the  differences  have  greater 
weight  than  the  resemblances.  Even  though  the  poems  be 
not  the  work  of  Jeremias,  there  is  no  question  that  they  are 
the  work  of  a  contemporary  (or  contemporaries);  ^  and  the 
resemblances,  even  including  those  of  phraseology,  are  not 
greater  than  may  be  reasonably  accounted  for  by  the 
similarity  of  historical  situation.  Many,  in  the  same  trou- 
blous times,  must  have  been  moved  by  the  experience  of 
national  calamities,  as  Jeremias  was  moved  by  their  pros- 
pect ;  and  a  disciple  of  Jeremias,  or  one  acquainted  with 
his  writings,  who,  while  in  adopting  in  some  particulars 
the  standpoint  of  bis  nation,  agreed  in  other  respects  with 
the  prophet,  might  very  naturally  interweave  his  own 
thoughts  with  reminiscences  of  Jeremias'  prophecies."  ^ 

*  B.  Nkthlbr,  Gliederung  des  B.  Jeremias,  p.  132. 

'  Some  of  the  intrinsic  arguments  brought  forth  against  the  Jeremian  authorship  go 
far  toward  making  it  probable  that  the  live  Lamentations  are  not  by  one  and  the  sam« 
author. 

•  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  464. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AM)    HARt'CH.  3O3 

§  3.    The  Prophecy  of  Baruch} 

I.  Contents  of  the  Book.  While  the  division  of  tlie 
Lamentations  into  five  sections  is  manifest  because  naturally 
indicated  by  the  five  elegies  of  which  the  book  is  made  up, 
the  division  of  the  Prophecy  of  Baruch  into  its  leading  parts 
cannot  be  made  out  with  anything  like  certainty.  There 
are  indeed  convincing  proofs  that  the  sixth  chapter  of  Baruch 
in  the  Vulgate,  which  bears  the  special  title  of  an  "  Epistle 
of  Jeremias,"  is  truly  distinct  from  the  rest  of  the  work  : 
not  only  its  title,  but  its  style  and  contents,  make  it  evident 
that  it  is  a  production  wholly  independent  of  the  book  of 
Baruch  proper  ;  and  while  some  MSS.  that  have  Baruch 
have  not  the  Epistle,  others,  among  the  best,  have  it  im- 
mediately after  Lamentations.  But  no  clear  grounds  for 
pointing  out  the  real  divisions  of  the  book  proper  can  be 
appealed  to.  The  following,  however,  are  the  more  prob- 
able divisions  of  the  contents  of  Baruch  i-v. 

The  book  opens  with  a  Historical  Introduction  (i,  1-14). 
made  up,  first,  of  a  statement  (verses  1-2)  to  the  effect  that 
the  prophecy  which  follows  was  written  by  Baruch  at 
Babylon  in  the  fifth  year,  at  the  time  when  Jerusalem  was 
burned  by  the  Chaldaeans;  and  next,  of  an  apparent  digres- 
sion narrating  that  the  book  was  read  in  an  assembly  of 
King  Jechonias  and  the  leading  Babylonian  exiles,  and 
produced  upon  them   the    most   beneficial    effects    (verses 

3-14). 

The  first  section  (i,  15-iii,  8)  contains  a  confession  of  the 
sins  which  led  to  the  Captivity,  together  with  a  prayer  that 
God  will  at  length  pardon  His  people.  This  section  may 
be  subdivided  into  two  parts,  which  both  open  with  these 
iv'ords    of    the    book    of    Daniel :    "  To   Yahweh    our    God 

'  This  book,  it  will  be  remembered,  is  one  of  the  deutero-canonical  writings  of  the  Old 
Testament. 


304         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

belongeth  righteousness,  but  to  us  confusion  of  our  face,  as 
at  this  day."  ^  The  first  part  (i,  15-ii,  5)  reads  like  a  form 
of  confession  of  sin  used  by  the  Jews  who  had  been  left  in 
Palestine.  "  Its  restricted  design  for  the  use  of  the  home 
remnant  is  intimated  in  the  non-occurrence  of  the  words  of 
Daniel,  *  and  to  all  Israel  that  are  near  and  that  are  afar  off,' 
etc.;  as  well  as  by  the  words  of  Baruch  ii,  4,  5, '  He  hath 
given  thefti  to  be  in  subjection  to  all  the  kingdoms  that  are 
round  about  us  .  •  ,  where  Yahweh  has  scattered  thejn  : 
and  they  have  become  beneath  and  not  above,  because  7ve 
sinned.'  The  confession  of  sin  is  national,  embracing  the 
whole  period  from  the  Exodus,  and  recognizing  in  the  Exile 
the  righteous  fulfilment  of  repeated  warnings."  ^  The  sec- 
ond part  (ii,  6-iii,  8)  is  also  a  confession  of  sins,  but  is 
apparently  meant  for  the  Jews  who  had  been  carried  away 
from  Palestine.  After  repeating  practically  the  same 
phrases  as  in  i,  15-ii,  5,  though  in  a  somewhat  different 
order,  the  persons  here  intended  are  made  to  say  in  ii,  13, 
"  We  are  left  a  few  among  the  nations  where  Thou  hast  scat- 
tered us  "  (in  direct  contrast  to  ii,  4,"  Yahweh  has  scattered 
them'')y  and  in  ii,  14,  "  Grant  that  we  may  find  favor  in  the 
sight  of  those  who  have  led  us  captive  "  (see  also  verses 
29,  30),  while  their  actual  condition  is  described  as  that  of 
exiles  (ii,  7,  15  ;  iii,  19),^  punished  for  not  having  hearkened 
to  the  warnings  of  Jeremias  that  they  should  not  resist  the 
king  of  Babylon.  The  prayer  for  forgiveness  extends  from 
ii,  14  to  iii,  8. 

The  second  section  (iii,  9-iv,  4)  is  a  poetical  panegyric 
on  Wisdom,  which  resembles  in  many  ways  passages  in 

*  Dan.  ix,  7. 

'  J.  T.  Marshall,  art.  Baruch,  book  of,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  i, 

•  "  The  divine  threat  realized  in  their  experience  is  captivity  (ii,  7,  15),  whereas  in 
the  first  confession  it  was  that  they  had  eaten  the  flesh  of  their  cliildren  (ii,  1-3)."  (J. 
T.  Marshall,  loc.  cit.) 


JEKKMIAS,    l.AMKN  TA'I  IONS,    AND    bARlTII.  305 

chaps,  xxviii  and  xxxviii  of  tlie  book  of  Job.  Tlie  exiles 
are  bidden  to  come  back  to  the  fountain  of  Wisdom,  which 
they  have  forsaken  ;  to  abide  by  tlie  Law,  which  is  llie  em- 
bodiment of  Wisdom,  and  wliich  lias  been  given  to  the 
Chosen  People  tha:  they  might  walk  in  its  light. 

The  third  section  (iv,  5-v),  poetical  like  the  foregoing, 
has  for  i^s  general  object  to  comfort  the  exiles  with  tiie 
hope  of  a  return  and  of  a  glorious  future.  It  is  made  up  of 
four  odes,  each  commencing  with  the  expression,  **  Be  of 
good  courage  "  (iv,  5  ;  21  ;  27  ;  30),  and  of  a  Psalm  closely 
related  to  the  eleventh  of  the  Psalms  of  Solomon  (iv,  ;^6-y). 

The  sixth  chapter  of  Baruch,  as  already  stated,  does  not 
belong  to  the  book  proper.  According  to  its  title  (verse  i), 
it  is  a  letter  that  Jeremias  sent,  on  the  divine  command,  to 
the  Jews  soon  to  be  removed  by  Nabuchodonosor  to  Baby- 
lon. For  their  sins  they  were  to  be  exiled  and  to  remain  in 
the  heathen  city  "even  to  seven  generations."  There  they 
would  see  the  worship  paid  to  idoJs  of  wood,  silver,  and 
gold,  but  should  nat  conform  to  it.  All  such  idols  are 
powerless  and  perishable  works  of  man's  hand,  and  can  do 
neither  harm  nor  good  ;  they  are  not  gods  at  all.  This 
last  thought  is  ten  times  repeated  at  the  close  of  as  many 
sections.^ 

2.  Original  Language  and  Unity  of  Composition. 

Many  reasons  tend  to  prove  that — as  is  generally  admitted 
by  contemporary  critics — the  last  chapter  of  the  book  of 
Baruch  in  the  Vulgate  was  originally  written,  not  in  He- 
brew, as  its  ascription  to  Jeremias  might  lead  us  to  suppose, 
but  in  Greek.  "  Not  only  there  are  no  observable  traces 
of  any  original  Hebrew  text,  but  even  the  method  of  reason- 
ing manifests  Grecian  learning  and  a  Grecian  Jew  or  Hel- 

'  For  a  detniled  analysis  of  P.aruch  vi,  see  J.  T.  Marshall,  art.  Jeremy,  Epistle  of, 
in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  li,  p.  57S. 


306         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION'    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMElf*. 

lenistic  author."  ^  So  that  St.  Jerome  was  decidedly  correc* 
when  he  called  this  writing  if-evdeniypacpo^^  for  it  is  mani- 
fest that  Jeremias  would  not  have  composed  it  in  Greek. 

As  regards  the  book  of  iiaruch  j.roper,  the  tendency 
among  recent  critics  is  to  consider  its  first  part  (i-iii,  8)  as 
the  only  one  primitively  written  in  Hebrew.^  And  yet  it  car> 
hardly  be  doubted  that  the  remainder  of  the  book  (iii,  9-v^ 
was  also  originally  composed  in  Hebrew  or  in  Aramaic,  as 
Jahn,^  Evvald,  De  Wette,  Samuel  Davidson,  Reusch,  Bp. 
Hanneberg,  Kneucker,  and  many  others  have  admitted. 
It  can  be  shown,  for  instance,  "  that  iii,  9-iv,  4  was  first 
composed  in  Aramaic  by  a  comparison  of  the  Greek  text 
we  now  possess  with  the  Peshitto  and  Syriac  Hexaplar 
Versions.  When  the  various  readings  are  translated  into 
Aramaic,  we  obtain  either  one  Aramaic  word  with  the  two 
desiderated  meanings,  or  two  words  so  nearly  alike  as  easily 
to  be  mistaken  for  one  another."*  But,  more  particularly, 
the  parallelism  of  members  which  is  so  striking  throughout 
that  section  goes  far  toward  proving  that  it  was  not  origi- 
nally written  in  Greek.  This  great  characteristic  of  Semitic 
poetry  is  likewise  recognizable  in  iv,  4-v,  and  this  is  why  it 
is  divided  into  parallel  lines  by  E.  C.  BisselP  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  foregoing  poetical  section,  It  must  be 
granted,  however,  that  in  iv,  4-v,  more  than  anywhere  else, 
the  present  Greek  text  reflects  less  distinctly  a  Hebrew 
original  and  reads  more  like  a  free  and  paraphrastic  render- 
ing  thereof.^     Finally,   the  view   that    the    whole    book  of 

1  Jno.  Jahn,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  503  (Engl.  Transl.).  See  also  J.  T.  Mar. 
SHALL,  loc.  cit  ;  etc. 

2  Fcr  proofs  that  Baruch  i-iii,  8  was  composed  in  Hebrew,  see  Samuel  Davidson, 
Introd.  to  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii,  p.  426  sq.;  J.  T.  Marshall,  Baruch,  book  of,  in  Hast« 
INGS,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  i,  p.  252;  etc. 

5  Jahn  regards  this  view  simply  as  more  probable. 

*  J.  T.  Marshall,  loc.  cit.,  p.  253. 

^  The  Apocrypha  of  the  Old  Testament,  in  Schaff-Lange,  Comm.  on  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  p.  430  sq. 

•  Cfr.  Samuel  Davidson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  427. 


JEREMIAS,   LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARUCH,  307 

"Raruch  proper,  and  not  simply  i-iii,  8,  was  originally  written 
m  Hebrew  seems  to  harmonize  best  with  the  statement  in 
i,  14  to  the  effect  that  the  book  was  to  be  read  publicly  in 
Temple  services  :  ^  no  other  but  a  Hebrew  composition 
could  be  thought  of  for  so  sacred  a  purpose. 

Besides  this  unity  as  regards  the  original  language,  the 
book  of  Baruch  presents  a  certain  unity  in  point  of  general 
contents.  Its  first  section  (i,  15-ii  ,  8)  contains  topics 
most  intimately  bound  together,  viz.,  a  twofold  confession 
of  the  sins  Avhich  led  to  the  Exile,  and  a  prayer  for  forgive- 
ness. The  second  section  (iii,  9-iv,  4)  bids  the  exiles  to 
come  back  to  faithfulness  to  the  Law  of  Yahweh,  so  as  to 
secure  the  hope  of  the  return  and  the  glorious  future,  the 
comforting  assurance  of  which  i3  given  them  in  the  third 
section  (iv,  5-v).  To  this  trilogy  a  historical  introduction 
explaining  the  origin  and  purpose  of  the  book  is  naturally 
prefixed.  It  is  not,  therefore,  surprising  to  find  that  most 
of  those  who  regard  the  whole  book  as  originally  written 
in  Hebrew  admit  also  its  unity  of  composition.  It  is  true, 
however,  that,  despite  this  general  unity  of  language  and 
subject-matter,  the  book  of  Baruch  bears  the  unmistakable 
impress  of  the  compilatory  process  whereby  its  various 
parts  were  brought  together.  The  difference  in  literary 
form  between  i-iii,  8  on  the  one  hand  and  iii,  9-v  on  the 
other  is  manifest  to  every  attentive  reader  of  the  Greek 
text,^  and,  taken  together  with  the  abrupt  manner  in  which 
the  panegyric  on  Wisdom  is  introduced  at  iii,  9,  suggests  a 
difference  with  respect  to  origin.  The  two  confessions  of 
sin  embodied  in  i,  15-iii,  8  are  simply  put  side  by  side 
without  any  natural  transition  between  them  at  ii,  5.  The 
second  and  third  sections  of  the  book  (iii,  9-iv,  4;  iv,  5-v) 

'  The  opponents  of  that  view  take  the  expression  "  the  book  "  simply  to  refer  to  the 
confessions  of  sin  in  i,  15-ii,  5  ;  ii,  6-iii,  8. 

'  Of  the  style  of  these  two  parts  CoRNni-v,  S.J.  (Introd.  Specialis,  vol.  ii,  part  ii, 
p.  4i8j,  says:  "  Utriusque  partis  forma  omnino  differt." 


3o8         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

are  indeed  both  poetical,  but  the  literaiy  differences  be- 
tween them  are  very  great,  and  the  beginnin.^^  of  the  third 
section  at  iv,  5  is  no  less  abrupt  than  that  of  the  second  at 
iii,  9.  In  like  manner  the  historical  introduction,  wiien 
closely  examined,  seems  to  many  to  have  been  composed 
primitively  as  a  })reface  to  only  i,  T5-ii,  5,  all  the  more  so 
"  because  the  historical  situation  described  in  the  narrative 
(i,  3-14)  does  not  agree  very  well  with  the  subsequent  por- 
tion, since  the  narrative  assumes  the  continued  existence 
of  the  Temple,  whereas  ii,  26  implies  its  destruction."^ 
Finally,  "  after  the  heading  of  chap,  i,  '  These  are  the  words 
of  the  book  which  Baruch  wrote,'  etc.,  we  might  expect  the 
book  itself  to  follow  immediately,  but  instead  of  this  we 
have  a  long  account  of  the  effect  produced  upon  the  people 
by  the  reading  of  the  book."^  In  view  of  these  and  other 
such  facts,  it  is  only  natural  to  admit,  with  Rausch,  Bp. 
Hanneberg,^  and  most  contemporary  critics,  that  the  book 
of  Baruch  is  the  outcome  of  a  compilatory  process.  The 
final  editor  put  together  the  various  documents  which  ap- 
parently bore  upon  the  Exile,  and,  if  he  was  not  the  prophet 
Baruch  himself,  ascribed  them  to  that  secretary  of  Jere- 
mias,  with  a  view  to  secure  for  his  work  a  greater  authority. 

3.  Authorship  and  Date.  The  compilation  theory 
just  advocated  in  regard  to  the  literary  method  of  composi- 
sion  of  the  book  of  Baruch  does  not  necessarily  do  away 
with  the  genuineness  of  that  deutero-canonical  writing. 
Many  of  the  sacred  writers  of  the  Old  Testament  were 
compilers,  and  Baruch  may,  and,  according  to  the  Catholic 

>  A.  A.  Bev>n,  art.  Baruch,  book  of,  in  Cheynk,  Encyclop   Biblica,  vol.  i,  col.  493. 

'  Ibid.,  col.  492. 

s  It  is  only  by  appealing  to  a  compilatory  process  that  Bp.  Hanneberg  sees  his  way 
through  the  apparent  contradiction  between  i,  10  sqq..  and  ii,  5sqq.;  the  documents 
were  written  at  different  periods,  the  one  befo7-e.  the  other  after  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem.  Cfr.  Hannebekg,  Histoire  de  la  Revelation  Biblique,  p.  432,  footn.  3 
^French  Transl.l. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMENTATIONS,    AND    BARl'CH.  309 

scholars  who  admit  the  comj)ihitory  character  of  th.e  book 
that  bears  his  name,  must,  be  reckoned  among  them.  Tlie 
book  is  ascribed  to  Bariich  by  its  title,  has  always  been  re- 
garded as  his  work  by  tradition,  and  its  contents  present 
nothing  that  would  be  j^osterior  to  Baruch's  time,  or  that 
should  be  considered  as  foreign  to  the  style  and  manner  of 
such  a  faithful  disciple  and  amanuensis  of  Jeremias.^ 

In  oj^position  to  these  grounds  which  Catholic  scholars 
generally  and  a  very  few  Protestant  writers  regard  as  valid, 
it  is  very  commonly  claimed  in  the  present  day  that  the 
title  of  the  prophecy  of  Baruch,  on  which  the  tradition  in 
favor  of  the  genuineness  rests  ultimately,  does  not  appear 
reliable  when  confronted  with  the  contents  of  the  book. 
*'  Jeremias'  faithful  friend  is  said  to  have  composed  the  work 
at  Babylon.  But  this  view  is  untenable  on  the  following 
grounds : 

"i.  The  book  contains  historical  inaccuracies.  Jere- 
mias was  living  in  the  fifth  year  after  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  yet  the  prophecy  is  dated  that  year  at  Baby- 
lon. It  is  unlikely  that  Baruch  left  Jeremias,^  since  the 
two  friends  were  so  united.  According  to  Baruch  i,  3, 
Jechonias  was  present  in  the  great  assembly  before  which 
the  book  was  read,  whereas  we  learn  from  IV  Kings  xxv, 
27  that  he  was  kept  a  prisoner  as  long  as  Nabuchodonosor 
lived.  Joakim  is  supposed  to  be  high  priest  at  Jerusalem 
(i,  7).  But  we  learn  from  I  Paralip.  vi,  15  that  Josedec 
filled  that  office  the  fifth  year  after  Jerusalem  was  de- 
stroyed. In  Baruch  i,  2  there  is  an  error.  The  city  was 
not  burned  when  Joakim  was  carried  away.  And  if  the 
allusion  be  to  the  destruction  of  the  city  by  Nabuchodono- 
sor, the  Temple  and  its  worship  are  sui)posed  still  to  exist 

1  For  details,  cfr.  E.  PHiLirrn,  art.  Baruch,  in  Vigouhoux,  Diet,   de  la   P.ible,  col. 
1477  ;  CoRNELY  ;  Tkochon  ;  Knabknbaukk  ;  etc. 

2  Baruch    and  Jeremias   had  been  carried  together  to  Egypt  by  the  Jews  who  took 
refuge  in  that  country  after  the  ruin  of  Jeru.saiem  and  the  Temple. 


3IO         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

in  i,  8-IO.  The  particulars  narrated  are  put  into  the  fifth 
year  of  the  Exile,  yet  we  read:  'Thou  art  waxen  old  in  a 
strange  country  '   (iii,  lo). 

"  2.  Supposing  Baruch  himself  to  have  been  the  writer, 
books  later  than  his  time  are  used  in  the  work.  Nehe- 
mias  is  followed  as  in  ii,  ii  (comp.  Nehem.  ix,  lo)."* 
"Baruch  has  correspondences  with  Daniel  which  make 
the  employment  of  the  latter  by  the  author  of  Baruch 
indubitable.  Especially  is  there  an  almost  verbal 
agreement  between  Dan.  ix,  7-10  and  Baruch  i,  15-18. 
The  juxtaposition,  too,  of  Nabuchodonosor  and  Baltassar 
is  common  to  both  books  (Dan.  v,  2  sqq.  =  Baruch  i,  11, 
12).  That  so  thoroughly  original  and  creative  a  mind, 
however,  as  the  author  of  the  book  of  Daniel  should  have 
copied  from  the  book  of  Baruch  is  certainly  not  to  be  ad- 
miited."^ 

Having  thus  shown  to  their  own  satisfaction  the  unre- 
liable character  of  the  tradition  which  ascribes  the  work  to 
Baruch,  the  opponents  of  the  genuineness  proceed  to  guess 
at  the  date  to  which  its  composition  could  be  referred. 
And  here  they  are  hopelessly  at  variance  between  the  two 
extreme  limits  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.  on  the  one  hand 
and  the  period  after  70  a.d.,  several  among  them  ascribing 
different  dates  to  the  different  parts  of  the  book.^  A  date 
posterior  to  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  is  certainly 
inadmissible,  as  is  well  shown  by  E.  C.  Bissell,*  and  the 
alleged  dependence  of  Baruch  on  a  writer  who  lived  after 
that  disciple  of  Jeremias  can  hardly  be  affirmed  "  without 

1  Samuel  Davidson,  Baruch,  in  Rncyclop.  Britannica,  9th  edit. 

3  E.  SCHURER,  a  History  of  the  Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of  Christ,  2d  Division, 
vol.  iii,  p.  191  (Engl.  Transl.,  New  York,  1S91)  The  numerous  parallels  between 
Daniel  ix  4-19  and  Baruch  i,  :5-ii,  19  are  carefully  given  by  Driver,  Daniel,  in  the 
Cambridge  Bible,  p.  Ixxiv  sq. 

3  For  their  various  views,  see  E.  Philipp?,  !oc.  cit.,  col.  1478;  J.  T.  Marshall; 
ScHURKR,  eve. 

4  Loc.  cit..  p.  418. 


JEREMIAS,    LAMKMA'I  IONS.    ANJ;     liAKl  CH.  JH 

arsuming  the  ([iieslion  in  dispute,  whicli  is  the  older  and 
which  is  tlie  text  that  contains  reminiscences  of  the  other. 
The  prayer  in  JiJarucli  (i,  15-ii,  19)  might,  no  doubt,  be  an 
expansion  (wiili  at  tlie  same  time  some  omissions)  of  tliat 
in  Daniel,  but  the  })rayer  in  Daniel  might  also  be  an 
abridgment  and  ada[)talion  of  that  in  Baruch,  or  both 
might  also  be  based  upon  an  ancient  traditional  form  of  con' 
fession,  preserved  in  its  most  original  form  in  Daniel."^ 
As  regards  the  objections  drawn  from  historical  inaccu  a- 
cies,  which  are  urgent  against  the  genuineness  of  the  boc 
of  Baruch,  tliey  have  met  with  answers  on  the  part  of  such 
able  writers  as  Welte,  Reusch,  Cornely,  Knabenbauer, 
Troclion,  Philippe,  and  others.  These  answers  are  con- 
sidered as  sufficient  by  Catholic  scholars  generally.  But 
should  any  one  deem  them  inadequate,  and  on  that  ac- 
count hold  that  the  book  of  Baruch  is  the  work  of  a  later 
editor,  the  inspired  character  of  the  book  would  subsist, 
provided  this  later  editor  himself  be  regarded  as  inspired 
in  his  work  of  compilation.^  The  historical  inaccuracies 
could  be  simply  traced  back  to  the  original  documents 
utilized  by  the  inspired  editor,  for,  according  to  a  very  re- 
cent writer  :  **The  fact  that  a  discourse  or  a  document  is 
embodied  in  Holy  Writ  does  not  ipso  f  ado  give  a  new  value 
to  that  discourse  or  that  document"  ;  and  again  :  **  Noth- 
ing prevents,  at  least  in  theory,  an  inspired  author  from 
borrowing  from  a  profane  historian  the  narrative  of  facts 
which  will  be  used  as  an  outward  framework  to  his  teach- 
ing, without  guaranteeing  the  full  and  entire  authenticity 
of  all  those  facts."  ^ 

^  Driver,  Daniel,  p.  Ixxv. 

'  Cfr.  Card*  Newman,  art.  on  the  Inspiration  of  .Scripture,  in  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury, Feb.  1884,  p.  195. 

5  Father  Prat,  S.J.,  in  "  Les  Etudes  "  for  Feb.  20,  1901,  pp.  479,  485. 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  XIIL 

The  Book  of  Ezechiel. 


I.  r  Name  and  Personal  History  of  the  Prophet  Ezechiel. 

1    General  Condition  of  the  Jews  during  Ezechicl's  Life. 
Remarks  :  time. 


n. 

The  Book 

OF 

Ezechiel : 


I.  General  Contents  : 


2.  Condition     of     Pie- 
brew  Text : 


1st  Part :  The  Approach- 
ing Fall  of  Jerusalem 
(i-xxiv). 

J  2d  Part  :  Oracles  against 
Foreign  Naticjns  (>xv- 
xxxii). 

3d  Part  :  Israel's  Future 
Restoration(xxxiii-xlviii). 

f  Confessedly  very  Defective. 

].  Comparison    with   the  Sep- 
(^       tuagint  Version. 


3.   Characteristics  of  Style  and  Language. 


4.     Authorship  and 
Date: 


5.  Manner 

Originated 


The  Ascription  to    Ezechiel 
generally  Accepted. 

The  Book   not    finished  be- 
fore 572  B.C. 


f  Principal  Collections    gath- 

,  .  ,     .^  ered  at  different  Times, 

m  which  it    j 


Final  Revision 
[       Wcjrk. 


of  the  Whole 


6.  Literary  and  Religious  Influence  in  Israel. 
312 


CHAPTER  XIIT. 

THE    BOOK    OF    EZECHIEL. 

§  I.  Preliminary  Remarks. 
I.  Name  and  Personal  History  of  the  Prophet 
Ezechiel.  'J'he  proi)het  wliose  work  stands  third,  botli 
among  the  "  Later  Prophets "  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  and 
among  the  "  Greater  Prophets"  in  the  Septiiagint  and  Chris- 
tian Versions  generally,  is  Ezechiel.  His  name — which,  it 
has  been  surmised,  was  given  to  the  prophet  after  the 
beginning  of  his  public  career — means  "  El  (God)  is 
strong,"  or,  more  probably,  "El  makes  strong."  He  was  the 
son  of  Buzi,  a  priest,  probably  of  the  line  of  Sadoc,  "which, 
toward  the  close  of  the  seventh  century,  was  on  the  point 
of  getting  complete  control  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh  in 
Palestine."^  The  date  of  his  birth  may  be  approximately 
given  as  the  year  625  B.C.,  for  the  fact  that  he  was  called  to 
the  prophetical  office  in  the  fifth  year  of  King  Joachin's 
captivity,^  "  together  with  the  authority  with  which  he 
speaks  and  the  deference  shown  him,  suggests  that  he  was  no 
longer  in  his  first  youth,  and  this  view  is  confirmed  by  his 
familiarity  with  priestly  ritual,  probably  acquired  as  an 
officiating  priest  at  the  Temple."  ^  Before  he  was  carried 
into  exile  with  Joachin  and  the  leading  Jews  of  Jerusalem 
he    had    ample     opportunity    to    become    acquainted    with 

>  Prof.  Toy.  art.  Ezekiel,  in  Encyclop.  Biblica,  vol.  ii,  col.  1457. 

2  Joachins  captivity  began  in  507  b.c.  The  epoch  from  which  the  "thirtieth  year"  in 
Ezech.  i,  1  is  dated  is  uncertain.  Prob.ib'y  the  primitive  figure  in  verse  i  wasV/f- 
(instead  of  thirty)^  whicli  is  still  found  in  verse  2. 

3\V.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  213. 


^14         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Jeremias,  and  his  book  bespeaks  great  familiarity  and 
sympathy  with  the  teaching  of  that  prophet. 

In  Babylonia  he  lived  in  a  community  of  fellow  exiles  at 
Tel-Abib/  by  the  river  Chobar,  a  place  no  better  identified 
than  the  river  itself.^  His  first  prophetical  utterances  an- 
nounced the  coming  ruin  of  the  Holy  City,  and  on  that  ac- 
count were  very  unwelcome  to  the  Jewish  captives.  The 
death  of  his  wife  occurred  about  the  beginning  of  the  last 
siege  of  Jerusalem  by  Nabuchodonosor  (Ezech.  xxiv,  i6- 
i8),  and  was  soon  followed  by  the  destruction  of  that  city 
and  its  Temple.  It  may  well  be  supposed  that  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem  which  fulfilled  the  earlier  predictions  of  Eze- 
chiel  added  considerably  to  his  authority  as  a  prophet;  and 
further,  his  message  henceforth  was  a  happier,  and  in  so  far 
a  more  welcome,  one  than  in  the  past  :  he  foretold  the 
coming  restoration  of  the  Jewish  people.  Toward  the  end 
of  his  prophetical  activity,  with  a  view  no  doubt  to  strengthen 
the  faith  of  the  Jews  in  a  future  restoration,  he  wrote  down 
in  detail  specifications  for  a  new  Temple,  rules  for  its 
services,  and  a  constitution  for  the  commonwealth.  The 
exact  date  of  his  death  is  unknown. 

2.  General  Condition  of  the  Jews  during  Ezechi- 
el's  Lifetime.  Ezechiel's  life  and  prophetical  ministry 
fall  approximately  within  the  period  625-565  B.C.,  that  is 
within  a  period  most  important,  but  also  most  trying  for  the 
Jewish  theocracy.  The  first  years  were  marked  by  the  sol- 
emn promulgation  of  the  Deuteronomic  Law  by  King  Josias 
(622  B.C.),  and  by  a  renewed  covenant  between  Yahweh 
and  His  people.  This  was  a  time  of  triumph  for  the  faith- 
ful worshippers  of  Yahweh,  for  Jeremias  and  his  devoled 
friends  among  the  nobles,  priests,  and  prophets.  But  the 
triumph  was  short-lived.     The  sudden  death  of  the  pious 

*  This  proper  name  is  rendered  by  "  the  heap  of  new  com"  in  the  Vulgate  (iii,  15). 
'Cfr.  Toy,  Ezekiel   (Polychrome  Bible),  p.  93  sq.  ;  E.  Philippe,  art.  Ezechiel,  '♦ 
ViGouRoux,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  col.  2149;  etc. 


THE    BOOK    OF    EZF.CHIEL.  315 

Josias  on  the  battle-field  of  Mageddo  (609  b.c.)  was  a  terrible 
blow  to  the  reforms  but  lately  started  in  Jiida.  The 
heathenizing  party  pointed  out  how  this  national  disaster 
belied  the  promises  of  Deuteronomy  in  favor  of  men  faithful 
to  Yahweh  ;  and  the  Jewish  monarch,  Joakini,  supported 
by  his  authority  the  reaction  from  the  Deuteronomic 
legislation,  unmindful  of  the  strenuous  and  persistent 
opposition  of  Jeremias  and  his  friends,  unmindful  also  ot 
the  calamities  which  then  befell  the  Jewish  state,  in  the 
shape  of  repeated  Babylonian  invasions.  It  was,  however, 
only  under  his  successors,  Joachin  and  Sedecias,  that  the 
heaviest  judgments  fell  on  Juda.  Under  the  former  prince 
Jerusalem  was  taken,  and  the  Jewish  king  carried  to  Baby- 
lon together  with  a  very  large  number  of  captives  belong- 
ing to  the  leading  classes  (597  bc).  Ezechiel,  as  was 
stated  above,  was  among  the  captives  removed  at  this  time, 
and  his  special  message  to  them,  when  called  to  the 
prophetical  office  five  years  later,  was  first  to  do  away  with 
the  delusive  hope  prevalent  among  them  and  carefully  kept 
up  by  the  false  prophets,  that  they  would  be  speedily  restored 
to  their  country  and  station  in  life;  and  next,  to  prepare 
them  for  the  most  appalling  calamity  that  could  overtake 
the  Jewish  nation,  viz.,  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and 
its  Temple.  Settled  apparently  in  diverse  little  colonies, 
these  exiles  formed  small  communities  by  themselves,  en- 
joying a  kind  of  municipal  self-government,  with  elders  of 
their  own.  Willingly  these  consulted  with  Ezechiel,  the 
priest  and  prophet  of  Yahweh,  on  various  matters  ;  ^  but  his 
message  of  woe  kept  him  so  much  in  opposition  to  the 
general  social  and  religious  feeling  of  the  Gommunity  among 
which  he  lived  that  he  could  not  ho}^e  to  exercise  any  deep 
or  lasting  influence  upon  them. '^ 

'  Cfr.  Ezech.  viii,  i  ;  xiv,  i  ;  xx,  i. 
'  Cfr.  Etech.  ii,  3,  4  ;  iii,  5-7  ;  xx,  49. 


3l6         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

A  few  years  went  by,  and  Ezeclnel's  awful  predictions 
proved  true.  Under  Sedecias,  Joachin's  successor,  Nabu- 
chodonosor  besieged  and  took  Jerusalem,  sec  on  fire  the 
Temple  of  Yahweh,  the  palace  of  the  king,  and  the  houses 
of  the  wealthy,  put  to  death  the  chief  priests,  and  carried 
most  of  the  inhabitants  with  their  monarch  into  captivity 
(586  B.C.).  A  calamity  so  crushing,  and  also — despite 
Ezechiel's  distinct  and  repeated  predictions  of  it — so  un- 
expected, to  the  Jews  already  in  exile  was  indeed  calculated 
to  cast  them  into  the  utmost  despair.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
very  fulfilment  of  Ezechiel's  prophetical  words  proved  a 
providential  means  to  counteract  such  feelings  of  depres- 
sion. It  led  to  a  fuller  recognition  of  his  authority,  and 
thereby  secured  a  hearing  for  his  new  message  of  comfort- 
ing hope  in  Israel's  return  and  glorious  future.  Exiles 
fiocked  to  listen  to  him,  fully  convinced  that  he  was 
Yahweh's  mouthpiece,  though  unwilling  to  carry  his 
counsels  into  practice.^  They  heard  his  warnings  against 
idolatry,  but  only  a  few  hearkened  to  them.^  They  were 
often  told  of  the  intimate  union  which  Yahweh  would  have 
with  renewed  Israel,  as  also  of  the  manner  in  which  each 
one  desirous  to  be  a  member  of  the  restored  people  had  to 
prepare  for  this  invaluable  privilege  ;^  but  most  of  them  be- 
came gradually  used  to  their  surroundings,  shared  actively 
in  the  industrial  and  commercial  life  of  their  conquerors, 
and  cared  but  little  for  the  desolate  land  of  Palestine.  At 
no  time,  however,  did  the  prophet  relax  his  efforts  "  to  win 
at  least  the  souls  of  individuals  who  might  form  the  nucleus 
of  the  purified  Israel  of  the  future."* 

'  Cfr.  Ezech.  xxxiii,  30-33. 

2  Cfr.  Ezech.  xiv,  i-ii  ;  xvi  ;  xxxiii,  6  sqq. 

5  Cfr    Ezecli.  xviii ;  xxxiii,  6-20;  .xxxvi ;  xxxix,  25-29. 

*  Drivkk.  Intrnd.  to  Liter,  of  Old  Test  ,  p.  170.  For  further  details  concerning 
the  condition  of  the  exiles  in  Babylon,  see  "'Outlines  of  Jewish  History,"  p.  304  sqq., 
by  the  present  writer. 


THE    BOOK    OV    KZKCHIKL.  317 

§  2.    77ii'  ]->ook  of  KzecJiicl. 

I.  Genera!  Contents.  The  l)()()k  of  Ezecliiel  natu- 
rally falls  into  three  parts.  The  fust  part  (i-xxiv)  eml)races 
about  half  of  the  work,  and  consists  mainly  of  prophecies 
of  judgment,  foretelling  the  approaching  fall  of  Jerusalem. 
It  opens  with  a  section  (i-iii)  called  by  the  Jews  *'  The 
Vision  of  the  Chariot,"  and  describing  the  ecstatic  expe- 
riences by  which  the  prophet  was  prepared  for  his  work. 
After  contemplating  a  mysterious  chariot  and  the  glory  of 
Him  who  sat  on  it,  Ezechiel  receives  a  roll  written  within 
and  without  with  lamentations,  and  is  commanded  to  eat 
it,  in  token  of  the  revelations  which  were  to  be  communi- 
cated to  him.  He  is  called  upon,  in  a  second  vision,  to  be 
a  watchman  to  see  and  announce  the  coming  events.^  In 
the  following  section  (iv-vii)  the  prophet  represents  dra- 
matically, in  a  series  of  symbols,  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  the 
famine,  and  the  destruction  or  dispersion  of  the  Jews,  and 
then  denounces  openly  the  fate  of  the  city  and  nation  in 
three  impassioned  discourses  addressed  to  the  City,  the 
Land,  and  the  People,  respectively.  The  third  section 
(viii-xi),  dated  the  sixth  year  of  the  exile  of  Joachin  (591 
B.C.),  is  "  a  theophanic  vision  the  object  of  which  is  to  set 
forth  clearly  the  fact  that  Jahweh  no  longer  dwelt  in  His 
temple  at  Jerusalem,  but  had  withdrawn  Himself  so  that  it 
might  be  given  over  to  destruction."^  Transported  by  the 
Si)irit  to  Jerusalem  and  its  temple,  the  prophet  sees  the  dif- 
ferent forms  of  idolatrous  worship  carried  on  in  the  pre- 
cincts of  the  temple  ;  witnesses,  in  symbols,  the  massacre 
of  the  people,  and  the  burning  of  the  City,  but  receives  the 
comforting  assurance  that  the  "  remnant  of  Israel"  will  be 
ultimately  restored  to  Sion,  from  which  Yahweh  now  goes 

1  Cfr.  Jahn.  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  195  (Engl.  Transl.). 

^  Prof.  Toy,  art.  Ezekiel  (book),  in  Encyclop.  Biblica,  vol.  ii,  col.  1463. 


3lO         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

forth  by  the  eastern  gate.  The  fourth  section  (xii-xxiv) 
resumes  the  minatory  predictions  of  chaps,  iv-vii.  Its  gen- 
eral theme  is  the  certainty  of  the  coming  of  the  fall  of 
Jeursalem  on  account  of  the  nation's  sinfuhiess.  She  will 
be  destroyed  despite  the  announcements  of  false  prophets 
to  the  contrary  (xiii).  And  how  could  it  be  otherwise 
She  contains  now  only  the  dregs  of  the  people  (xiv),  is  a 
half-burnt  vine-branch  (xv).  and  an  adulteress  more  sinful 
than  Samaria  and  Sodom  (xvi),  and  her  king,  Sedecias,  has 
just  foolishly  rebelled  against  his  Babylonian  masters  (xvii). 
Not  indeed  that  Jerusalem  is  to  be  destroyed  forever,  and 
the  Davidic  kingdom  not  to  be  set  up  again,  but  the  guilty 
ones  must  be  punished  (xviii),  even  though  these  be  Juda 
and  her  princes,  Joakim  and  Joachin  (xix).  After  this 
'comes  a  remarkable  review  of  the  national  history  (xx), 
the  prophet  making  the  charge  that  from  the  beginning 
Israel  had  been  rebellious.  As  the  end  approaches,  his 
words  become  fiercer  :  a  prediction  of  the  desolation  of 
Juda  and  Jerusalem,  a  dithyrambic  of  the  avenging  sword, 
a  description  of  the  march  of  the  king  of  Babylon  to  Jeru- 
salem, and  the  overthrow  of  Sedecias,  with  an  appended 
prediction  of  the  destruction  of  the  Ammonites  who  had 
gloried  over  Israel  (xxi),  and  a  detailed  indictment  of  Jeru- 
salem for  her  moral  and  religious  crimes  (xxii).  the  ethical 
and  the  ritual  being  curiously  mingled.  A  second  elaborate 
allegory  (xxiii)  describes  the  religious  debauchery  of  Sa- 
maria and  Jerusalem;  the  careers  of  the  two  cities  are  rep- 
resented as  parallel,  only  Jerusalem  is  said  to  have  excelled 
her  sister  in  evil.  .  .  .  Finally,  he  announces  (xxiv)  that 
the  king  of  Babylon  has  begun  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  and 
sings  a  song  of  vengeance  on  the  city;  at  this  juncture  his 
wife  dies,  and  he  is  commanded,  as  a  sign,  to  make  no 
mourning  for  her — so  shall  the  people's  terrible  punishment 
crush  them  into  deadness  of  feeling."* 

'  Prof.  Toy,  loc.  cit.,  col.  1464. 


THE    BOOK    OF    EZECHIEL.  319 

The  second  part  (xxv-xxxii)  is  made  up  of  the  Prophe- 
cies against  the  Foreign  Nations  lying  immediately  around 
the  Land  of  Promise,  viz.:  i.  Amnion;  2.  Moab;  3.  Edom; 
4.  The  Philistines  (xxv);  5.  Tyre;  6.  vSidon  (xxvi-xxviii);  * 
7.  Egypt  (xxix-xxxii).  "  The  insertion  of  these  oracles 
in  this  place  is  an  instance  of  the  constructive  skill 
which  planned  the  order  of  the  book.  They  fill  up  the 
interval  of  silence  which  separates  the  two  periods  of  Eze- 
chiel's  ministry.  .  .  .  The  section,  moreover,  embodies  a 
distinct  idea  in  the  prophet's  eschatological  scheme.  The 
motive  of  the  judgments  announced  is  to  prepare  the  way 
for  the  restoration  of  Israel,  by  removing  the  evil  influences 
which  had  sprung  from  the  people's  contact  with  its  heathen 
neighbors  in  the  past  (xxviii,  24-26;  xxix,  16).  Histori- 
cally, these  judgments  are  conceived  as  taking  place  within 
the  forty  years  of  the  Chaldaean  dominion  (xxix,  13)  and 
of  Israel's  banishment."^ 

The  third  part  (xxxiii-xlviii)  has  for  its  general  theme 
the  future  Restoration  of  Israel,  and  on  this  account  forms 
a  natural  counterpart  to  the  first  great  division  of  the  book 
(i-xxiv).  Like  that  first  part,  it  opens  with  the  intrusting 
to  Ezechiel  of  the  spiritual  watchman's  mission  to  give  due 
signal  that  each  one  who  so  chooses  may  be  saved  from  his 
iniquity  (xxxiii,  1-20).^  The  prophet  denounces,  therefore, 
the  remnant  of  Juda  for  their  immorality,  and  the  exiles  for 
their  unwillingness  to  act  according  to  his  warnings  (xxxiii, 
^^~33)'  Having  thus  discharged  what  he  considered  a  pre- 
liminary duty,  Ezechiel  proceeds  to  describe  in  a  first  sec- 
tion (xxxiv-xxxix)  the  manner  in  which  God  will  restore 
His  people  to  the  land  of  promise.  Yahweh  Himself,  now 
in  Babylon,  will  take  the  worthy  ones  back  to  Chanaan,  from 

'  Ezech.  xxvii,  9**- 25''  is  aj^parently  an  interpolation  whicii  interruf^s  the  description 
of  a  vessel  wliich  suffers  shipwreck. 

^  Prof.  Jno.  Skinnek,  art.  Kzekiel.  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Pi^^,  vol.  i,  p.  818. 
3  Cfr.  the  striking  parallels  iu  iii,  1021,  and  xviii. 


320         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

which  He  will  expel  the  Edomites  and  other  intruders.  For 
His  name's  sake  He  will  make  the  land  ])opulous  and  fer- 
tile, and  bestow  upon  His  people  a  new  heart  and  a  new 
spirit.  The  nation  will  revive  and  be  made  up  of  both  Juda 
and  Ephraim  under  the  headship  of  a  prince  of  David's 
descent.  In  vain  will  foreign  hordes  endeavor  to  destroy 
Israel,  they  will  be  reduced  to  naught  ;  Yahweh's  name  will 
be  vindicated  before  all  nations,  and  "  He  will  hide  His 
face  no  more  from  them,  for  He  has  poured  out  His  spirit 
upon  the  house  of  Israel,  saith  Adonai  Yahweh."  ^  The 
second  section  (xl-xlviii)  is  *'  a  vision  of  the  ideal  theocracy, 
with  the  institutions  by  which  the  holiness  of  the  redeemed 
people  is  to  be  expressed  and  maintained.  There  is,  first, 
a  description  of  the  sanctuary  where  Yahweh  is  to  dwell 
in  visible  splendor  (xl-xliii);  then,  regulations  as  to  the  min- 
isters of  the  temple,  the  duties  and  revenues  of  the  priests 
and  '  the  prince,'  and  the  system  of  ritual  to  be  observed 
(xliv-xlvi);  lastly,  a  delimitation  of  the  Holy  Land — which 
is  transformed  by  a  miraculous  river  issuing  from  the  sanc- 
tuary— and  a  new  disposition  of  the  tribes  (xlvii-xlviii)."^ 

2.  Condition  of  the  Hebrew  Text.  The  Massoretic 
Text  of  the  book  of  Ezekiel  is  confessedly  very  incorrect. 
Textual  critics  have  pointed  out  all  manners  of  various 
readings  in  the  Hebrew  MSS.,  although  scarcely  any  of 
these  variations  render  the  meaning  of  the  text  really  doubt- 
ful. Thus,  according  to  C.  H.  Cornill,^  between  the  Textus 
Receptus  and  the  oldest  Hebrew  Codex  there  are  only  six- 
teen important  variations,  viz.:  iii,  22  ;  vi,  5  ;  viii,  i  ;  xi, 
19  ;  xii,  25  ;  xiii,  20  ;  xvi,  50  ;  xxiii,  19  ;  xxv,  5  ;  xxvi,  14  ; 
xxvi,  20  ;  xxviii,  26  ;  xxxii,  23  ;  xxxii,  30  ;  xxxiii,  23  ; 
xlvii,  9.     But  besides  the  variations  which  are  disclosed  by 

'  Ezech.  xxxix,  29. 

2  Prof.  Skinner,  loc.  cit. 

'  Das  Buch  des  Proph.  Ez  ,  Prolegomena,  p.  9. 


THE    BOOK    OF    EZFXHIEL.  321 

a  collation  of  the  Hebrew  MSS.,  many  alterations,  and  in- 
deed of  a  more  serious  character,  can  be  made  out  by  means 
of  other  critical  tests.  The  context  of  a  passage,  tlie  sense 
clearly  unsatisfactory  which  it  now  yields,  its  comparison 
with  the  ancient  Versions,  etc.,  show  that,  time  and  again, 
the  primitive  wording  has  been  interfered  with.  It  is  plain, 
for  instance,  that  in  chap,  x  several  insertions  of  various 
kinds  have  crept  into  the  Hebrew,  to  the  detriment  of  either 
the  sequence  of  ideas  or  the  perspicuity  of  tlie  text  ;  again, 
the  text  of  the  dithyrambic  ode  in  xxi,  8-17  (Heb.  xxi,  13- 
22),  and  of  the  description  of  the  Temple  in  xli-xlii,  12,  is 
decidedly,  and  to  all  appearances,  irretrievably  corrupt.^  In 
like  manner  the  context  suggests  that  xxvii,  9^-25*  and 
many  shorter  passages  in  Ezechiel  should  be  considered  as 
later  insertions.  But  it  is  more  particularly  the  comparison 
of  the  Hebrew  Text  with  the  ancient  Versions,  especially 
the  Septuagint,  which  discloses  many,  and  at  times  impor- 
tant, subsequent  changes  in  the  line  of  additions,  omissions, 
etc.  Indeed,  were  we  to  trust  Cornill's  verdict  concerning 
the  value  of  the  Septuagint  translation,  we  should  admit 
that  that  Version  is  "  absolutely  reliable,"  and  may  be  taken 
as  a  sure  basis  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  original  He- 
brew. In  reality,  even  the  Vaticanus  Codex,  which  is 
regarded  as  giving  the  best-preserved  text  of  the  Septuagint, 
has,  in  common  with  our  Hebrew  Textus  Receptus,  many 
readings  traceable  to  the  carelessness,  ignorance,  etc.,  of  the 
transcribers.  It  is  beyond  question,  however,  that  the 
Septuagint  Version  of  the  book  of  Ezechiel  is  our  best 
means  for  testing  the  Massoretic  Text,  and  very  often  sup- 
plies readings  which,  because  of  the  context,  must  be  con- 
sidered as  primitive.^ 

1  Cfr.  Prof.  Toy,  the  Rook  of  Ezekiel  (Engl.  Transl.),  in  the  Polychrome  Bible, 
notes,  pp.  114  sq.,  J37,  177  sqq..  and  E.  Philippe,  art.  Ezechiel  (le  livre  d'),  in  Vigou- 
Roux',  Diet,  de  ?a  Bible,  col.  2158-  etc. 

•  For  examples,  cfr.,  besides  Toy,  loc.  cit.,  Samuel  Davidson,  the  Hebrew  Text 


322         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

2.  Characteristics  of  Style  and  Language.     The 

defective  condition  of  the  text  just  spoken  of  accounts 
probably  for  much  of  the  obscurity  with  which  the  style  of 
Ezechiel  has  been  often  charged  in  past  centuries.  This 
will  appear  all  the  more  admissible  because  Ezechiel's 
prophecies  display  much  less  spontaneity  in  respect  of  both 
matter  and  form  than  those  of  the  other  prophets.  They 
evince  more  the  reflection  and  study  of  leisurely  composi- 
tion, and  the  allegories  and  long  descriptive  passages  therein 
found  are  as  a  rule  skilfully  and  lucidly  disposed,  so  that 
when  his  hearers  said  of  him:  "  Ah,  Adonai  Yahweh!  Does 
not  this  man  speak  by  parables  ?  "  Mt  was  not  because  they 
had  grown  tired  of  his  elaborate  and  intricate  symbols,^  but 
because,  obstinately  sceptical  as  to  the  fate  of  the  Holy 
City,  they  were  unwilling  to  take  literally  his  words  con- 
cerning it.  Of  course  a  certain  difficulty  of  interpretation 
attaches  to  a  book  replete  with  symbols,  allegories,  and  par- 
ables, but  this  is  due  to  the  kind  itself  of  composition  much 
more  than  to  the  style  of  the  writer  who  had  recourse  to  it 
in  order  to  suggest  truths  unwelcome  to  his  hearers.  In- 
deed it  is  highly  probable  that  the  ancient  Jewish  rabbis, 
whose  complaints  regarding  the  prophet's  obscurity  are  re- 
echoed by  St.  Jerome,  would  not  have  found  so  much  fault 
with  his  work  had  they  not  thought  that  Ezechiel  went  at 
times  against  statements  embodied  in  the  Law  of  Moses.^ 

The  literary  style  of  Ezechiel  is  strongly  marked  not 
only  by  its  constant  use  of  symbols,  allegories,  and  parables, 
but  also  by  its  large  number  of  peculiar  words  and  stereo- 
typed  expressions.     Among   the   oft-repeated  expressions 

(London,  Bagster),  p.  iiosqq.;  Cornill,  loc.  cit.;  Knabenbauer,  S.  J.,  in  Ezechielera 
prophetam ;  etc. 

*  Ezech.  XX,  49. 

'  As  is  supposed  by  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introd.,  p.  215. 

•  Cfr.   G.   WiLDEBoEK,  Origin   of  the  Canon   of  the  Old  Test.,  p,  67  sqq.  (Engl. 
Transl.);  Trochon,  Ezekiel,  in  Lethiellkux'  Bible,  p.  9;  etc. 


THE    BOOK    OF    EZECHIEL.  323 

characteristic  of  that  prophet,  the  following  are  pointed  out 
by  Prof.  Driver : 


and  constantly  (nearly  100  times)  ;  often  in  the  phrase,  And  thou, 
son  of  vian :  2^-  ^  3-^  4^  5\  etc.  Elsewhere  (as  a  title)  only 
Dan.  8'^. 

2.  Adonai    YaJnveh  :  2*,  3"  •  '-^^  etc.  (more  than  200  times  altogether. 

In  other  prophets  occasionally,  but  far  less  frequently  :  e.g.  about 
14  times  in  Jer.). 

3.  Bet/i  Miri  (House  of  rebelliousness)  of  Israel  :  2^-  «•  «,  3-9  26.  27^ 

12-'.  3.  9.  25^  jyi2^  243  ;  rebelliousness  alone  (LXX  house  of),  2', 
446.     Comp.  Nu.  1710  [Heb.  id^'^]  p  B^ne  M^ri ;  Is.  309. 

4.  ^Arfoth  (lands):  55-  6,  6»,  and  often  (in  all  27  times).     The  plur.  of 

this  word  gv&2ii\y  preponderates  in  later  writers:  Gen.  lo^' 20.  si 
(P)  263-  *,  (R),  41^*,  Lev.  2636-  39,  (H);  then  not  till  II  Ki.  iS^^,  1911. 
never  in  other  prophets  except  Jer.  7  times,  Dan.  3  times;  in 
Chr.  Ezr.  Neh.  22  times. 

5.  Behold,  I  am  against  .  .  .  usually  thee  or  you  :  5^,  138  -2^,  21^,  [Heb.^] 

263,  2822,  293-  10,  3022,  3410,  353^  359^  {toward,— in  a  favorable 
sense)  38^,  39I,     So  Nah,  2^^,  3^,  Jer.  2i'3,  2330-  3i-  32^  5031,  5125. 

6.  To  do  judgments  on;  5^0- ^5,  1 1*,  i6*\  25",  2822. 26^  3014.  i9;  also  Ex. 

12^2,  334,  (both  P),  cf.  II  Ch.  242*,  (nx)  :  D'nS^  also  (a  rare  word) 
Ez.  1421,  Ex.  66  7*  (both  P),  Pr.  1929. 

7.  To  scatter  to  every  wind :  5^°-  12,  (cf.  v.2),  121*,  (cf.  1721)  ;  Jer.  4932. 

8.  {My)    eye   shall  not  spare  (now   followed  by  neither  will  {I)  have 

pity):  5I1,  7*-  9,  818,  95-  10,  \&,  2oi^ 

9.  To    satisfy  (lit.  bring  to  rest)  my  fury  tipon  .   ,   .    :  5^3^  16*2^  21^', 

[Heb. 22]  24^3^     Cf.  Zach.  6^ 

10.  /,    Yahweh,  have  spoken   it,  usually  as  a  closing  asseveration  :  5^^^ 

15",  1721,  2iiT-  32,  [Heb.22.  37j^  241s  2611,  3012,  3424.  followed  by 
and  have  done  it  (or  will  do  it):  I7^S  22^^  36-^6,  37i-».  So  I  have 
spoken  it .-  2-^^,  26^,  28^*^,  39^.  Comp.  Nu.  1435.  Not  so  in  any 
other  prophet. 

11.  To  finish  my  fury  (or  wrath)  upon  .   .   .    :  ^^'^^,  6^2^  ys^  J3i5^  20'^*  21  j 

cf.  5^3*^  {be  finished).     So  Lam.  4^^. 

12.  Set  thy  face  toward  ox  against ;  62,  13",  20*6,  212,  [Heb.  2x2- 7],  252, 

28^^  29S  35',  38'- 
'  Introd.  to  Literature  of  Old  Test.,  p.  297  sq. 


324         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

13.  Thcnwiintains  of  hrad  :  6--  =\  I9^  y^^,  34^='- 1^  35^2^  361''"-  *•  «,  37^2, 

38^,  392-  *•  1^    cf.  34'^.     A  combination  peculiar  to  Ez. 

14.  '' Aphigini  (watercourses),    often  joined  with    mounlains,   hills,   and 

valleys^   as  a  rhetorical  designation  of  a  country  :  6-\  3112,  326, 

34",  35^;  36*'  ^• 

15.  Gillulim  (idol-blocks):    6*-  s-  6.   -j.  13^   gi^    14='- ^    i6''6,   iS^- ^^  •  l^ 

2o"-  8- 16.  i8^3^n(j  often  (39  times). 

16.  And  .   .   .  shall  know  that  I  am  Yahzveh  (see  p.   295).     Comp.    in 

P,  Ex.  &,  f,  144- «,  16^2,  29-'6;  cf.  311^*,  (H).  Occasionally  be- 
sides, Ex.  io2,  I  Ki.  20^3.  28^  Is   4^23.  26  QqX^^  Joel  3n. 

17.  To   scatter  among  the  lands  :  6^,  12^^  2o2^  22^^,  29^2^  ^o'-^^-  26^  36'9; 

cf.  with  to  disperse:   ii^^    ^^  2o''-i-  "^i.     Cf.  No.   25. 

18.  7>  stretch  out  my  hand  upon  .  .  .  :  61-1,  149-  i^,  i62',  25"-  i^-  '^^  3^3^ 

19.  To  pour  out  my  fury  upon  .  .  .   :  7%  g%  I4^^  208-  i3-  21^  2222,  30^5, 

36^^,  cf.   20^3  •  3*. 

20.  Stumbling-block  of  iniquity  :  J^^,  I4='-  '*•  ',  iS'^"^  4^12^ 

21.  iVa^y?'  (ruler  or  prince)  applied  sometimes  to  the  king  :  7^'',  i2i°- 12^ 

19I,  2112,  (Heb.i")  25,  (Heb.=^o),  22«,  342*,  372%  458.  »;  and  (in  the 
sing.)  .  443,  456-  16.  17.  22^  452.  4.  8.  10.  12.  16 J8^  4821-  22^  Not  of 
Israel,  26^^,  2721,  30^^,  322^,  382-  ^,  39!-  i^.  This  term  is  used  by 
no  other  prophet,  and  is  very  rare  elsewhere,  except  in  P. 

22.  A  subject  opened  by  means  of  a  question  :  86-^2.  15.  17^  (^q  47 6),  1222 

.9.  10.  15 

\ 

H21, 

16^3,  2231  .  cf.  1719.     Only  besides  I  Ki.  8^2,  (=11  Ch.  623). 

24.  S^-:>J5,  wings  :  121*,  1721,  386,  his^.  22^  3^4^ 

25.  To  disperse  among  the  nations  :   12^^,  2023^  22^^,  29^2,  3023- 26,  36^^; 

cf.  2825,  2913^     Cf.  No.  17. 

26.  To  bear  shame :  1&>'^-,  5*,  3224-  25.  30^  3429^  356.  7.  15^  3g26,  4413^ 

27.  Shat,  contempt,  Shut  to  contef?in  (Aram.) :  i(y>',  256-  is,  282*-  26,  3(55^ 

28.  To   be   sanctified  (or  get    me  holiness^   in:   20*^,  2822'  25,  362^,  38'^, 

(cf.  V.23),  3927 ;  cf.  Lev.  io3,  2232,  Nu.  2oi3,  (all  P).  Cf.  the  stress 
laid  on  Yahweh's  holy  najne,  icP,  3620-22,  397.  25^  437.  8^  (cf.  3623  ; 
and  for  my  name" s  sake,  20^  •  ^^'  22-  4-»). 

29.  In  the  time  of  the  iniquity  of  the  end :  2i25-  29,  (Heb.  30-  34),  3^5. 

30.  The  fire  of  my  indignation  :  2i3i,  2221-  ^i,  381^.* 

*  For  numerous  examples  of  words  peculiar  to  Ezechiel,  see  Keil,  Tntrod.  to  Old 
Test.,  vol.  i,  p.  357  sq.  (Engl.  Transl.).     Keil's  list,  however,  needs  sifting. 


THE    BOOK    OF    EZECHIEL.  325 

"  The  constant  recurrence  of  these  or  other  such  manner- 
isms or  fornuUas  is  oftentimes  monotonous,  although  the 
lack  of  variety  in  this  respect  is  usually  redeemed  by  the 
great  diversity  in  the  form  of  Ezechiel's  presentation  :  he 
abounds  in  vision,  parable,  and  allegory;^  as  also  by  the 
multitude  of  details  he  spreads  out  before  his  readers;  and 
even,  at  times,  by  a  large  rhythmic  movement  of  the 
thought,  running  like  a  ground-swell  through  some  of  the 
longer  orations."  ^  But  throughout  the  book  the  parallelism 
so  remarkable  in  Amos,  Isaias,  and  other  prophets  anterior 
to  the  Exile,  because  it  borders  closely  on  exalted  lyric 
poetry,  is  really  absent.  Only  occasionally  does  Ezechiel 
venture  on  a  poetical  strain,  and  even  then  his  rhythm 
is  almost  invariably  that,  not  of  lyrical,  but  of  elegiac  com- 
positions. His  imaginative  faculty  is  indeed  of  a  high 
order,  but  it  reminds  one  of  the  trained  amplifying  faculty 
of  the  rhetor  rather  than  of  the  soaring  imagination  of  the 
poet  or  of  the  orator.  The  influence  of  the  Aramaic  upon 
his  diction  can  hardly  be  questioned  in  regard  to  the  end- 
ings of  verbs  and  nouns,  the  omission  of  the  article,  etc.,^ 
and  in  this  respect,  too,  the  style  of  Ezechiel  exhibits  a 
falling  off  from  the  general  idiomatic  purity  of  the  propheti- 
cal writers  before  him. 

Ezechiel's  literary  affinities  with  the  terminology  of  the 
Priestly  Code,  and  especially  of  the  Law  of  Holiness 
(Levit.  xvii-xxvi),  are  well  set  forth  by  Driver,  Introd.  to 
Literat.  of  Old  Test.,  pp.  49  sq.;   130  sqq.;  145  sqq. 

4.  Authorship  and  Date,  The  strongly-marked  pecu- 
liarities of  style  and  language  which  all  scholars  recognize 
throughout  the  prophecies  of  Ezechiel  are  one  of  the  main 

1  Cfr.  ViGOUROUX,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no.  1024,  footn.  2. 

2  J.  Skinner,  loc.  cit..  p.  8i8. 

3  For  examples,  see  Samuel  Davidson,  Introd.  to  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii,  p.  146.  Per- 
haps many  of  the  Aramaisms  of  the  book  may  be  accounted  for  by  scribal  alterations 
(cfr.  Toy,  art.  Ezekiel,  in  Encycl.  BibI  ,  vol.  ii,  col.  1459). 


^26         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT, 

reasons  for  which  the  traditional  authorship  of  the  book  is 
well-nigh  universally  accepted  in  the  present  day.  They 
powerfully  concur  with  the  manifest  homogeneousness  of  the 
contents  and  literary  structure  of  the  whole  work,  to  pro- 
duce the  impression  upon  the  mind  of  the  impartial  critic 
that  this  prophetical  writing  is  not  a  compilation  like  those 
ascribed  to  Isaias,  Jeremias,  etc. 

While  these  distinct  features  point  to  only  one  writer  as 
the  author  of  the  book  of  Ezechiel,  others  hardly  less  un- 
mistakable show  that  this  sole  author  was  practically  con- 
temporary with  Jeremias.  "  The  general  tone  of  the  book 
is  different  from  that  of  the  post-exilic  prophets,  and  par- 
ticularly from  that  of  Daniel — it  has  nothing  in  common 
with  them  but  an  incipient  apocalypse  :  Israel  is  struggling 
with  idolatry,  is  to  be  chastised  and  purified,  is  in  definite 
relation  with  certain  nations.  The  religious  and  political 
situations  are  the  same  in  Ezechiel  as  in  Jeremias."^  Even 
the  ideal  constitution  of  restored  Israel  which  is  delineated 
in  chaps,  xl-xlviii,  and  which  some  critics^  are  still  tempted 
to  regard  as  betraying  a  date  later  than  the  Exile,  when 
closely  examined  appears  to  be  the  work  of  a  priestly 
prophet  living  before  the  Return  from  Babylon,  and  such 
as  we  know  Ezechiel  to  have  been.  That  he  was  a  priest 
is  obvious  from  the  fact  that  so  much  space  in  these  chap- 
ters is  devoted  to  the  Temple  and  its  services,  to  its  minis- 
ters, etc.;  so  much  detailed  information  respecting  the 
sanctuary,  sacrifices,  things  priestly  generally  is  given 
therein;  and  that  the  whole  constitution  of  Israel  is  made 
to  hinge  on  ritual  faithfulness.  That  this  priestly  writer 
composed  chaps,  xl-xlviii  before  the  Return  can  be  in- 
ferred from  the  considerable  influence  which  his  work  exer- 
cised upon  the  reorganization  of  the  divine  worship  imme- 

*  Toy,  art.  Ezechiel  (book),  in  Encyclop.  Biblica,  vol.  ii,  col.  1460, 
"  Among  them  we  may  mention  J.  Skinnek,  loc.  cit.,  p.  818. 


THE    BOOK    OF    EZF.CHIEL.  327 

diately  after  the  Exile. ^  That,  finally,  this  priestly  exilic 
writer  was  no  other  than  Ezechiel  may  be  said  to  be  con- 
firmed by  the  contents  of  the  last  nine  chaj)teis  of  the 
book  :  *^  The  visions,  the  manner  of  conveying  rei)ro()f,  the 
multitude  of  circumstantial  particulars,  the  character  of 
language  and  style,  in  all  which  respects  Ezechiel  is  re- 
markably distinguished  from  other  writers,  prove  that  he 
must  have  been  the  author  of  these  chapters.  No  imita- 
tion could  possibly  have  been  so  successful."^ 

Apart,  then,  from  scribal  errors  and  expansions — which 
latter  indeed  are  much  less  extensive  in  Ezechiel  than  in 
other  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  chiefly  because  it  gives 
a  full  and  cheering  picture  of  the  future  of  the  nation^ — 
the  book  of  Ezechiel  is  rightly  ascribed  to  the  prophet 
whose  name  it  bears.  The  objections  urged  by  a  few 
recent  scholars,  viz.,  Geiger,  Zunz,  Seinecke,  Vernes,  and 
Havet,  against  the  authorship,  have  been  sufficiently  an- 
swered, and  there  is  no  probability  that  at  a  future  time 
they  will  be  revived  with  any  success.*  As  regards  the  old 
Jewish  tradition  embodied  in  the  Talmud  (Baba  Bathra, 
fol.  14^)  that  "the  men  of  the  Great  Synagogue  wrote 
Ezechiel,"  it  is  one  out  of  many  proofs  that  the  so-called 
Jewish  traditions  regarding  the  authorship  of  the  sacred 
writings  are  anything  but  reliable. 

Although  the  prophet  Ezechiel  was,  as  it  seems,  careful 
to  prefix  dates  to  the  various  groups  of  his  predictions,^ 
two  principal  difficulties  meet  one  who  wishes  to  set  forth 
the  precise  date  of  composition  of  the  respective  groups. 
First,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  sometimes  the  figures 

'  For  important  remarks  in  this  connection,  see  W.  R.  Smith,  Old  Test,  in  Jewish 
Church,  2d  edit.,  p.  442  sqq.,  loc.  cit.;  and  J.  Skinner,  loc.  cit. 
2  Jahn,  Introd.  to  Old  Test  ,  p.  403  (Engl.  Trans!.). 

•  Toy,  Ezechiel,  in  Polychrome  Bible,  p.  92. 

*  For  brief  answers  to  them,  see  Toy,  Ezechiel  (book),  in  Encyclop.  Bibl.,  vol.  ii, 
col.  1460. 

'  Cfr.  i ;  viii ;  xx  ;  xxiv ;  xxix  ;  xxx  ;  xxxii,  i,  17  ;  xxxiii,  21  ;  xl. 


^2S         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

given  in  the  Massoretic  Text  are  incorrect  ;  and  next,  it  is 
not  sure  that  the  date  given  at  the  beginning  of  a  long  sec- 
tion reaches  to  the  next  mention  of  date.^  Kuenen  has 
even  supposed  that  the  inscriptions  found  in  the  Hebrew 
Text  are  merely  a  setting  inserted  long  afterwards  by  the 
prophet.  However  this  may  be,  it  is  all  but  certain  that 
the  book  of  Ezechiel  was  not  completed  before  the  twenty- 
fifth  year  of  the  prophet's  captivity  (572  B.C.)  :  the  inscrip- 
tion to  the  last  group  of  predictions  (xl-xlviii)  gives  that 
date,  and  there  is  no  positive  reason  to  call  in  question  the 
correctness  of  its  statement. 

5.    Manner  in  which  the  Book  Originated.     As 

"  the  book  of  Ezechiel  has  come  down  to  us  substantially 
as  it  left  his  hand,"^  it  is  a  comparatively  easy  task  to  de- 
scribe the  manner  in  which  it  originated.  Its  real  lack  of 
spontaneity  as  a  literary  production — which  is  distinctly 
realized  when  it  is  contrasted  with  the  other  prophetical 
writings — produces  the  impression  upon  the  reader  that 
most  if  not  all  its  contents  were  either  never  delivered 
orally,  or  only  spoken  after  they  had  been  carefully  pre- 
pared in  regard  to  both  matter  and  form.  As  the  prophet 
was  apparently  '*  dumb  "  for  a  number  of  years,^  he  prob- 
ably simply  wrote  his  prophecies  during  that  time,  polish- 
ing them  up  before  they  were  made  known  to  the  exiles  of 
Tel-Abib,  and  thus  the  habit  grew  gradually  upon  him  to 
convey  his  teachings  by  means  of  parables,  allegories,  etc., 
prepared  in  their  general  outlines,  and  also  in  the  many  de- 
tails without  which  they  would  not  have  appealed  to  the 
imagination  of  his  hearers  with  anything   like  the  charm 

*  The  Massoretic  dates  in  xxxii,  i,  17;  xxxiii  are  probably  incorrect  (cfr.  W.  H.  Ben- 
nett, a  Biblical  Introd.,  p.  219  sq.),  and  it  may  be  questioned  whether  the  date  given  In 
viii,  I  applies  till  the  next  date  in  xx,  i. 

'  Toy,  Ezechiel  (Polychrome  Bible),  p.  92. 

3  Cfr.  Ezechiel  iii,  26  ;  xxix,  21  ;  xxxiii,  23. 


THE    BOOK    OF    EXECHIEL.  329 

witli  wliich,  as  we  are  informed,  they  did.'  In  putting  to- 
gether his  separate  prophecies,  Ezechiel  followed  a  definite 
plan,  which  is  still  observable  in  his  work.  The  various 
groups  of  predictions  he  put  under  a  common  date,  and  all 
the  groups  treating  of  the  same  general  topic  he  arranged 
into  a  definite  collection.  Thus  in  the  first  part  of  the 
book  (i-xxiv),  dealing  mainly  with  the  approaching  fall  of 
Sion,  the  various  groups  are  disposed  in  perfect  chronologi- 
cal order,  and  are  brought  to  a  natural  conclusion  at  xxiv, 
27.  In  like  manner  the  second  part  (xxv-xxxii)  or  main 
collection  embodied  in  the  book  he  made  to  include  all 
the  oracles  he  had  directed  at  different  times  against  the 
foreign  nations.  Finally,  the  two  distinct  collections 
which  go  to  make  up  the  last  part  of  his  work  (xxxiii- 
xxxix;  xl-xlviii)  and  referring  to  the  same  common  topic, 
the  future  restoration  of  the  Jewish  theocracy,  were  prob- 
ably formed  at  first  separately  (cfr.  xxix,  29,  which  reads  as 
the  end  of  a  once  distinct  collection),  but  finally  united  to- 
gether. In  this  way  did  the  work  gradually  grow  and 
assume  its  present  form  under  Ezechiel's  remarkable  liter- 
ary care. 

As  the  book  was  not  written  and  put  into  its  present 
form  at  once,  it  is  highly  probable  that  its  systematic  and 
obvious  general  plan,  and  more  particularly  its  great  uni- 
formity of  diction  and  coloring,  points  to  a  final  revision  of 
the  whole  work  by  the  prophet  himself.  The  only  plausi- 
ble objection  raised  against  this  important  inference  is 
drawn  from  alleged  contradictions  in  Ezechiel  (between 
xxxix,  17-20  and  xxvi,  12;  between  iii,  26,  xxxiii,  22  and 
xi,  25,  XX,  49  ;  xxx,  30),  which,  it  is  argued,  would  not 
have  been  allowed  to  stand  by  the  prophet  had  he  carried 
out  himself  a  complete  final  revision  of  his  book.  In 
reality,  even  taking  for  granted  the  existence  of  the  alleged 

tCfr.  Ezech.  xxxiii,  30  sqq. 


330         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

discrepancies,  there  is  no  proof  that   Ezechiel  must  needs 
have  removed  them  when  he  finally  revised  his  prophecies.^ 

6.  Literary  and  Religious  Influence  of  the  Book 
of  Ezechiel  in  Israel.  As  might  naturally  be  expected  of 
a  book  composed  by  an  influential  priest  and  true  prophet 
of  Yahweh,  the  work  of  Ezechiel  was  destined  to  exercise  a 
considerable  literary  and  religious  influence  in  Israel.  Its 
literary  influence  is  borne  out  by  a  close  comparison  of  its 
text  with  that  of  the  Priestly  Code,  and  more  particularly 
with  that  of  the  Law  of  Holiness.  Of  course  it  would  not 
be  correct  from  the  literary  resemblances  between  Ezechiel's 
work  and  the  Priestly  Code,  to  infer — as  is  done  by  some 
contemporary  critics — that  Ezechiel  is  the  writer  of  the 
Priest's  Code,  for  all  such  resemblances  as  really  exist 
should  not  make  us  lose  sight  of  important  differences 
which  are  no  less  undeniable.  But  a  comparison  between 
the  two  literary  productions  proves  that  they  both  origi- 
nated during  the  Exile,  and  also  that  the  Priest's  Code 
underwent  the  influence  of  the  priestly  conceptions  and 
expressions  of  the  priestly-prophet,  Ezekiel.''^  A  wider 
literary  influence  may  also  be  ascribed  to  the  book  of 
Ezechiel.  As  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  that  prophet  was 
the  first  divine  messenger  in  Israel  who,  instead  of  simply 
recording  in  writing  the  prophecies  he  had  already  delivered 

•  Of  the  alleged  discrepancies,  the  one  wliich  refers  to  the  taking  of  Tyre  by  Nabu- 
chodcnosor,  which  is  affirmed  in  xxvi.  12.  and  apparently  denied  in  xxix,  17-70,  has 
most  perplexed  commentators  When  one  bears  in  mind,  on  the  one  hand,  the  condi- 
tional character  of  prophecy,  and,  on  the  other,  the  fact  that  this  conditional  character 
was  well  known  to  the  ancient  prophets,  it  does  not  seem  difficult  to  understand  how, 
even  supposing  that  Ezechiel  noticed  the  alleged  discrepancy,  he  did  not  feel  in  duty 
bound  to  remove  it.  (Cfr.  History,  Prophecy,  and  the  Monuments,  by  Jas.  F.  McCi  rdv, 
vol.  iii,  p.  3g2.  See  also  C.  Gmkie,  Hours  with  the  Bible,  new  edit  ,  vol.  vi.  p.  180 
sq.;  Knabenbauer,  S.J.,  in  Ezechielem  proph.;  etc.) 

2  For  the  literary  affinities  between  Ezechiel  and  P.  C.  see  Driver,  Introd.  to  Literat. 
of  Old  Test.,  pp.  49  sq.,  130  sqq  .  145  sqq.;  R  Kittel,  a  History  of  the  He^^rews,  vol. 
i,  §  9.  p.  107  sqq.  (Engl.  Transl.):  Prof.  Gray,  an.  Law  Literature,  inCHEYNE,  Ency- 
clop.  Biblica,  vol.  iii,  col.  3737  sqq.;  etc. 


THE    BOOK    OF    EZFXHIEL.  33 1 

orally,  wrote  most  if  not  all  of  them  carefully  before  utter- 
ing them  in  public.  In  so  doing  he  set  an  important 
example  before  Hebrew  writers  of  his  time,  as  also  of  the 
subsequent  period.  The  Deutero-Isaias,  and  the  prophetic 
writers  or  editors  of  the  historical  books,  the  "  Earlier 
Prophets,"  as  they  are  called,  followed  in  his  train  :  the 
former  wrote  the  book  of  "  the  Consolation  of  Israel " 
(Isai.  xl-lxvi)  under  the  form  of  a  direct  address  to  the 
Jews  ;  the  latter  inserted  in  their  compilatory  works 
divine  oracles,  or  judgments,  which  to  all  appearances  were 
not  delivered  orally  to  God's  chosen  people. 

Deeper  and  more  lasting  still  was  the  religious  influence 
exercised  by  Ezechiel.  In  matters  of  doctrine  he  first  of  all 
inculcated  the  great  truths  taught  in  common  by  his  prede- 
cessors, such  as  the  evil  of  foreign  alliances,  the  doom  of 
Israel  and  Juda  on  account  of  the  vice  and  cruelty  of  the 
governing  classes,  the  future  restoration,  and  the  Messias 
as  a  Davidic  prince.  In  the  second  place,  he  enlarged 
upon  and  gave  greater  currency  to  the  teachings  of  Jere- 
mias,  especially  in  what  concerns  "  individual  religion. 
His  prophetic  ministry  is  partly  pastoral,  he  is  a  watchman 
for  every  single  soul.  A  man  is  not  punished  for  his 
father's  sin,  but  each  is  judged  not  only  according  to  his 
own  doings,  but  according  to  his  moral  condition  at  the 
time  of  judgment.^  Ezechiel's  teaching  as  to  a  new  heart 
and  a  new  spirit  (xi,  19)  is  also  an  echo  of  Jeremias'  New 
Covenant."^  Lastly,  he  brought  out — and  this  seems  to 
be  peculiarly  his  own  contribution  to  Jewish  doctrine  and 
practice — the  view  that  since  Yahweh,  the  supreme  master 
and   lord  of  Israel,  is  infinitely  holy,  the  land,  the  people, 

•  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  remark  that  the  judgment  wliich  the  prophet  has  in  view  is 
not  the  post-niorte»t  judgment  as  understood  by  Christians.  Tliere  is  only  question  of 
the  ordeal  tliat  will  determine  wliich  among  ;he  Babylonian  captives  are  to  be  found 
worthy  of  a  place  in  the  "  remnant  "  destined  for  the  reconstruction  of  Israel. 

2  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  222  sqq. 


332 


SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 


the  private  citizen,  the  ruler,  the  priest,  etc.,  belong  to  Him 
and  should  abstain  from  aught,  inwardly  and  also  outwardly, 
that  could  defile  them.  This  led  him  to  draw  up  a  Consti- 
tution of  Restored  Israel,  which  bound  up  together  more 
intimately  than  in  the  past  the  moral  and  ritual  ol)lign- 
tions  of  the  Chosen  People,  placed  more  directly  the 
conscience  of  the  individual  under  the  control  of  the  priest, 
centred  more  effectively  the  public  worship  in  the  rebuilt 
Temple,  and  tended  to  make  of  the  whole  Jewish  race  the 
one  essentially  theocratic  people.  On  many  important 
points — for  instance,  the  sharp  distinction  between  Levites 
and  priests  ;  a  great  faithfulness  to  sacrifices,  the  Sabbatli, 
and  religious  observances,  etc. — Ezechiel's  teaching  directly 
influenced  the  Restoration  period,  and  in  this  way  gradually 
moulded  the  chosen  people  into  a  nation  very  different 
from  what  it  had  been  before  the  Babylonian  Captivity. 
On  that  account,  and  to  that  extent,  Ezechiel  may  be  called 
the  "  Father  of  Judaism."^ 

^  Cfr.  Bennett,  loc.  cit.,  p.  220  sq.;  Jno.  Skinner,  art.  Ezechiel,  in  Hastings. 
Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  i,  p.  Srg  ;  E.  Kautzsch,  an  Outline  of  the  History  of  the  Lit- 
erature of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  89  sq.  (Engl.  Transl.) ;  etc. 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  XIV. 
The  Book  of  Daniel. 


Preliminary 
Remarks  : 


II. 

The  Proto- 

canonical 

Parts 

OF  THE  Book 

OF  Daniel  : 


Place  of  tliis  Book  in  tlie  Canon. 

Principal  Data  concerning  the  Prophet  Daniel. 

Chief  Events  of  Antiochus'  Reign  connected  with 
the  Book  of  Daniel. 


I.  Contents: 


f  1st   Part :    A  series   of  Narratives  in 
the  third  person  (i-vi). 

I    2d  Part :  A   series  of  Visions  in  the 
[       first  person  (vii-xii). 


Didactic  Purpose  and  Literary  Unity. 

f  Precise  Statement. 


.  Author-  j 
ship  and  J 
Date : 


The  Tradi 
t  i  o  n  a  1   - 
View  : 


Leading  Arguments 
(Extrinsic  and  In- 
trinsic). 


The  Recent 


Theory 


:< 


How  modified  by  Sou- 
ciet,  S.J.,  Jahn,  Bp. 
Hanneberg,  Quatre- 
mere,  etc. 

f  Statement  (Daniel 

mainly  an  Apoca- 
lypse, belonging  as  a 
whole  to  the  time  of 
Antiochus  (B.C.  175- 
164)). 

Manifold  Intrinsic  Evi- 
dence in  its  P'avor. 

How  far  Admissible. 


III. 

The  Deutero- 
Canonical 

Parts  of  the 
Book  of 
Daniel  : 


Contents,  and  Place  in  the  Septuagint,  in  the  Vul- 
gate. 

Original  Language  (Greek  or  Aramaic). 
Difficulties  concerning  Authorship. 

333 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL. 


§  I.  Frelimmary  Remarks. 

I.  Placeof  the  Book  in  the  Canon.  The  book  which 
in  the  Septuagint,  the  Vulgate,  and  most  modern  Christian 
Versions  of  the  Old  Testament  follows  immediately  the 
prophecy  of  Ezechiel  is  that  of  Daniel.  The  position  thus 
ascribed  to  it  is  obviously  due  to  the  fact  that  when  the 
sacred  writings  of  the  Old  Covenant  in  their  Greek  garb  were 
arranged  in  a  topical  order,  the  book  of  Daniel  was  treated 
as  containing  important  prophecies,  and  as  such  worthy 
of  taking  rank  side  by  side  with  the  great  prophets  Isaias, 
Jeremias,  and  Ezechiel.  The  position  then  ascribed  to  it 
after  Ezechiel  appeared  all  the  more  natural  because,  though 
a  captive  in  Babylon  at  about  the  same  time  as  that  priest- 
ly prophet,  Daniel,  as  was  gathered  from  the  data  of  his 
book,  was  a  younger  man,  and  foretold  events  much  more 
distant  than  had  been  done  by  Ezechiel. 

In  our  present  Hebrew  Bibles  the  book  of  Daniel  is  not 
included  in  their  second  great  section,  that  of  the  N^bhiim 
or  "  Prophets,"  but  in  the  third,  that  of  the  KUhubhii?i  or 
"  Hagiographa,"  wherein  it  stands  between  Esther  and 
Esdras.  So  far  as  we  know,  the  Palestinian  Canon  ever 
counted  Daniel  among  the  K^tJmbhim^  although  its  precise 
place  among  them  varied  at  different  times. ^ 

»  Cfr.  H.  E.  Ryle,  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  280  (Lists  of  Hebrew  Scriptures) 

334 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  335 

2.  Principal  Data  concerning  the  Prophet  Daniel. 

Concerning  the  hero  and  traditional  writer  of  the  book  ot 
Daniel  everything  that  is  known  is  contained  in  the  book  it- 
self. Being  of  royal,  or  at  least  of  noble,  descent  (i,  3),  when 
still  a  youth  he  was  taken  captive  to  Babylon  by  Nabuchod- 
onosor,  in  the  fourth  year  of  Joakim  (b.c.  605).  He  was 
taught  the  language  and  learning  of  the  "  Chaldaeans/'  with 
a  view  to  enter  the  king's  service.  At  Babylon  he  received 
the  distinctive  name  of  Baliassar^  and  with  his  three  friends 
Ananias,  Misael,  and  Azarias — who  had  been  surnamed 
Sidrach,  Misach,  and  Abdenago — observed  the  Mosaic  law 
as  far  as  circumstances  allowed.^  After  three  years  of  in- 
struction he  and  his  companions  stood  before  the  king, 
that  is  obtained  some  office  at  court,  and  henceforth  were 
found  to  excel  in  wisdom  "all  the  diviners  and  wise  men 
that  were  in  the  kingdom."  ^  In  the  course  of  time — either 
the  second  or  the  twelfth  year  of  Nabuchodonosor  ^ — Daniel 
repeated  and  interpreted,  on  the  failure  of  all  the  other  wise 
men,  the  king's  dream  of  a  colossal  statue,  which  was  made 
up  of  various  materials,  and  which,  struck  by  a  little  stone, 
broke  up,  while  the  little  stone  grew  into  a  mountain  and 
filled  the  whole  earth.  Whereupon  the  monarch  made 
him  ruler  over  the  whole  province  of  Babylon,  and  chief 
governor  of  all  the  wise  men  of  the  realm.  Daniel's  three 
friends  received  some  manner  of  promotion  at  his  request. 
He  also  interpreted  the  king's  dream  of  a  mighty  tree  con- 
cerning which  Nabuchodonosor  heard  the  command  given 
that  it  should  be  cut  down,  and  that  "seven  times"  should 
"  pass  over"  its  stump  that  had  been  left  standing.  Daniel's 
interpretation  that  the  great  king  should  be  deprived  of  the 

'  In  Ezechiel  xiv,  14,  18,  20,  Daniel  is  mentioned,  apparently  because  of  his  piety, 
together  with  Noe  and  Job. 

^  In  Ezechiel  xxviii,  3,  Daniel  is  spoken  of  as  the  wisest  of  his  contemporaries. 

'  Cfr.  Driver,  Daniel  (Cambridge  Bible),  p.  17;  Trochon,  Daniel  (Lethikllkux' 
Bible),  p.  95  ;  etc. 


33^         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

use  of  his  reason  during  seven  years  proved  true  ;  and  at  the 
end  of  that  trial  Nabuchodonosor  issued  a  proclamation  direc- 
ted to  all  the  world,  and  whereby  he  solemnly  acknowledged 
the  supreme  power  and  goodness  of  the  Most  High  God. 

After  the  death  of  Nabuchodonosor  Daniel  seems  to  have 
lost  his  high  office  and  lived  long  in  retirement.  On  the 
occasion,  however,  of  the  handwriting  Mane,  Thecel,  PhareSy 
on  the  wall  of  the  palace  during  King  Baltassar's  feast,^  he 
was  given  an  opportunity  to  exhibit  again  his  sagacity  in 
unlocking  hidden  things,  and  on  that  account  became  one 
of  the  three  chief  ministers  in  the  kingdom.  This  dignity 
was  confirmed  to  him  by  Darius  the  Mede  after  the  con- 
quest of  Babylon.  But  through  the  machinations  of  his 
fellow  officers  he  was  thrown  into  the  den  of  lions,  because 
by  praying,  as  was  his  wont,  three  times  a  day  to  his  God 
he  had  contravened  Darius'  decree  that  for  thirty  days  no 
one  should  address  a  petition  either  to  a  god  or  to  a  man. 
Through  a  miraculous  intervention,  however,  he  was  taken 
out  unhurt,  and  in  consequence  the  king  decreed  that  all 
men  should  dread  and  fear  the  God  of  Daniel.  "  So  this 
Daniel  prospered  in  the  reign  of  Darius,  and  in  the  reign  of 
Cyrus  the  Persian." 

Such  are  the  principal  data  concerning  Daniel  which  are 
supplied  by  the  first  six  chapters  of  his  book.  In  the  next 
six  chapters  he  appears  as  the  recipient  of  visions  respect- 
ing the  future  of  Israel.  In  the  deutero-canonical  appen- 
dices to  the  Vulgate — the  history  of  Susanna  and  the  two 
elders  (xiii),  and  that  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon  (xiv) — Daniel 
plays  also  a  prominent  part.  Neither  the  date  of  his  birth 
nor  that  of  his  death  is  mentioned  in  the  book  that  bears  his 

»  The  date  of  Baltassar's  feast  is  given  as  the  eve  of  the  capture  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus 
(B.C.  538),  that  is  twenty-three  years  after  the  end  of  Nabuchodonosor's  reign.  If  we 
suppose  that  Daniel  was  16  or  17  years  of  age  at  the  beginning  of  the  captivity  (b.c.  605), 
he  must  have  been  83  or  84  years  old  when  summoned  to  read  the  handwriting  on  the 
wall. 


THK    KOOK    OF    DANIEL.  '^'^'J 

name.     The  Roman  martyrology  assigns  his  feast  as  a  lioly 
prophet  to  July  21st. 

3.  Chief  Events  of  Antiochus'  Reign  connected 
with  the  Book  of  Daniel.  As  all  interpreters  of  Daniel 
vii-xii  agree  in  connecting  many  of  the  events  therein  re- 
ferred to  with  those  which  occurred  under  Antiochus  IV., 
the  great  persecutor  of  the  Jews  in  the  second  century  be- 
fore Christ,  we  subjoin  an  outline  of  the  leading  events  of 
his  reign  and  of  the  probable  references  to  them  in  Daniel.^ 

Date.  Event  of  Antiochus'  Reign.  Reference  in  Dattiel. 

B.C.      176.       Accession  (cfr.  I  Mach.  i,  10).  Daniel  vii,  8,  11,  20; 

viii,  9,  23;  xi.  21. 
**  175'  Jason's  intrigues  against  Onias  III., 
and  purchase  from  Antiochus  of  the 
High-priesthood.  Rise  of  Hellen- 
izing  party  in  Jerusalem  (cfr.  I 
Mach,  i,  11-15;  II  Mach.  iv,  7-22). 
"        172.        Onias  III.  murdered  (cfr.  II  Mach.  iv,   Dan.  ix.  26^;  xi,  22^'. 

32-35). 

"       171.        First  expedition  of  Antiochus  against  Dan.  xi,  22-24. 
Egypt  (cfr.  I  Mach.  i,  16-19). 

"       170.        Second    expedition     against     Egypt  Dan.  xi,  25-27. 
(cfr.  I  Mach.  i,  20). 

•*  *'  On   his    return   from    Egypt,  Antio- 

chus   plunders    the     Temple    and 

massacres  many  Jews  (cfr.  I  Mach.   Dan.  viii,  g^'-io;  xi, 
i,  21-28;  II  Mach.  V,  11-21).  28. 

**       169         Third     expedition     against     Egypt.   Dan.  xi,  29-30^. 
The  Roman  legate  Popilius  Lcenas 
obliges  Antiochus  to  withdraw. 

"  169-168.   Dreadful    persecution    of  the   Jews.   Dan.  vii,  21,  24^,  25; 
Jerusalem    surprised    on    Sabbath-  viii,  11,  12,  13'', 

day,  and    many  inhabitants  either  24,   25;  xx,  26", 

slain  or   captured    and     sold     as  27^;  xi,  So**,  2>-'^ 

slaves.     Syrian  garrison  placed  in  (renegade  Jews), 

the  citadel.     God-fearing  Jews  flee  32'>-35  (thefaitli- 

and  all  practices  of  Yalnveh's  re-  ful),  36-39;    xii, 

ligion  are  forbidden.    The  Temple-  i,  7,  ii. 

worship  is   suspended  on  15  Chis- 

'  The  outline  is  substantially  that  given  by  Drivkr.  Liter  of  Old  Test.,  p.  401  sq  ■ 
and  repeated  by  E.  L.  Ci'irns  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol  i,  p.  51;.!  sq.  I-di 
details  concerning  the  events  of  Antiochus'  reign,  see  '"  Outlines  of  Jewish  History,"  by 
the  present  writer,  p.  332  sqq. 


^^S         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Date.  Event  of  Antiochiis'  Reign.  Reference  in  Daniel. 

lav,    h.c.    i68;  the  *' abomination 

of  the  desolation  "  (a  heathen  altar 

or   idol)    set    up  on  the    altar   of 

Holocausts.    Books  of  the  Law  are 

burnt,    and    women    who  had  had 

their  children  circumcised  are  put 

to   death    (cfr.    I  Mach.  i,  29-64; 

II  Mach.  vi-vii). 
B.C.      167.        Revolt  of  the  Machabees  (I  Mach.  ii.)  Dan.xi,34  ("  a  smaii 

help"). 
**        165.        After    Machabean   victories    (cfr.    I 

Mach.    iv,    28-35,    the  Temple  is 

purified     and    public    worship  re-  Dan.  viii,  i4'>. 

established  just  three  years    after 

its   desecration    (cfr.   I    Mach.   iv, 

36-61). 
"       164.        Antiochus    dies    suddenly   in    Persia  Dan.  vii,  ii,  26;  viii. 

(cfr.  I  Mach.  vi,  1-16).  14^',    25  ;    ix^  26°, 

27^  xi,  45^- 

§  2.    The  Profo-Cano7iical  Paris  of  the  Book  of  Daniel, 

I.  Contents.  The  proto-canonical  portions  of  the 
prophecy  of  Daniel — which  make  up  the  whole  book  as  it 
stands  in  the  Hebrew  Bible — fall  naturally  into  two  great 
divisions.  They  include,  first,  a  series  of  narratives  in  the 
third  person  (i-vi),  and,  secondly,  a  series  of  visions  in  the 
first  person  (vii-xii). 

The  first  series  opens  with  a  chapter  which  serves  as  a 
preface  to  the  whole  work.  It  introduces  to  the  reader  the 
four  heroes  of  the  book,  viz.,  Daniel,  Ananias,  Misael,  and 
Azarias,  describing  how  these  noble  youths  came  to  occupy 
a  high  rank  in  Nabuchodonosor's  service,  without,  however, 
defiling  themselves  by  eating  of  the  king's  food.^  The  sec- 
ond chapter — partly  a  narrative,  ])artly  an  apocalypse — is 
clearly  intended  as  an  illustration  of  the  wonderful  skill  in 
interpreting  dreams  with  which,  according  to  the  preceding 

^  The  exact  relation  of  i.  21  eitlier  to  the  statements  in  tliat  cliapter  or  to  other  parts 
of  the  book  (cfr.  x,  i),  cannot  be  defined.  Perhaps  it  is  a  later  at'.dition  to  tlie  text  (cfr. 
Tkochdn,  Daniel,  pp.  27.04;  J.  M.  Fuller,  in  "the  ^.peaker■s  Bible";  Knaben- 
BAUEK,  in  Danielem  proph..  p.  75  sq.). 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  339 

chapter,  God  had  endowed  Daniel.'  The  king's  dream  of 
a  colossal  statue  made  up  of  various  materials  and  broken 
up  by  a  small  stone  which  grew  into  a  mountain  and  filled 
the  whole  earth  was  interpreted  by  the  prophet  "  as  em- 
blematic of  four  monarchies,  only  that  by  the  toes  of  the 
feet  (partly  iron  and  partly  clay)  a  kingdom  is  pointed 
out  with  many  contemporaneous  kings,  some  strong  and 
some  weak,  who  should  be  often  externally  allied,  but  yet 
inwardly  disunited.  The  stone  represents  a  kingdom  to 
which  the  divine  attention  shall  be  principally  directed, 
and  which  shall  destroy  those  kingdoms,  but  shall  itself 
remain  forever."^  The  next  section  (iii,  1-30;  in  the  Vul- 
gate, iii,  1-23,  91-97)  narrates  how  Ananias,  Misael,  and 
Azarias  were  cast  into  a  fiery  furnace  for  refusing  to  wor- 
ship the  colossal  golden  statue  set  up  by  Nabuchodonosor, 
and  how  they  remained  unharmed,  whereupon  the  king 
issued  a  decree  in  favor  of  their  God,  and  gave  them 
an  unexpected  promotion.  "  This  section  is  distinguished 
from  the  rest  of  the  book  by  the  unaccountable  absence 
of  Daniel."^  In  the  following  section  (iii,  3 i-iv  ;  in  the 
Vulg.,  iii,  98-iv)  King  Nabuchodonosor  is  made  to  recount, 
in  the  form  of  an  epistle  addressed  to  the  whole  world,  his 
dream  of  a  mighty  tree  cut  down  by  divine  decree,  and  its 
correct  interpretation  by  Daniel,  together  with  its  actual 
fulfilment  in  the  form  of  a  seven  years'  madness  which  had 
befallen  the  king,  and  the  recovery  from  which  was  the  oc- 
casion of  his  thankful  epistle.  The  fifth  chapter  (in  the 
Aramaic,  v-vi,  i)  records  events  which  are  referred  to  the 
end  of  the  reign  of  the   Chaldaean  king,  Baltassar,  son  of 

'  Aramaic  is  used  instead  of  Hebrew  in  ii,  4'»-vii  inclusively. 

2  Jahn,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  406  sq.  (Engl.  Transl.).  The  parallelism  be- 
tween Dan.  ii  and  Gen.  xli  (the  history  of  Joseph)  is  obvious.  For  useful  sugges- 
tions in  this  regard,  see  A.  A.  Bevan,  a  Short  Commentary  on  the  Book  of  Daniel, 
p.  64  sqq. 

3  "  The  Biblical  World,"  Nov.  1S9S,  p.  347.  Cfr.  B:iVAN,  loc.  cit.,  p.  78  sq.,  for  a 
different  view. 


340         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Nabuchodonosor.  It  describes  Baltassar's  feast,  tlie  hand- 
writing on  the  wall,  Daniel's  interpretation,  and  the  destruc- 
tion, that  same  night,  of  Baltassar's  kingdom.  The  last 
section  of  the  first  part  of  the  book  includes  chap.  vi. 
It  transports  us  to  the  reign  of  "  Darius  the  Mede,"  and 
recounts  that  for  his  faithfulness  to  one  of  the  positive 
practices  of  Judaism  Daniel  was  thrown  into  the  lions' 
den,  where  his  miraculous  preservation  led  Darius  to  de- 
cree that  all  his  subjects  should  honor  the  God  of  Daniel. 
The  second  part  of  the  book  (vii-xii)  depicts  four  vis- 
ions beheld,  and  apparently  described,  by  Daniel  himself.^ 
The  opening  chapter  records  a  vision  which  differs  from 
the  others  in  that  it  assumes  the  form  of  a  dream.  It 
takes  us  back  to  the  reign  of  Baltassar  and  to  a  Baby- 
lonian environment,  and  to  the  idea  embodied  in  the  apoc- 
alyptic dream  of  chap,  ii.^  The  vision  was  of  four  beasts 
coming  out  of  the  sea.  "  The  first,  in  the  form  of  a  lion 
with  eagle's  wings,  rises  on  its  hind  feet,  and  receives  the 
understanding  of  a  man.  This  is  the  Chaldaean  kingdom, 
very  soon  about  to  assume  a  milder  character.  The  second, 
like  a  bear,  stands  one  side,  having  three  ribs  in  his  mouth. 
This  is  the  Medo-Persian  empire,  which  had  swallowed 
three  kingdoms,  the  Lydian,  the  Chaldaean,  and  the  Egyp- 
tian. The  third  monster  is  like  a  leopard,  with  four  wings 
on  its  back  and  having  four  heads.  This  is  the  kingdom 
of  Alexander,  who  with  great  rapidity  overturned  the  whole 
Persian  empire,  and  whose  monarchy  was  at  last  divided 
into  four.^ 

1  In  chap.  V,  i  we  are  told  that  Daniel  "wrote  the  dream,"  and  henceforth  the  first 
person  is  used  in  the  book,  except  in  the  heading  of  chapter  x. 

2  "  In  both  chap,  ii  and  chap,  vii  there  is  question  of  four  Gentile  empires  ;  in  both 
the  fourth  empire  is  dwelt  upon  at  greater  length  than  the  first  three,  and  in  both  it  is 
predicted  that  the  fourth  empire  will  be  overthrown  by  a  divine  interposition,  in  order 
that  an  everlarting  kingdom  may  be  set  up."     (A.  A.  Bevan.  loc.  cit.,  p.  114.). 

J.     '  1  his  interpretation  of  the  first  three  monsters  is  in  harmony  with  tlie  view  com- 
monly received  among  Catholic  scholars.     Another  view  very  prevalent  among  con- 


THK    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  34  I 

"  The  fourth  monster  liad  no  resemblance  to  the  others, 
but  was  exceedingly  strong  and  terrible  to  look  at.  It  had 
great  iron  teeth,  and  what  escaped  being  crushed  by  them 
it  trampled  under  foot.  It  had  ten  horns,  among  which 
there  grew  up  a  small  horn  which  tore  out  three  of  the 
others,  then  became  great,  was  full  of  eyes,  and  had  a  human 
mouth,  with  which  it  blasphemed  God.  With  the  intention 
of  changing  the  law  or  religion,  it  made  war  upon  and 
conquered  the  saints,  who  were  in  subjection  for  a  time, 
times,  and  a  half  of  a  time.  Hereupon  the  Eternal  sits  in 
judgment,  commands  the  monster  to  be  put  to  death,  and 
the  others  to  be  deprived  of  their  dominion,  but  allows 
them  to  live  until  a  definite  time.  Then  came  in  the  clouds 
a  human  form  and  received  the  dominion,  the  saints  received 
riglit,  tliat  is  to  say,  they  conquered  and  fortified  the  king- 
dom. All  this  is  emblematic  of  the  Greek  kingdoms  which 
sprang  from  the  monarchy  of  Alexander.'  Although  indeed 
the  more  considerable  of  these  kingdoms  were  only  four, 
yet  if  the  less  important  are  added  to  them,  they  will  ap- 
proach so  near  to  ten  that  this  round  number  may  very 
pro])erly  be  used.  The  little  horn  which  became  great  is 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,^  who  prohibited  the  worship  of  the 
true  God,  and   persecuted   and   made  war  upon  the  pious 

temporary  critics,  and  going  back  to  St.  Ephrem  and  the  Jews  of  his  time,  holds  that 
the  second  empire  is  the  Medintt.  and  the  third  tiie  Persian.  (Cfr.  Trochon,  Daniel, 
p.  173  sqq.;  Bevan  ;  Driver.  Introd.  to  Literat.  of  Old  Testament;  etc.) 

1  The  fourth  monster  is  taken  by  many  to  mean  the  Roman  empire.  As  far  back, 
however,  as  Porphyry  (t  305)  it  has  been  understood  ot  the  Creek  or  Macedonian  em- 
fiire.  The  latter  interpretation,  common  among  the  Jews  of  the  fourth  century 
of  our  era,  and  adopted  by  .St.  Ephrem.  is  the  one  received  by  the  great  majority 
of  modern  critics.  Everything  considered,  it  seems  more  probab'e  that  the  four  em- 
pires  of  Daniel  are  better  explained  by  Jno.  Jahn.  whose  words  are  quoted  in  the  text- 
(Cfr.  also  Dom  Calmet.  O.S.B.,  Commentaire  litteral  sur  Daniel,  Paris,  1715.) 

2  The  terms  in  which  the  '  little  horn  '  is  here  spoken  of  (vii,  20,  21,  25)  are  closely 
analogous  to  those  used  also  of  a  "  little  horn  ''  in  viii,  9-13,  23-25,  which  is  admitted  to 
signify  Antiochus  Epiphanes  ;  hence  it  is  very  probable  tliat  here  that  impious  prince 
is  intended.  (Cfr  a'so  I  Mach.  i.  24;  etc.)  Many,  however,  take  the  "  little  horn"  io 
Dan-  Y'i  to  refer  diiectly  to  Antichrist, 


34  2  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Jews.  The  human  figure  in  the  clouds  is  an  emblem  of  the 
Machabees."  ^ 

The  vision  in  chap,  viii  is  also  referred  to  the  reign  of 
Baltassar.^  In  it,  as  in  chap,  vii,  symbolical  animals  are 
used  to  denote  empires.  Daniel  sees  a  ram  with  two  great 
horns  (the  Medo-Persian  empire)  going  from  victory  to 
victory,  till  it  is  struck  by  a  he-goat  (the  Greek  power) 
with  a  sharp  horn  (Alexander)  between  his  eyes.  This  sharp 
horn  is  broken  in  its  turn,  and  replaced  by  four  horns  (the 
four  larger  Greek  kingdoms  of  Egypt,  Syria,  Macedonia, 
and  Thrace).  From  one  of  these  four  horns,  viz.,  Syria, 
arises  a  "little  horn,"  to  wit,  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  who, 
though  not  named,  is  clearly  designated  by  the  description 
of  the  doings  of  the  "little  horn"  against  the  host  of 
heaven  and  against  its  Prince  (God),  desecrating  His  sanc- 
tuary and  interrupting  the  daily  sacrifice  for  three  years 
and  a  fraction.  This  vision,  the  explanation  of  which  is 
given  by  the  angel  Gabriel,  is  clearly  parallel  to  that  in 
chap,  vii,  and  in  so  far  affords  a  means  to  get  at  the  mean- 
ing of  the  latter  in  regard  to  which  no  explanation  is  found 
in  the  text. 

Chapter  ix  records  how,  after  confession  and  prayer  by 
Daniel,  Gabriel  appeared  to  him  and  explained  to  him  the 
prophecy  of  Jeremias  relative  to  the  forgiveness  of  God's 
people,  and  the  restoration  of  His  ruined  sanctuary.  The 
angel  told  him  "  that  it  would  be,  not  70  years,  but  70 
weeks  of  years,  before  the  iniquity  of  the  people  would  be 
entirely  atoned  for.  This  period  is  then  divided  into  three 
smaller  ones,  7-I-62  -f-  i;  and  it  is  said  (a)  that  7  weeks 
(=49  years)  will  elapse  from  the  going  forth  of  the  com- 
mand to   restore  Jerusalem  to  'an  anointed  one,  a  prince'; 

1  Jno.  Jahn,  Introd.  to  '.he  Old  Test.,  p.  40S  sq.  (Engl.  Transl.).  For  detailed  in- 
formation in  regard  to  chap,  vii,  see  Knabenbauek,  loc.  cit.;  Driver,  Daniel  (in  the 
Cambridge  Bible)  ;  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible;  Dom  Calmet,  O.S.B.;  etc. 

a  M  chap.  vUi  thq  usq  o{  Hebrew  is  resumed  and  kept  up  tg  the  end  q{  t,he  bQQkx 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  34  3 

{^)  that  for  62  weeks  (=  434  years)  the  city  will  be  rebuilt, 
though  in  straitened  times  ;  {c)  that  at  the  end  of  these  62 
weeks  '^  an  anointed  one  '  will  be  cut  off,  and  the  people  of 
a  prince  that  shall  come  will  desolate  the  city  and  sanctuary: 
he  will  make  a  covenant  with  many  for  one  week  (=7  years), 
and  during  half  of  this  week  he  will  cause  the  sacrifice  and 
oblation  to  cease,  until  his  end  come  and  the  consumma- 
tion decreed  arrest  the  desolator."  ' 

The  last  vision  includes  chaps,  x-xii.  Its  opening  part 
(x-xi,  i)  gives  a  rei)resentation  of  the  vision  with  a  reference 
to  the  princes  (guardian  angels)  of  Media,  Persia,  and 
Greece.  The  second  part  (xi,  12-45)  announces  a  long 
series  of  historical  circumstances  connected,  first,  with  the 
doings  of  four  Persian  kings  and  of  Alexander,  with  the 
rupture  of  the  kingdom  of  the  latter  after  his  death  ;  sec- 
ondly, and  more  fully,  with  the  conflicts  between  Egypt  and 
Syria  in  the  following  centuries  ;  and  thirdly,  and  most 
fully  (verses  21-45),  ^^'ith  the  deeds  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
his  expeditions  against  Egypt,  the  persecution  of  the  Jews, 
the  desecration  of  the  Temple,  etc.  The  conclusion  of  this 
vision  (chap,  xii)  declares  how  Michael  (the  guardian  angel 
of  Israel)  delivers  the  people  :  there  will  be  a  resurrection 
of  the  dead,  followed  by  rewards  and  punishments.  The 
tribulation  is  to  last  for  "  a  time,  times,  and  half  a  time,"  or 
1290  days,  about  three  years  and  a  half  from  the  stopping 
of  the  daily  sacrifice;  and  a  blessing  is  pronounced  upon 
him  who  shall  continue  steadfast  till  1335  days. 


'  Drivkr,  Introd.  to  Literal,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  494  sq.  The  prophecy  of  the  70  years 
is  understood  by  many  as  predicting  directly  and  exclusively  the  death  of  Christ  and  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus.  X'fr.  Cukhy,  .Spicilegium  dogmatico-biblicum,  vol. 
i,  p.  474  sqq.;  Trochon  ;  Knabrnb auer  ;  etc.)  Josephus  connected  it  with  the  time 
of  Antiochus.  Several  Catholic  interpreters  (SixTUS  of  Sienna,  O.P.;  EsTius  ;  Har- 
DouiN.  S.J  ;  etc.)  admit  a  twofold  fulfilment,  the  one  in  Christ's  person  and  time,  the 
other  in  the  time  of  Antiochus  and  the  Machabees.  This  last  view  has  commended 
itself  of  late  to  many  unbiassed  critics. 


344         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

2.  Didactic  Purpose  and  Literary  Unity.  However 
different  the  two  parts  of  the  book  of  Daniel  with  respect 
to  contents,  they  have  a  common  general  purpose.  The 
first  series,  made  up  of  narratives,  points  throughout  in  one 
direction.  Each  one  of  these  stories,  though  apparently 
complete  in  itself,  agrees  with  the  others  in  describing  the 
righteous  as  rewarded  or  the  wicked  as  signally  punished, 
as  the  case  may  be.  On  the  one  hand,  the  religious  con- 
stancy and  fortitude  of  Daniel  and  his  friends,  the  servants 
of  the  true  God,  triumph  over  all  opposition  and  are  re- 
warded in  various  ways  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  pride 
and  power  of  the  mightiest  heathen  potentates  of  the  period 
— Nabuchodonosor,  Baltassar,  Darius — are  confounded  and 
even  made  to  acknowledge  and  promote  the  glory  of  the 
God  of  Israel.  Nor  has  the  second  series,  which  consists 
of  four  distinct  visions,  a  different  general  purpose.  In  each 
vision  Divine  Providence  secures  the  final  victory  of  the 
"  Saints  "  over  the  Gentile  powers.  Again,  this  victory  of 
the  Saints  is  to  take  place  during  the  days  of  a  Gentile  king 
who  will  surpass  all  his  predecessors  in  pride  and  wicked- 
ness. This  impious  prince  will  arise  out  of  the  fourth 
Gentile  empire,  and,  after  fighting  against  God  and  His 
people,  will  be  destroyed  by  a  divine  judgment;  whereupon 
Yahweh  will  set  up  an  everlasting  kingdom.  So  that  this 
second  part  of  Daniel  has  clearly  for  its  purpose  to  teach 
how,  though  overmastered  for  a  time  by  heathen  nations, 
God's  people  is  not  forsaken,  but  must  ultimately  prevail 
over  all  hostile  powers.  The  common  purpose  of  both 
parts  of  the  book  is  therefore  essentially  didactic.  They 
both  inculcate  upon  the  children  of  Israel  the  great  truth 
of  God's  watchful  care  over  and  righteous  dealings  with  His 
faithful  servants  individually  and  His  chosen  people  col- 
lectively. 

The  didactic  purpose  which  thus  pervades  the  whole  book 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL  345 

of  Daniel  proves  beyond  doubt  that  one  and  the  same 
autlior  })ut  together  the  narratives  and  visions  now  embod- 
ied in  its  proto-canonical  parts,  so  that  the  opinion  of 
certain  critics  of  the  nineteenth  century/  that  Daniel  is  a 
series  of  "  disjecta  membra,"  must  be  considered  as  no  less 
untenable  than  the  antiquated  "  Fragment-Hypothesis"  in 
regard  to  the  composition  of  Genesis.^  The  denial  of  the 
real  unity  of  Daniel  cannot  be  seriously  maintained  in  view 
of  its  manifest  order  of  parts,  community  of  purpose,  etc. 
It  does  not  follow  necessarily,  however,  that  because  that 
sacred  writing  is  not  "  a  bundle  of  loose  leaves,"  it  should 
be  considered  as  a  perfect  literary  unit.  Its  real  unity 
might  be — as  indeed  is  actually  the  case  with  that  of 
Genesis  and  many  other  writings  of  the  Old  Testament — 
directly  referred  to  a  compiler  who  put  together  such  docu- 
ments as  could  make  for  his  general  purpose.  In  fact  the 
theory  of  a  compilation  in  regard  to  Daniel  has  commended 
itself  to  many  scholars  of  the  past,^  and  has  several  points  in 
its  favor.  First  of  all,  the  narratives  in  chaps,  i-vi  look  like 
sej)arate  pieces,  each  one  of  which  recounts  a  story  com- 
plete in  itself,  and  something  of  that  independent  character 
may  be  noticed  in  connection  with  the  four  visions  which 
make  up  the  second  part  of  the  book.  Again,  several  sec- 
tions of  Daniel  might  be  regarded  as  duplicates  :  compare, 
for  instance,  iii,  1-30  (in  the  Hebrew  Bible)  with  vi  ;  etc.* 
The  fact  that  the  whole  series  of  narratives  is  in  the  third 
person,  and  the  whole  series  of  visions  is  in  the  first,  is  also 
best  accounted  for  by  supposing  that  a  compiler  simply  pre- 
served that  feature  of  the  respective  documents  at  his  dis- 

1  Among  them  may  be  named  Bektholdt  ;  P.  A.  De  Lagardh;  etc. 

'  ("oncerning  the  '"  Fragment-Hypothesis,"  see  "Special  Introd.  to  the  Historical 
Books  of  the  Old  Test.,"  p.  36. 

3  Among  them  may  be  mentioned  Souciet,  S.J.;  Jahn  ;  Bp   Hanneberg  ;  etc. 

*  Cfr.  George  A.  Barton,  in  the  "Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,"  vol.  xvii,  p.  i. 
See  also  "the  Biblical  World,"  Nov.  1898,  p.  347  sq. 


346  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

])Osal.  Finally,  the  book  of  Daniel,  as  shown  by  a  close 
study  of  its  contents,  and  as  held  by  most  scholars  of  the 
present  day,  is  an  apocalyptic  writing,^  and  all  such  writings 
bear  the  impress  of  compilation.^ 

Despite  these  and  other  such  arguments  in  favor  of  the 
compilatory  character  of  the  book  of  Daniel,  its  literary 
unity  is  generally  admitted  by  both  the  defenders  and  the 
opponents  of  the  traditional  authorship  of  that  inspired 
writing.  The  uniform  plan  of  the  book  and  the  studied 
arrangement  of  its  subject-matter  point  in  that  direction. 
"  The  two  leading  divisions  are  so  related  that  the  one  im- 
plies the  existence  of  the  other.  Both  have  the  same  char- 
acteristics of  style,  spirit,  ideas,  and  manner.  Thus  i,  17 
refers  to  ii,  16,  etc.;  i,  19,  20  and  ii,  49  refer  to  iii,  12  ;  i,  2 
is  meant  to  prepare  the  way  for  v,  2.  Compare  iii,  12  with 
ii,  49  ;  V,  II  and  ii,  48  ;  v,  21  and  iv,  22  ;  vi,  i  and  v,  30  ; 
viii,  I  and  vii,  2  ;  ix,  21  and  viii,  16  ;  xii,  7  and  vii,  25.  Not 
only  do  the  constituents  of  the  two  parts  hang  together 
among  themselves,  presenting  similar  features,  but  they  also 
refer  to  one  another.  Hence  ii,  4-vi  and  vii-xii,  with  i-ii, 
3  cannot  be  assigned  to  two  authors,  the  second  prior  to  tlie 
first,  and  having  the  latter  as  an  introduction  to  it.  They 
have  the  strongest  similarity  in  language  and  tenor,  pointing 
unmistakably  to  one  and  the  same  author."^  It  might  be 
objected,  it  is  true,  that  two  distinct  languages  (Hebrew  and 
Aramaic)  are  employed  in  the  book.  But  not  only  do  these 
languages  appear  in  each  part  and  therefore  do  not  imply 
duality  of  authorship,  they  rather  point  to  one  and  the 
same  original  writer.     It  is  precisely  the  same  style  of  lan- 

1  Cfr  ViGoiRoix,  Bible  et  Decouvertes  modernes  ;  Westcott,  art.  Daniel,  in 
Smith.  Bib'.e  Diet 

2  The  compi'atory  character  of  the  Apocalypse  of  St.  John  will  be  examined  in  a 
forthcoming  volume  on  "  Special  Introduction  to  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament." 

3  Samuel  Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii,  p.  i"2.  This  literary  unity  ij 
mainiained  by  Pt  SEY  ;  Kleek  ;  Klenen  ;  Pkixck  ;  Pevan  ;  Deane  ;  Vigouroux  . 
Tkochon  ;  Knabiinbauek  ;  Lesktre  ;  Cornelv  ;  Driver  ;  Kamphausen  ;  etc.,  etc. 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  347 

giiage — the  same  plirases,  the  same  forms,  the  same  words, 
many  of  them  being  peculiar  to  the  book  of  Daniel — which 
occurs  in  both  the  Hebrew  and  the  Aramaic  sections. 
Hence  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  entire  work  was  written 
at  first  in  Hebrew,  and  soon  translated  into  Aramaic  for  the 
use  of  the  general  reader,  and  that  at  a  later  date,  certain 
parts  of  the  Hebrew  Text  being  lost,  the  missing  places 
were  supplied  from  the  current  Aramaic  Version.  It  has 
also  been  objected  that,  since  the  book  is  divided  into  sec- 
tions more  or  less  independent  of  each  other,  its  composite 
authorship  must  be  admitted.  But  this  division,  it  is 
answered,  was  sim])ly  intended  to  facilitate  the  diffusion  of 
the  work.  "  In  tliose  days  it  was  by  being  read  aloud  in 
public  that  books  became  known,  and  a  series  of  separate 
narratives  and  visions  is  obviously  better  adapted  for  read- 
ing aloud  than  a  continuous  history.  This  explains  also 
why  the  author  so  often  seems  to  ignore  events  already 
narrated.  It  has  been  asked,  for  example,  why  in  chap,  ii, 
2,  and  still  more  in  chap,  iv,  3,  Nabuchodonosor  summons 
the  Chaldaean  sages  instead  of  summoning  Daniel,  whose 
superior  wisdom  had  been  so  clearly  proved.  The  real 
answer  is  that,  in  each  case,  the  author  constructs  his  narra- 
tive with  a  view  to  inculcating  a  particular  lesson,  and  does 
not  care  to  make  the  narratives  strictly  consistent.  But  the 
general  spirit  and  tendency  of  the  book  are  everywhere  the 


3.  Authorship  and  Date.  Taking  it,  then,  for  granted 
that  there  was  only  one  author,  or  at  least  only  one  final 
editor,^  of  the  book  of  Daniel,  there  remains  to  examine  the 
important  question  whether  this  sole  writer  is  Daniel  or,  on 

■  A.  A.  Bevan,  the  Book  of  Daniel,  p    25. 

2  There  can  be  no  doubt  that,  in  supposing  the  book  of  Daniel  to  be  a  compilation,  its 
final  editor  must  be  considered  as  having  left  upou  all  its  couteuts  the  impress  of  his 
mind  and  of  his  style. 


348  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

the  contrary,  some  one,  now  unknown,  who  composed  the 
work  at  a  later  date  that  can  still  be  pointed  out.  The 
traditional  view  concerning  the  authorship  refers  the  whole 
book  to  the  prophet  whose  name  it  bears.  It  maintains 
that,  apart  from  numerous  alterations  introduced  into  the 
text  in  the  course  of  ages,^  both  the  narratives  wherein 
Daniel  seems  to  be  described  by  somebody  as  acting  as  he 
does,  and  the  visions  wherein  he  appears  to  describe  him- 
self as  the  recipient  of  heavenly  revelations,  were  written 
not  only  by  one  who  was  contemporary  with  that  prophet 
and  lived  in  Chaldaea  in  the  sixth  century  before  Christ, 
but  by  no  other  than  Daniel  himself.  The  prophet,  it  is 
said,  naturally  used  the  third  person  in  recording  events, 
for  the  event  is  its  own  witness,  and  the  first  person  in 
noting  his  visions  and  revelations,  for  such  communications 
from  Heaven  need  the  personal  attestation  of  those  to  whom 
they  are  made.^  Hence  the  date  of  the  book  of  Daniel  is 
570-536  B.C. 

The  first  series  of  arguments  in  favor  of  this  time-honored 
position  consists  in  the  various  extrinsic  testimonies  to  that 
effect.  Christian  tradition,  in  both  the  Greek  and  the  Latin 
Churches,  from  Our  Lord's  time  to  the  present  day,  is 
practically  unanimous  in  admitting  that  Daniel  is  the  author 
of  the  book  that  bears  his  name.  Its  special  basis  is  no 
other  than  Christ's  own  words  in  St.  Matt,  xxiv,  15,  recog- 
nizing Daniel's  oracles  as  true  prophecies,  and  distinctly 
naming  that  prophet  as  their  writer.^  In  thus  speaking 
freely  of  the  author  of  that  inspired  book  Our  Lord  ap])ar- 

1  The  text  of  Daniel  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  is  confessedly  very  defeclive  in  both  its 
Hebrew  and  its  Aramaic  sections.  Cfr.  E.  Philippe,  art.  Daniel  (le  Livre  de),  n 
ViGOUROLx,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  col.  1269  sq.,  and  the  authors  referred  to  there. 

'  Cfr.  ViGouROL'x,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no.  1057  ;  and  Westcott,  art.  Daniel, 
in  Smith,  Bible  Diet.,  vol.  i,  p.  542  (Amer.  Edit.).  Westcott  adds,  however,  that 
"  the  peculiarity  arose  from  the  manner  in  which  the  book  assumed  its  final  shape." 

3  Cfr.  also  I  Petr.  i,  10  sqq.  with  Daniel  xii,  8  sqq. ;  II  Thessal.  ii,  3  sqq.  with  Dan. 
yii,  8,  2§  i  Heb.  xi,  33,  34  with  Dan.  vii  and  jii ;  etc. 


THE    BOOK    OK    DANIEL.  349 

ently  endorsed  and  confirmed  by  His  authority  the  view 
which  must  have  been  current  among  the  Jews  of  His  time, 
and  which  is  in  fact  embodied  in  tlie  writings  of  Joscphus 
(first  century  of  our  era).  According  to  this  learned  priest 
and  Pharisee,  '*  the  book  of  Daniel  was  placed  before  Alex- 
ander the  Great  (f  323  B.C.),  wherein  Daniel  declared  that 
one  of  the  Greeks  should  destroy  the  Persian  empire."^ 
Before  the  Christian  era  the  first  book  of  the  Machabees 
shows  acquaintance  with  the  book  of  Daniel,  and  this  in  the 
form  of  the  Alexandrian  translation  of  it,^  so  that  at  that 
period  this  prophetic  writing  must  have  been  some  time 
translated  into  Greek.^  The  Sibylline  Oracles  (book  iii, 
verse  388  sqq.)  contain  an  allusion  to  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
and  the  ten  horns  of  Daniel  vii,  7;  x,  24.*  But  more  par- 
ticularly "the  Septuagint  translation  even  of  the  Pentateuch 
bears  traces  of  acquaintance  with  the  book  of  Daniel,  from 
which  it  has  drawn  the  doctrine  of  tutelary  angels  presiding 
over  heathen  kingdoms,  introduced  by  it  into  the  passage 
Deuter.  xxxii,  8;  comp.  also  Isai.  xxx,  4  (Sept.).^  Finally, 
Josephus  is  authority  for  the  statement  that  the  Palestinian 
Canon,  which  has  ever  reckoned  Daniel  among  the  "  Writ- 
ings," was  closed  at  the  time  of  Esdras  (middle  of  the  fifth 
century  B.C.).  Now  at  that  early  date  the  genuineness  of 
the  book  could  easily  be  ascertained,  and  was  to  all  appear- 
ance the  reason  for  which  Daniel  was  inserted  among  the 
sacred  writings  of  the  Jews  of  Palestine.  The  tradition 
thus  started  has  always  been  preserved  in  the  Jewish  and 
the  Christian  Church. 

However  plausible  and  cogent  the  external  evidence  in 

'  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  book  xi,  chap,  viii,  §5. 

2  Cfr,  I  Mach.  i,  54  with  Dan.  ix,  27  ;  I  Mach.  ii,  59.  60  with  Dan.  iii  (in  the  LXX). 

3  Cfr.  ViGouROUX,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no.  1055. 

*  Cfr.  E.  H.  PusEY,  Lectures  on  Daniel,  p.  3^14  sqq.  i2d  edit.). 

^  Kkil.  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  ii,  p.  11  sq   (Engl.  Transl.).     Cfr.  also  Jahn, 
Introd.  to  Old  Test.,  p.  415  (Engl.  Transl.). 


350         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

favor  of  the  traditional  authorship  of  Daniel  has  appeared 
in  past  ages,  and  still  appears  to  some  writers,  a  very  large 
number  of  contemporary  critics  reject  it  as  inconclusive. 
They  think  that  Our  Lord^s  references  to  Daniel  and  the 
book  that  bears  his  name  are  not  stronger  or  more  decisive 
in  regard  to  authorship  than  those  more  numerous,  and  cer- 
tainly more  pointed,  which  He  made  to  Moses  and  the 
Pentateuch,  and  which  are  very  commonly  regarded  in  the 
present  day  as  not  precluding  a  scientific  examination  of 
the  question  and  a  solution  adverse  to  the  Mosaic  author- 
ship of  the  first  five  books  of  the  Bible.^  They  do  not  admit 
that  the  Septuagint  translation  of  the  Pentateuch  should 
necessarily  be  considered  as  showing  traces  of  acquaintance 
with  the  book  of  Daniel  because  it  brings  into  Deuter. 
xxxii,  8  the  doctrine  of  guardian  angels  over  heathen  king- 
doms. The  few  words  referring  to  that  doctrine  and  found 
in  the  Canticle  of  Moses ^  may  be  simply  a  later  gloss  in- 
serted into  the  text;^  and  even  supposing  that  they  are  trace- 
able to  the  Septuagint  translators  themselves,  the  doctrine 
may  have  been  got  from  another  source  beside  the  book  of 
Daniel.*  As  regards  Josephus'  testimony  which  refers  the 
closing  of  the  Hebrew  Canon  to  the  time  of  Nehemias  and 
Esdras,  most  contemporary  scholars  rightly  set  it  aside  as 
untrue  to  fact,^  so  that  it  cannot  be  inferred  from  it,  with 
anything  like  probability,  that  the  Jewish  tradition  concern- 
ing the  authorship  of  Daniel  truly  goes  back  to  a  period  so 
near  the  time  at  which  the  book  is  claimed  to  have  been 
written.    In  view  of  these  and  other  strictures  on  the  exter- 

1  Cfr.  "  Special  Introd.  to  the  Study  of  the  Old  Testament,  vol.  i,  the  Historical 
Books,"  by  the  present  writer,  pp.  33,  50-52. 

^  These  words  are  Kara  apLOfxhi'  ay\e\u)v  Oeov. 

'  Driver,  Deuteronomy  (Intemat.  Crit.  Comment  ),  p.  356. 

*  Cfr.  Samuel  Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii.  p.  164. 

'  Cfr.  "  General  Introd.  to  the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures."  by  the  present  writer, 
p.  29  sqq.  PusEv's  strenuous  efforts  to  estab.isli  tlie  opposite  view  simply  evince  his 
desire  to  uphold  an  antiquated  opinion  (Lectures  on  the  Prophet  Daniel,  Lect.  vi). 


THE    BOOK    OF    DAXIF.L.  35 1 

nal  testimonies  .n  favor  of  the  Iratlitionnl  aiitliorsliip  of  the 
book  of  Daniel,  it  is  easy  to  understand  liow,  especially  of 
late,  the  defenders  of  that  tinie-lionored  ])osition  have  done 
their  utmost  to  show  that  intrinsic  arguments  jjoint  to 
Daniel  himself,  or  at  least  to  a  writer  contemjjorary  with 
that  prophet. 

They  maintain,  first  of  all,  that  the  internal  direct  evi- 
dence supplied  by  the  second  part  of  the  book  of  Daniel, 
when  taken  together  with  the  generally-granted  unity  of 
that  inspired  writing,  are  a  proof  of  the  Danielic  authorship. 
"  Throughout  that  second  part  Daniel  speaks  in  the  first 
person,  and  thereby  gives  himself  implicitly  as  the  writer  of 
chaps,  vii-xii  (cfr.  Dan.  vii,  i-6,  13,  15-19,  21,  28;  viii,  1-6, 
13,  i5-i9»  26,  27;  ix,  2-9,  13,  20-22;  X,  2-12,  15-21;  xi,  2; 
see  also  xii,  i,  4-9,  13).  Moreover,  he  gives  himself  ex- 
plicitly as  the  author,  for  we  read  in  Dan.  vii,  i :  '  then  he 
[Daniel]  wrote  the  dream  and  told  the  sum  of  the  matters.' 
These  words  prove  directly  that  he  wrote  at  least  that  first 
vision  (vii),  and  indirectly  that  he  recorded  also  the  subse- 
quent visions  which  are  indissolubly  bound  up  with  the  first. 
Cfr.  Dan.  viii,  26,  and  especially  xii,  4,  9  as  commented 
upon  by  J.  Knabenbauer  in  Dan.,  pp.  221,  317.  But  if  the 
prophetical  visions  must  be  attributed  to  Daniel,  the  same 
thing  must  be  admitted  in  regard  to  the  narratives  (i-vi)  be- 
cause of  the  intimate  union  between  narratives  and  visions, 
and  because  of  the  proved  unity  of  the  book — which  is  tan- 
tamount to  say  that  the  whole  work  must  be  ascribed  to 
him."^ 

It  can  be  readily  perceived  that  this  appeal  to  the  direct 
testimony  of  the  book  of  Daniel  is  far  from  convincing. 
The  passages  pointed  out   as  affirming  that  Daniel  is  the 

'  E.  Phii.ipph,  art  Daniel  (le  Livre  de),  in  Vigouroux,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  col.  1257. 
Cfr  also  Ki:ii.,  Introd.  to  Did  Test.,  vol.  ii,  p.  lo  (Engl.  Transl.) ;  Coknely,  Introd. 
in  U.  T.  libros  sacros,  vol.  ii,  part  ii,  p.  488  ;  etc. 


352         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

author  are  not  more  conclusive  than  those  usually  quoted 
from  the  books  of  Exodus,  Numbers,  and  Deuteronomy  as 
affirming  the  Mosaic  authorship  of  the  Pentateuch.^  And 
the  fact  that  the  prophet  Daniel  is  spoken  of  in  the  first 
person  throughout  the  second  part  of  the  book  that  bears 
his  name  does  not  necessarily  prove  that  he  is  its  writer, 
for  the  same  fact  is  not  an  absolute  proof  in  favor  either  of 
the  Mosaic  authorship  of  the  discourses  in  Deuteronomy, 
or  of  the  Solomonic  authorship  of  Wisdom.  It  is  not, 
therefore,  surprising  to  find  that  the  defenders  of  the  Dan- 
ielic  authorship  have  fallen  back  upon  internal  indirect 
evidence  to  strengthen  their  position.  They  have  endeav- 
ored to  set  forth  in  this  wise  a  cumulative  argument  which 
will  appear  all  the  more  cogent  because  it  is  of  that  descrip- 
tion which  is  chiefly  used  against  the  traditional  view  by 
recent  critics.  In  fact  several  among  them — for  example, 
F.  Vigouroux,^  G.  Brunengo,^  F.  Kaulen,*  etc. — have  dilated 
at  great  length  on  the  harmony  between  the  data  supplied 
by  the  book  of  Daniel  and  the  recent  historical,  geograph- 
ical, and  archaeological  discoveries  made  in  Assyria  and 
Babylonia  during  the  nineteenth  century.  The  following 
is  an  outline  of  their  reasoning. 

The  first  and  principal  link  in  this  cumulative  argument 
is  drawn  from  such  close  acquaintance  on  the  part  of  the 
writer  of  Daniel  with  the  manners,  customs,  history,  and 
religion  of  Babylonia  as  only  a  resident  in  that  country 
could  be  fairly  supposed  to  possess. 

This  exact  knowledge  is  evinced  by  the  account  in  chap, 
i,  3  that  young  men  of  noble  birth  were  selected  from  the 
captives  of  Judaea  to  be  brought  up  in  the  royal  palace  with 
a  view  to  enter  into  the  king's  service,  for  in  the  inscrip- 

'  Cfr.  "  Special  Introduction  to  the  Study  f'f  the  Old  Test.,"  part  i,  p.  57  sqq. 
2  ViGOUKOUX,  Bible  et  D^couvertes  modernes,  vol.  iv,  pp.  421-577  (5th  edit.). 
'  G.  BRUNiiNGo,  I'Impero  di  Babi'onia  e  di  Ninive. 
*  Kaulen,  Assyrien  und  Babylonien,  2d  edit.,  pp.  103-129. 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  353 

tions  of  Sennacherib  we  accidentally  learn  that  he  had  such 
a  school  in  his  palace  in  Ninive  for  the  children  of  nobles 
of  his  foreign  provinces.^  No  less  in  op|)osition  to  Hebrew- 
customs,  but  also  no  less  in  harmony  with  Babylonian  civil- 
ization, is  the  intrusting  of  such  youths  to  the  "chief  of  the 
eunuchs,"  who  naturally  held  an  important  ^.osition  at  the 
Babylonian  court  (i,  4).  The  statement  that  the  Jewish 
captives  were  taught  "the  learning  (literally,  the  books)  and 
the  tongue  of  the  Chaldreans  "  bespeaks  an  acquaintance 
on  the  part  of  the  writer  with  the  difficulties  which  a  Jew 
would  meet  in  the  study  of  the  living  language  of  Assyria 
or  Babylon,  made  up  of  so  many  combinations  of  arrow- 
headed  or  wedge-shaped  characters,  different  pronunciations 
of  which  gave  wholly  different  meanings  to  the  same  word,* 
and  also  in  the  study  of  the  non-Semitic  SuuTerian  (or  Ac- 
cadian),  a  long-dead  language  in  which  all  the  venerable 
treatises  on  the  gods,  on  science,  and  on  magic  were  pre- 
served. That  Daniel  and  his  companions  should  be  given 
new  names  on  entering  the  school  opened  to  them  by  royal 
favor  (i,  7)  is  in  accordance  with  the  custom  of  the  age. 
Psammetichus,  the  famous  king  of  Egypt,  when  living  in 
Ninive  had  the  Assyrian  name  of  Nabu  -  ushezibanni 
("  Nebo  saves  me ")  given  him  by  Assurbanipal.  Simi- 
larly, that  of  Daniel  ("  God  is  my  judge  ")  was  changed  to 
Balatsu-usur  or  Baltassar,  "  (Bel)  protect  his  life,"  and  that 
of  one  of  his  companions  from  Azarias  ("  Yahweh  has 
helped")  to  Abdenego,  generally  recognized  as  a  corruption 
of  Abed-;z^/^<?,  "servant  of  Nebo,"  which  frequently  occurs 
in  Assyrian  documents.  Ananias  and  Misael,  his  other  asso- 
ciates, had  also  their  names  changed,  the  one  to  Sidrach  and 

'  Cfr.  Bellino's  cylinder,  line  14  (Records  of  the  Past,  ist  Series,  p.  26).  As  the 
civilization  of  Babylon  is  identical  with  that  of  Assyria,  the  inscriptions  of  Assyria  may 
be  used  freely  to  illustrate  Babylonian  customs  and  manners. 

■^  For  details,  see  J.  Men  ant,  la  Bibliotheque  du  palais  de  Ninive,  pp.  40-43,  quoted 
by  ViGOLKOux,  Bible  et  Decouvertes  modernes,  vol.  iv,  p.  437  sq.  (5th  edit.). 


354  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

the  otlier  to  Misacli,  tlie  Babylonian  or  rather  Sumerian  ori- 
gin of  which  is  very  probable,  though  their  exact  meaning  is 
not  fully  ascertained/  The  credit  which,  as  we  are  told  in 
Daniel  i,  20;  ii,  2;  iv,  3,  the  Magi  enjoyed  with  the  Baby- 
lonians at  large,  and  with  the  Babylonian  kings  in  particular, 
is  confirmed  not  only  by  statements  in  classical  writers,  but 
also  by  a  series  of  reports  which  were  made  by  the  Magi 
and  which  have  been  recovered  of  late  ^  Again,  ''  acquaint- 
ance so  minute  with  the  ideas  prevalent  in  Babylon  as  to 
the  importance  attached  to  dreams,  their  professed  inter- 
pretation by  the  rules  of  astrology  and  magic,  the  different 
classes  of  '  wise  men,'  the  high  rank  they  held  in  the  State, 
the  punishments  inflicted  at  the  royal  will,  and  even  the 
Babylonian  proper  names  of  the  period,  are  silent  witnesses 
to  the  truthfulness  of  the  book  in  which  they  are  found 
(cfr.  Daniel  ii).  Such  petty  details  and  exact  local  coloring 
imply  a  contemporary  authorship  of  at  least  parts  of  our 
book  of  Daniel."^  The  composite  statue  seen  by  Nabu- 
chodonosor  in  his  dream  is  no  less  strictly  Babylonian  as 
regards  its  component  materials.*  The  incident  of  the 
golden  image  set  up  by  the  same  monarch  in  the  plain  of 
Dura,  and  of  the  punishment  by  fire  inflicted  on  Daniel's 
companions  who  refused  to  worship  that  idol,  is  in  its 
various  details,  notably  in  regard  to  the  plain  of  Dura,  the 
throwing  into  a  furnace,  the  description  of  the  dress  of  the 
courtiers,  etc.,  in  harmony  with  recent  discoveries  or  hints 


^  Cfr.  Driver,  Daniel  (Cambridge  Rible).  p.  7.  In  this  connection  F.  Lenormant 
pertinently  writes:  ''All  the  proper  names  (in  Daniel),  when  not  altered  beyond 
recovery  by  the  errors  of  copyists,  are  strictly  Babylonian,  and  could  not  have  been 
invented  in  Palestine  in  the  second  century  before  Christ."'  the  date  to  which  the  com- 
position of  Daniel  is  referred  by  many  critics.  (Cfr.  La  Divination  chez  les  Chaldeens, 
p.  1S2.) 

^  Records  of  the  Past,  ist  Series   p.  153  sqq. 

3  C.  Geikie,  Hours  with  the  Bib  e,  vol.  vi,  p.  275  sq.  (new  edit.).  Cfr.  Vigouk- 
oux.  loc   cit.,  p.  447  sqq. 

4  Cfr.  Vi^ouKoux,  loc.  cit.,  p.  456  sqq. 


The  book  of  damel.  355 

of  ancient  authors.^  That  some  terrible  illness — not  unlike 
that  detailed  in  Daniel  (iv) — seized  Nabuchodonosor  is 
not,  of  course,  mentioned  in  the  records  of  his  reign,  but 
seems  to  be  implied  in  '' a  bronze  doorstep  presented  by 
him  to  the  great  temple  of  E  Saggil  at  Borsippa.  It  speaks 
of  his  having  been  afflicted,  and  of  his  restoration  to  health, 
and  may  well  have  been  a  votive  offering  to  the  gods  on  his 
recovery  from  the  attack  mentioned  in  Daniel.  Nor  is  this 
at  all  inconsistent  with  his  recorded  homage  to  Yaliweh. 
Though  he  honored  the  whole  of  the  gods,  his  inscriptions 
show  that  in  a  restricted  sense  he  always  worshipped  one 
god  especially.  .  .  .  He  might  therefore  have  for  the  time 
transferred  to  Yahweh,  perhaps  as  another  name  for  his 
own  Merodach  (of  whom  he  repeatedly  speaks  as  *  the 
king  of  the  gods '  and  '  the  god  of  gods '),  the  homage 
hitherto  rendered  to  the  Babylonian  idol."^  Of  the  words 
put  into  the  mouth  of  Nabuchodonosor  in  iv,  27,  regarding 
the  glories  of  Babylon  under  him,  Dr.  Prince^  rightly  says  : 
**  There  is  no  doubt  that  this  speech  of  the  king  is  quite  in 
accordance  with  historical  facts."  The  mention  of  the 
presence  of  women  at  feasts  in  chap,  v,  2  is  confessedly  in 
agreement  with  Babylonian  custom,*  and  the  statement  in 
the  same  chapter  (verse  v)  that  a  man's  hand  appeared 
writing  on  the  white  *' plaster  (literally  chalk)  of  the  wall  of 
the  king's  palace  "  shows  that  the  writer  was  acquainted 
with  the  actual  finish  of  the  great  walls  of  Babylonian 
palaces.^  In  the  last  historical  section  (chap,  vi)  mention 
is  repeatedly  made  (verses  8,  12,  15)  of  the  law  of  the 
Aledes  and  Persiajis,  implying  that  in  the  writer's  time  the 

1  Cfr.  E  Philippe,  art.  Daniel  (le  Livre  de),  in  Vigoukoux,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  col. 
1258.     See  also  Cheyne's  admissions  in  Encyclop.  I3ritannica,  art.  Daniel  (Book  of). 

^2  Geikie,  ioc.  cit.,  p.  283  sq. 

'  A  Critical  Commentary  on  the  Book  of  Daniel,  p.  89.  See  also  Driver,  Daniel 
(Cambridge  Bible*,  pp.  55,  .xxiv  sq. 

*  Cheyne,  Ioc.  cit. 

*  F.  Kaulbn,  Assyrian  und  Babylonien,  pp.  52,  109.     Cfr.  Driver,  Ioc.  cit.,  p.  6j. 


356         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Persians  had  not  yet  obtained  that  recognition  of  their 
influence  which  is  conveyed  by  the  formula  :  "  the  Fersiafis 
and  Medes^''  found  in  Esther  i,  3,  14,  18.^ 

As  a  close  study  of  the  historical  part  of  Daniel  discloses 
the  writer's  acquaintance  with  the  names,  ideas,  customs, 
etc.,  of  Babylonia,  so  that  of  the  prophetical  part  (vii-xii) 
shows  that  its  author  is  familiar  with  Babylonian  surround- 
ings. "  The  symbolic  form  of  Daniel's  prophecies  suits  well 
the  place  of  their  delivery.  In  chaps,  viii,  2  and  x,  4  he 
represents  river  banks  as  the  scenes  of  his  visions.  This 
was  very  appropriate  for  a  prophet  in  Babylon,  but  not  for 
one  in  Palestine.  .  .  .  The  imagery  of  Daniel's  vision  in  the 
seventh  chapter  is  nearly  the  same  as  that  found  on  monu- 
ments in  the  ruins  of  Ninive.  Daniel  speaks  of  a  lion  that 
had  eagle  s  wings^  and  of  a  leopard  that  had  four  wings. 
Here  we  are  strongly  reminded  of  the  winged  bull  and 
other  figures  excavated  by  Layard."^ 

While  thus  very  familiar  with  Babylonia,  the  author  of 
the  book  of  Daniel  betrays  no  such  special  knowledge  of 
Persia  and  Greece  as  would  naturally  be  the  case  if,  in- 
stead of  being  a  contemporary  of  Daniel,  he  had  lived 
about  the  middle  of  the  second  century  before  Christ. 
And  this  forms  a  second  link  in  the  cumulative  argument 
in  favor  of  the  traditional  view  of  the  authorship.  "  His 
knowledge  of  Persia  is  very  slight.  He  does  not  even  pro- 
fess to  have  lived  later  than  Cyrus,  and  consequently  he 
only  knew  Persia,  as  it  were,  in  her  infancy.  He  was  only 
aware  of  three  Persian  kings  after  Cyrus  (xi,  2),  instead  of 
a  series  of  monarchs  whose  united  reigns  extended  over 
nearly  two  hundred  years.  He  was  aware  of  the  existence 
of  Greece,  and  claims  to  have  received  a  revelation  that 
the  power  of  Greece  would  overthrow  the  Persian  empire, 

1  E.  Philippe,  loc.  cit.,  col.  1259. 

'  H.  M.  Hakman,  Introd.  to  the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  p.  386  (3d  edit.). 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  357 

and  that  tlie  Greek  empire  would  only  last  during  the  reign 
of  the  first  king.  But  he  is  uninformed  of  the  important 
stages  by  which  the  Persian  emi)ire  was  dissolved  and 
superseded  by  the  Grecian. 

"  Of  historical  events  that  occurred  after  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Greek  emi)ire  he  knows  still  less.  It  is  revealed 
to  him  that  the  Greek  empire  would  finally  be  divided  into 
four  parts,  and  perhaps  also  that  two  of  these  should  ma- 
terially influence  the  fortunes  of  his  people;  but  it  is  re- 
markable that  there  is  an  absence  of  anything  like  minute 
accuracy  in  the  delineation  of  many  of  the  most  important 
events  of  this  time.  While  certain  events,  such  as  the 
wars  of  Ptolemy  Philopator  and  Antiochus  the  Great,  or 
the  persecutions  in  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  may 
perhaps  be  pointed  out,  yet  other  events  of  great  impor- 
tance are  omitted,  such  as  the  Machabean  wars,  and  others 
are  described  in  such  a  way  as  is  not  recorded  in  history, 
such  as  the  death  of  Antiochus. 

"  It  appears,  then,  that  the  internal  evidence,  slight  though 
it  is,  favors  the  hypothesis  that  the  author  lived  in  the 
Babylonian  period  rather  than  later."  ^ 

The  third  link  in  the  cumulative  argument  drawn  from 
indirect  internal  evidence  consists  in  the  linguistic  features 
of  the  book  of  Daniel.  It  is  claimed,  first  of  all,  that  "  the 
easy  transition  from  the  Hebrew  to  the  Chaldee  (Aramaic) 
language  (ii,  4),  and  the  reverse  (viii,  i  sqq.),  is  explicable 
only  on  the  supposition  that  the  writer  and  the  readers  of 
the  book  had  equal  fluency  in  both.  This  does  not  suit 
the  Machabean  age,  in  which  the  prevalence  of  the  Aramaic 
dialect  had  led  to  the  disuse  of  Hebrew,  the  knowledge  of 
which  was  therefore  propagated  only  by  learned  study;  but 

1  H.  Deane,  in  Plain  Introductions  to  the  Books  of  the  Bible,  edited  by  V>p.  Ei,li- 
coTT,  vol.  i,  p.  286.  It  will  be  seen  later  tliat  Deane  has  somewhat  exaj^gerated  the 
lack  of  acquaintance  of  the  writer  of  tlie  book  of  Daniel  with  Greek  matters. 


358         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

it  suits  perfectly  tlie  time  of  Daniel  or  of  the  Exile,  in 
which  tlie  people  had  learned  the  Chaldee  dialect,  but  had 
not  yet  unlearned  their  Hebrew  mother  tongue."^  In  the 
second  place,  it  is  affirmed  that  the  Hebrew  of  Daniel  is 
that  of  the  exilic  period.  It  abounds  in  Aramaisms,  and 
bears  a  close  affinity  to  the  language  of  Ezechiel,  i.e.  of 
the  great  prophet  who  most  certainly  belongs  to  the  Exile. ^ 
Finally,  tlie  Aramaic  portions  of  Daniel,  we  are  told,  are 
in  wonderful  agreement  with  those  of  Esdras,  while  they 
are  distinguished  by  many  Hebrew  idioms  from  that  of  the 
earliest  Targums  or  Aramaic  paraphrases  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment.^ Hence  the  natural  inference  which  was  drawn 
long  ago  by  J.  D.  Michaelis  (f  1791)  in  the  following  terms: 
"Ex  his  similibusque  Danielis  et  Esdrae  Hebraismis,  qui 
his  libris  peculiares  sunt,  intelliges,  utrumque  librum  eo 
tempore  scriptum  fuisse,  quo  recens  adhuc  vernacula  sua 
admiscentibus  Hebraeis  lingua  Chaldaica,  non  seriore  tem- 
pore confictum.  In  Targumim  enim,  antiquissimis  etiam, 
plerumque  frustra  hos  Hebraismos  qutesieris,  in  Daniele  et 
Esdra  ubique  obvios."* 

As  a  last  argument  drawn  from  internal  indirect  evidence 
appeal  is  made  to  the  prophetical  character  of  the  book  of 
Daniel.  "The  author,"  it  is  said,  "though  not  claiming 
the  title  of  prophet,  and  not  anywhere  styled  as  such  in  the 
Old  Testament,  yet  claims  to  have  received  certain  revela- 
tions from  God.  If,  therefore,  he  was  desirous  that  his 
book  should  be  received  by  his  contemporaries,  he  must 
have  lived  at  a  time  when  the  gift  of  prediction  or  the 
spirit  of  prophecy  was  still  extant.      But  this  gift  was  ex- 

1  Keil,  Tntrod.  to  the   Old  Test.,  vol.  ii.  p.  12  (Engl.  Trans!.).     Cfr.  Vigoukoux, 
Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no.  1055  ;  Abbe  Lhsetre,  i  I'Ecriture  .Sainte,  vol.  ii,  p.  611. 

2  Cfr.  Elie  Philippe,   art.  Daniel  (le  Livre  de),  in  Vigouroux,  Diet,  de  la  Bible, 
col.  1271  sq 

3  Besides  Keil   and  Philippe,  see  Pusey,  Lectures  on    Daniel,  the  Prophet,  pp. 
45-52  (2d  Edit.  1R68). 

■i  J.  D.  Michaelis,  Gramm.  Chald.,  p.  25,  quoted  by  Keil,  loc.  cit. 


THE    ROOK    OF    DANIEL.  359 

tinrt  in  the  times  of  Esdias  and  Neliemias.  It  is  there- 
fore necessary  to  place  the  book  of  Daniel  at  an  earlier 
period  :  it  would  certainly  be  inconsistent  with  the  Macha- 
bean  times  to  suppose  that  so  great  a  seer  as  Daniel  could 
have  then  existed,  for,  according  to  the  trustworthy  histo- 
rian of  those  times,  the  people  then  comi)lained  of  the  entire 
absence  of  prophets  (I  Mach.  iv^,  45,  46;  ix,  27;  xiv,  41)."^ 
A  similar  conclusion  is  inferred  from  the  peculiarities 
in  Daniel's  prophecies,  which  are  conformed  to  the  times 
of  the  Exile  and  to  the  personal  position  of  the  prophet. 
"  They  are  neither  prophetic  discourses,  whose  matter  con- 
sists of  rebukes,  and  threatcnings,  and  promises;  nor  are 
they  symbolic  actions  which  embody  prophetic  truths;  but 
they  describe,  in  images  and  symbols,  with  many  features 
of  minute  detail  and  with  extremely  special  predictions,  the 
future  configuration  of  the  empires  of  the  world,  their  strug- 
gle with  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  its  final  victory  over  all 
the  hostile  worldly  powers.  This  peculiar  character  of 
Daniel's  prophecies  corresponds  in  general  to  the  relations 
introduced  by  the  Exile,  by  which  the  theocracy  was  de- 
livered over  to  the  historical  process  of  the  empires  of 
the  world;  and  its  continued  existence  and  its  configuration 
in  the  more  distinct  future  were  so  swallowed  up  in  their 
course  of  development  that  it  could  attain  to  its  destined 
glory  only  through  their  overthrow.  But  besides,  and  in 
particular,  the  character  of  these  prophecies  corresponds 
to  Daniel's  position  at  the  Babylonian  court,  to  his  initia- 
tion into  the  wisdom  of  the  Chaldees,  and  to  the  problem 
of  his  calling  as  God  had  shown  it  to  him.  For,  in  order 
to  manifest  to  the  proud  and  insolent  rulers  of  Babylon 
that  the  earthly  wisdom  and  skill  of  their  magi  was  a  non- 
entity, and  at  the  same  time  to  manifest  to  them  the  hidden 
wisdom   of  the   Almighty   God   and    Lord   of   heaven   and 

*  H.  Deane,  loc.  cit.,  p.  286  sq.. 


360         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

earth,  it  was  necessary  that  Divine  Revelation  should  enter 
into  the  form  of  the  wisdom  known  to  them,  and  esteemed 
more  highly  than  anything  else  by  them,  and  into  its  sym- 
bolism and  its  figurative  language,  and  so  overcome  them 
and  put  them  to  shame.  Now  this  revelation  was  in  its 
final  aim  destined  for  the  covenant  people,  and  was  meant 
to  impart  to  them  light  and  comfort  and  strength,  that 
they  might  persevere  in  the  faith  during  the  times  of  severe 
impending  tribulation,  while  their  fortunes  continued  inter- 
woven with  the  process  of  the  heathen  empires,  until  the 
Messias  should  renew  the  theocracy.  And  if  this  object 
was  to  be  attained,  the  revelation  must  unveil  the  whole 
course  of  the  entanglement  of  the  theocracy  with  the  em- 
pires of  the  world,  and  must  represent  it  as  much  as  pos- 
sible by  the  plainest  images  and  the  most  distinct  and 
determinate  sketches.  .  .  .  But  a  very  strong  proof  of 
the  genuineness  of  the  prophecies  of  this  book  lies  in  this 
their  peculiarly  constituted  nature,  so  thoroughly  corre- 
sponding to  the  position  of  Daniel,  and  also  to  the  neces- 
sities of  the  covenant  people."^ 

Such,  in  substance,  is  the  internal  indirect  evidence 
which  is  usually  brought  forth  in  favor  of  the  Danielle 
authorship.  As  might  naturally  be  expected,  its  value  is 
variously  rated  by  different  scholars.  While  some  regard 
it  as  very  great,  especially  in  reference  to  the  first  six  chap- 
ters of  Daniel,^  most,  even  of  the  defenders  of  the  tradi- 
tional view,  think  that  it  is  not  considerable.^  In  point  of 
fact  some  of  the  parts  of  this  cumulative  argument  when 
closely  examined  do  not  seem  to  be  solidly  established.     It 

'  Keil,  loc.  cit.,  p.  17.  Cfr.  Vigouroux,  Bible  et  Ddcouvertes  modernes.  vol.  iv,  p. 
421  sq.  (5th  edit.) ;  Abbe  Gilly,  Precis  d'Introd.,  vol.  iii,  p.  140. 

2  This  is  the  case  with  F    Lenormant,  J.  Men.vnt,  and  a  few  other  archaeologists. 

3  Deane,  for  instance,  in  a  passage  already  cited,  speaks  of  the  internal  evidence  as 
"  slight,''  and  other  advocates  of  the  authorship  consider  it  simply  as  a  confirmation  of 
the  external  evidence  cfr.  Cornelv,  Compendium  Introd.,  p.  418). 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  ^6l 

is  certainly  incorrect  to  appeal  to  the  twofold  language 
used  in  the  book  as  proving  its  composition  in  "  the  time 
of  Daniel,  or  of  the  Exile,  in  which  the  people  had  learned 
the  Chaldee  dialect,  but  had  not  yet  unlearned  their 
Hebrew  mother  tongue."  The  "Aramaic  "  used  in  ii,  4-vii 
is  a  JVesUrn  Aramaic  dialect  of  the  type  spoken,  not  in 
Babylonia,  but  in  and  about  Palestine.  "  The  idea  that 
the  Jews  forgot  their  Hebrew  in  Babylonia,  and  spoke  in 
'  Chaldee '  when  they  returned  to  Palestine,  is  unfounded. 
Aggeus  and  Zacharias  and  other  post-exilic  writers  use 
Hebrew  :  Aramaic  is  exceptional.  Hebrew  was  still  nor- 
mally used  about  430  B.C.  in  Jerusalem  (Nehem.  xiii,  24). 
The  Hebrews,  after  the  Captivity,  acquired  gradually  the 
use  of  Aramaic  from  their  neighbors  in  and  about  Pales- 
tine."^ It  is  hardly  less  incorrect  to  represent  the  Hebrew 
of  Daniel  as  being  that  of  the  exilic  period.  As  far  back 
as  nearly  fifty  years  ago,  the  learned  and  conservative 
critic  Frz.  Delitzsch  admitted  that  "  the  Hebrew  [of 
Daniel]  when  compared  with  that  of  ancient  authors,  as 
well  as  the  Mishna,  exhibits  many  peculiarities  and  much 
harshness  of  style,  but  bears  resemblance  to  that  of  the 
chroniclers  who  wrote  at  the  opening  of  the  Greek  period 
(third  century  b.c.),"^  and  his  view  has  been  fully  en- 
dorsed by  the  best  Hebrew  scholars  of  England,  Germany, 
and  other  countries.^  Again,  "that  the  author  does  not 
address  his  contemporaries  in  his  own  name,  after  the  man- 
ner of  the  ancient  prophets,  but  clothes  his  teaching  in  the 

'  Driver,  Daniel  (Cambridge  Bible),  p.  lix.  See  also  William  Wright,  Lectures  on 
the  Comparative  Grammar  of  the  Semitic  Languages,  p.  16;  Th.  Noldeke,  art. 
Aramaic  Language,  in  Encyclop.  Biblica,  vol.  i,  col.  282,  §  4;  A.  A.  Bevan,  Daniel, 
P    33  sqq. 

2  Franz  Delitzsch,  art.  Daniel,  in  Schaff-Hrrzog,  Encyclop.  of  Religious  Knowl- 
edge. 

'  Cfr.  A.  A.  Bevan,  loc.  cit.,  p.  28  sqq.;  Driver,  Introd.  to  Literat.  of  Old  Test.;  and 
Comm.  on  Daniel,  in  Cambridge  Bible ;  Edw.  Konig,  Einleitung  in  das  A.  T., 
§  So ;  etc. 


362         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

form  of  narratives  and  visions,  is  perfectly  in  accordance 
with  the  spirit  of  later  Judaism.  .  .  .  The  book  of  Daniel 
belongs  to  the  late  apocalyptic  literature  of  Israel,  and 
is  the  earliest  known  example  thereof."^  Even  that  part 
of  the  argument  which  is  concerned  with  the  writer's 
knowledge  of  the  Babylonian  manners,  customs,  history, 
etc.,  is  decidedly  weaker  in  favor  of  the  traditional  author- 
ship of  Daniel  than  the  corresponding  part  of  the  intrinsic 
evidence  in  favor  of  the  Mosaic  authorship  of  the  Penta- 
teuch. Now  since,  in  the  latter  case,  the  facts  invoked  do 
not  bear  out  the  view  that  our  entire  Pentateuch  should  be 
considered  as  the  work  of  Moses,^  a  similar  conclusion 
must  needs  be  admitted  in  regard  to  the  former,  viz.,  that 
the  writer's  acquaintance  with  Babylon  is  not  absolutely 
cogent  in  favor  of  the  Danielic  authorship.  All  that  the 
data  brought  forward  by  the  defenders  of  the  traditional 
view  can  strictly  prove — on  the  supposition  that  they  are 
correctly  stated — is  that  the  narratives  in  the  first  six  chap- 
ters of  Daniel  are  based  on  some  oral  traditions  faithfully 
preserved,  written  documents  simply  imbedded,  or  the  like. 
But  this  position  is  far  from  the  conclusion  which  the  de- 
fenders of  the  Danielic  authorship  would  commonly  have 
us  infer  from  the  facts  to  which  they  appeal.  It  comes 
nearer  to  a  modification  of  the  traditional  view,  which  goes 
as  far  back  as  the  eighteenth  century,  when  it  was  main- 
tained by  Souciet,  S.J.,  and  which  has  since  been  advo- 
cated, though  with  some  changes,  by  Jahn,  Bp.  Hanneberg, 
Quatremere,  Fr.  Lenormant,  and  others.^  According  to 
them,  "  the  final  redaction  of  the  book,  as  it  has  come 
down  to   us,  is   not   the  work  of  the  prophet  Daniel.     The 

*  A.  A.  Bevan,  loc.  cit.,  p.  24. 

'Cfr.  "Special  Introd.  to  the  Books  of  the  Old  Test.,"  parti,  p.  76,  by  the 
present  writer. 

3  Cfr.  Rabbi  Wogue's  admissions,  Histoire  de  la  Bible  et  de  I'ExegCse  Biblique, 
p.  76. 


I 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  363 

book  is  a  collection  of  documents  on  Dan. el's  person, 
deeds,  and  visions.  The  Jews  ascribe  the  collection  of  the 
parts  which  they  regard  as  inspired  to  the  Great  Synagogue, 
i.e.  to  the  Sanhedrin,  which  since  Esdras'  time  guided  the 
Hebrew  nation  in  most  important  matters.  That  collec- 
tion was  added  to  at  a  later  date.  In  this  way  certain  ob- 
jections, notably  those  urged  against  the  discrepant  chron- 
ological data  of  the  isolated  parts,  fall  to  the  ground."  ^ 
This  altered  form  of  the  traditional  opinion  has  this  de- 
cided advantage  over  the  commonly  received  view  of  the 
Danielle  authorship  :  it  does  not  appear  so  one-sided,  inas- 
much as  it  takes  into  account  not  only  those  points  which 
seem  to  make  for  the  Danielle  authorship,  but  also  opposite 
data  no  less  truly  afforded  by  the  careful  and  impartial 
study  of  the  contents  of  the  book. 

It  is  chiefly  because  of  these  opposite  data  that  a  com- 
paratively recent  theory  rejecting  Daniel's  authorship  has 
been  widely  accepted  by  contemporary  scholars."  Intrinsic 
evidence,  it  is  said,  points  not  to  Daniel  and  his  time,  but 
to  a  different  writer  and  period,  as  the  true  author  and  date 
of  the  book  of  Daniel  now  contained  in  the  Hebrew  Bible. 
It  leads  one  to  look  upon  that  canonical  writing  not  precise- 
ly as  a  record  of  historical  events,  but  rather  as  an  apoca- 
lypse composed  by  an  unknown  author  and  belonging  as  a 
whole  to  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (b.c.  175-164I. 
The  following  are  the  principal  data  of  internal  evidence 
which  are  usually  set  forth  as  disproving  the  Danielle 
authorship. 

1  Bp.  Hanneberg,  Histoire  de  la  Rdv^lation  Biblique,  vol.  i,  p.  444  (French 
Transl.">.     Ctr.  Trochon,  Daniel  (in  Lethielleux'  Bible),  p.  57. 

"^  Apart  from  Pokphyky's  treatise  (at  the  end  of  the  third  century  of  our  era)  denyinj; 
the  genuineness  of  Daniel's  propiiecy,  and  whose  views  ;tre  known  to  us  through  St. 
J  "Rome's  Commentary  on  Daniel,  the  first  systematic  rejection  of  the  authorship  was 
by  H.  CoRRODi  in  1783.  Since  that  time  the  authorship  has  been  denied  by  Ber- 
thold;  Etchhorn  ;  Gesenius;  Bi.eek  ;  De  Wette  ;  Ewai.d;  Hitzig  ;  Strack  ; 
Delitzsch  ;  Reuss  ;  Briggs  ;  Sayce;  Driver;  Konig;  Prince;  Bennett;  Cur, 
Tis;  Kautzsch  ;  P.  Haupt  ;  etc 


364         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT, 

First  of  all,  attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that  the  book 
contains  no  allusion  to  certain  events  which  must  needs 
have  deeply  interested  a  Jewish  conieuiporary  of  Nabuchod- 
onosor  and  Cyrus;  for  instance,  the  captivity  of  King  Joa- 
kim,  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nabuchodonosor,  the 
edict  of  Cyrus  and  consequent  Return  of  the  Exiles.  The 
force  of  this  negative  argument  can  be  best  appreciated  by- 
contrasting  the  constant  interest  evinced  by  Jeremias  and 
Ezechiel  in  the  history  of  their  time.  "  Nor  is  the  silence 
to  be  explained  by  the  hypothesis  that  Daniel  was  a  recluse 
or  a  man  inditferent  to  the  fate  of  his  people.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  lives  in  the  midst  of  the  world,  at  the  courts  of 
successive  kings,  and  his  zeal  for  Miis  people  and  his  holy 
city'  is  intense  (see  chap,  ix)."^ 

This  argument  ex  silentio  is  confirmed,  it  is  said,  by 
another  of  a  positive  kind.  Besides  not  referring  to  such 
important  events  of  the  period  which  is  considered  as  his 
time,  the  author  of  Daniel  is  often  inaccurate  when  he 
actually  alludes  to  incidents  of  that  same  period.  First  he 
declares  (i,  i)  that  "in  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  Joa- 
kim,  king  of  Juda,  Nabuchodonosor,  king  of  Babylon,  came 
to  Jerusalem  and  besieged  it,"  the  obvious  meaning  of  which 
is  that  Nabuchodonosor  as  king  of  Babylon"  besieged  the 
Holy   City  during   the  third  year  ^   of   Joakim    (605    B.C.). 

1  A.  A.  Bevax, The  Book  of  Daniel,  p.  i6. 

"^  That  Nabuchodonosor  was  already  king  of  Babylon  appears  from  the  fact  that  the 
title  is  applied  to  him  in  exactly  thti  same  way  as  to  Joakim,  who  was  in  the  third  year 
of  his  reign. 

3  In  the  opening  verse  of  Daniel  both  the  siege  of  the  Holy  City  and  Nabuchod- 
onos(jr's  coming  to  besiege  it  are  obviously  ascribed  to  the  third  year.  Hence  many 
scholars  regard  as  groundless  the  plea  often  made  to  defend  the  absolute  accuracy  of 
Daniel  (i,  i),  viz.,  that  the  Hebrew  ba\  "came,"  may  be  taken  with  reference  to  the 
starting-point  of  Nabuchodonosor's  expedition,  virtually  as  equivalent  to  '"  set  out,"  so 
that  the  Babylonian  king,  havintr  started  on  the  third  year,  would  have  actually  be- 
sieged Jerusalem  only  in  the  fourth  year,  of  Joakim's  reign.  Besides,  the  m  litary 
movements  of  Nabuchodonosor  immediately  before  and  after  the  ba  tie  of  Carchemis 
(605  B.C.)  preclude  the  possibility  of  a  siegL-  of  Jerusalem  at  that  early  date  in  his 
Western  conquests.     Finally,  the  interpretation  of  the  Hebrew   verb  ^rt',  "  came,"  a§ 


I 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL,  365 

Now,  from  Jereiii.  x\v,  i  and  xli,  2  we  know  that  the 
Babylonian  monarch  did  not  begin  his  reign  until  \.\\(i  fourlh 
year  of  the  Jewish  king;  and  from  Jerem.  xwvi,  9,  29  it 
appears  that  as  late  as  the  ninth  montli  of  tlie  fifth  year 
of  Joakim  the  Chalda^an  invasion  of  Juda  had  not  yet  oc- 
curred. Whence  it  is  inferred  that  had  tlie  autlior  of 
Daniel  been  a  Jewish  contemporary  of  Nabuchodonosor, 
his  statement  would  have  been  more  accurate. 

Secondly,  he  uses  repeatedly  the  word  "  Chald?eans  "  as 
the  name  of  a  learned  caste^  and  not  of  a  natioji.  Now  this 
sense  "is  foreign  to  the  Assyro-Babylonian  language,  and 
wherever  it  occurs  has  formed  itself  after  the  end  of  the 
Babylonian  empire  ;  it  is  thus  a  sure  indication  of  the  post- 
exilic  composition  of  the  book  of  Daniel."^  The  first  trace 
of  this  meaning  of  the  word  "  Chaldceans  "  is  found  in  He- 
rodotus (ab.  440  B.C.),  and  its  origin  goes  back  to  the  time 
when  the  term  had  become  synonymous  with  *'  Babylonian  " 
in  general,  and  when  virtually  the  only  "Chaldceans" 
known  were  members  of  the  priestly  or  learned  class.  The 
verdict  of  Prof.  Sayce,  a  witness  certainly  not  prejudiced 
against  traditional  views,  on  this  point  is  to  the  following 
effect  :  "  It  is  a  sense  which  was  unknown  in  the  age  of 
Nabuchodonosor  or  of  Cyrus,  and  its  employment  implies 
not  only  that  the  period  was  long  since  past  when  Babylonia 
enjoyed  a  political  life  of  its  own,  but  also  that  the  period 
had  come  when  a  Jewish  writer  could  assign  to  a  Hebrew 
word  a  signification  derived  from  its  Greek  equivalent. 
This  last  fact  is  of  considerable  importance,  if  we  would 
determine  the  age  of  the  book  of  Daniel.  ...  In  tlie  eyes 
of  the  Assyriologist  the  use  of  the  word  Kasdim  (Chaldasans) 

equivalent  to  "  set  out,"  is  treated  by  so  prominent  a  Hebrew  scholar  as  Driver  as 
*'  opposed  to  Hebrew  usage"  (Driver,  Daniel,  in  Cambridge  Bible,  p.  3).  Cfr.  Com- 
ment on  Daniel  by  Knabenbauek,  S.J.  ;  Tkochc^n  ;  Pkince;  Bevan  ;  etc. 

*  Cfr.  i,  4  ;  ii,  2,  4,  5,  lo  ;  iii,  8  ;  iv,  7  ;  v,  7.  1 1 . 

»  Eberhard  Schkadkr,  die  Keilinschriften  und  das  A.T.,  p.  429  {2d  edit.). 


> 


^66         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

would  alone  be  sufficient  to  indicate  the  date  of  the  work 
with  unerring  certainty."^  To  meet  this  part  of  the  cumu- 
lative argument  against  the  authorship,  the  advocates  of  the 
traditional  view  have  set  forth  only  vague  remarks^  or  gratui- 
tous suppositions.^ 

Thirdly,  Baltassar  is  repeatedly  called  king  (v,  i,  2,  3,  5, 
6,  etc.;  viii,  i),  and  has  his  own  court  at  Babylon.  He  is  a 
king  of  Chaldsea  (v,  30),  which  is  called  his  kingdom  (v, 
26-28),  and  the  years  of  his  reign  are  counted  in  the  book 
of  Daniel  in  exactly  the  same  manner  as  those  of  the  other 
monarchs  of  the  period  (viii,  i).  Moreover,  he  is  obviously 
spoken  of  throughout  chap,  v  as  the  actual  son  of  Nabu- 
chodonosor,*  that  is,  of  the  monarch  who  is  represented  in 
Daniel  and  in  Chronicles  as  having  brought  the  golden 
vessels  of  Yahweh's  temple  into  Babylonia.  These  his- 
torical statements,  it  is  said,  are  not  absolutely  true  to 
fact,  and  hence  would  not  have  been  made  by  a  contem- 
porary of  Nabuchodonosor  and  Cyrus.  Nabuchodonosor 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Evil-Merodach  (cfr.  IV  Kings 
XXV,  27),  and  he  by  the  short-reigned  Neriglissar  and 
Laborosoarchod,  after  whom  Nabonahid,  a  usurper  unre- 
lated to  Nabuchodonosor,  seized  the  throne.  Nabonahid 
was  the  last  king  of  the  Chaldaeans,  and  his  son  Belsharuzur, 
probably  the  same  as  the  Baltassar  of  Daniel,  is  named  on 
numerous  Babylonian  contract- tablets,  but  always  by  the 
title  "the  king's  son,"  something  like  the  modern  "crown 

'  A.  H.  Sayce,  the  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Verdict  of  the  Monuments,  p.  535. 

2  This  is  the  case  with  E.  Philippe,  art.  Daniel  (le  Livre  de),  in  Vigouroux,  Diet. 
de  la  Bible,  col.  1262. 

3  In  this  connection  Fr.  Delattke  writes  (Les  Chaldeens.  p.  28):  "  Un  tel  emploi 
du  mot  Chasdim  serait  etrange  si  tous  les  Babyloniens  de  ce  temps  avaient  ete  Chal- 
deeis;  il  se  justifie  sans  peine  si  I'on  admet  avec  nous  que  les  Chaldeens  etaient  une 
classe  particuliere  et  d'origine  etrang're  dans  b  peuple  Babj-Ionien."  This  remark 
seems  to  be  groundless,  seeing  that  the  Babylonians  as  a  nation  are  always  called  Chal- 
daeans in  the  other  books  of  the  Old  Test.,  and  very  particularly  in  Jeremias,  a  contem- 
porary of  the  Exile. 

4  For  a  confirmatiou  of  this  view,  see  Baruch  i,  n. 


I 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  ^d*] 

prince."  It  seems,  therefore,  tiiat  liowever  important  a 
personage  Baltassar  was  at  the  time  of  tlie  fall  of  Babyh)n, — 
and  indeed  he  was  more  active  in  tlie  defence  of  his  country 
tlian  Nabonahid, — he  was  never  king,  and  that  neitlier  he 
nor  his  father  had  any  blood-relationship  to  Nabuchod- 
onosor.^ 

Fourthly,  "  Darius  the  Mede,"  who  is  said  in  Daniel  v,  31 
"to  have  succeeded  to  the  kingdom"  of  the  Chaldsean 
Baltassar,  is  a  ruler  for  whom  there  is  ai)parently  no  room 
in  history  between  Nabonahid  and  Cyrus.  All  other  au- 
thorities, among  which  is  found  an  account  of  the  conquest 
of  Babylon  in  contemporary  records  drawn  up  by  both  the 
contejiding  parties^  Nabonahid  and  Cyrus,  bear  witness  that 
this  conquest  was  the  work  of  Cyrus.^  It  has  indeed  been 
conjectured  that  Darius  was  a  viceroy  ai)pointed  by  that 
monarch.  But  this  seems  to  be  untenable.  Darius  is  ex- 
plicitly called  "king"  (vi,  4,  6,  9,  etc.),  described  as  an 
absolute  ruler  organizing  the  empire  in  120  satrapies,  and  as 
no  less  truly  king  than  Cyrus,  in  the  following  statement  : 
"  This  Daniel  prospered  in  the  reign  of  Darius,  and  in  the 
reign  of  Cyrus  the  Persian  "  (vi,  28).  "  Tradition,  it  can 
hardly  be  doubted,  has  here  confused  persons  and  events  in 
reality  distinct:  '  Darius  the  Mede  '  must  be  a  reflection  into 
the  past  of  Darius  Hystaspis,who  had  to  reconquer  Babylon 
in  B.C.  521,  and  again  in  515,  and  who  established  the  system 
of  satrapies,  combined,  not  impossibly,  with  indistinct  recol- 
lections of  Gubaru  [Gobryas],  who  first  occupied  Babylon 
on  Cyrus'  behalf,  and  who,  in  appointing  governors  there, 
appears  to  have  acted  as  Cyrus'  deputy."^ 

Fifthly,   the  statement  in  Dan.   ix,    2   to  the  effect  that 

*  Cfr.  Sayce,  loc.  cit.  ;   Driver,  loc.  cit.  ;  Records  of  the  Past,  vol.  v  ;  etc. 

2  Cfr.  S.A.VCE,  loc.  cit..  p.  528. 

3  Dkivek,    Introd.  to    Literal,  of   Old  Test.,  p.  500;  Daniel  (in  Cambridge  Bible), 
p.  lii  sqq.     See  also,  Bevan,  loc.  cit.,  p.  19  sqq.;  etc. 


368         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

"  Daniel  understood  by  the  *  books  the  number  of  the  years 
concerning  which  the  word  of  Yahweh  came  to  Jeremias 
the  prophet,  that  seventy  years  shall  be  accomplished  of  the 
desolation  of  Jerusalem,"  points  in  the  same  direction. 
The  expression  *'  the  books  "  can  only  be  naturally  under- 
stood as  implying  that  the  prophecies  of  Jeremias  formed 
part  of  a  well-known  collection  of  sacred  books,^  which, 
nevertheless,  it  may  be  safely  maintained,  was  not  the  case 
in  the  time  of  Nabuchodonosor  and  Cyrus. 

Lastly,  the  following  "  improbabilities  "  are  often  pointed 
out  as  betraying  an  author  later  than  Daniel's  time  :  that  a 
foreigner  such  as  Daniel  should  have  been  accepted  as 
their  president  by  the  wise  men  of  Babylon  (ii,  13,  48  ;  iv, 
9;  v,  II,  12);^  that  Nabuchodonosor  should  condemn  to 
death  all  the  wise  men  of  Babylon,  Daniel  and  his  com- 
panions included,  although  the  skill  of  the  latter  four  had 
not  yet  been  tried  (ii,  12,  13);  that  the  same  prince  should 
have  himself  issued  such  a  proclamation  of  his  insanity  as 
is  recorded  in  chapter  iv;*  that  the  Jewish  and  theocratic 
flavor  of  the  language  in  iii,  29  ;  iv,  i  sq.,  and  in  vi,  26  sq., 
be  truly  referable  to  Nabuchodonosor  and  Darius  respec- 
tively;^ that  Baltassar  is  represented  in  v,  11  as  ignorant  of 
Daniel,  while  the  latter  is  spoken  of  (viii,  27)  as  doing  the 
business  of  this  king  even  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign  ; 
that  lions  should  be  described  as  dwelli-ng  in  a  dark  pit  or 
dungeon  which  could  be  closed  from  above  like  a  cistern 
by  a  stone,  and  from  which  Daniel  had  afterwards  to  be 
taken  up  (cfr.  vi,  7,  17,  23,  24). 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  foregoing  arguments  are  drawn 

'  The  article  is  found  in  the  Hebrew  Text. 

"^  This  is  explicitly  admitted  by  Knabenbaukr,  in  Danielem  prophetam,  p.  224. 

3  Lenormant  felt  this  improbability  so  strongly  that  he  regarded  the  passages  where 
it  IS  stated  as  later  insertions. 

♦  Notice  particularly  the  change  of  person  in  iv,  28-30. 

'  Cfr.  iv.  1-3;  34-37;  vi,  25-27;  and  also  ii,  47;  iii,  93  sqq.  (iii,  26sqq.  in  the  Hebrew 
Bible). 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  369 

exclusively  from  the  narrative  part  of  the  book  of  Daniel, 
and  that  they  tend  simply  to  show — on  the  basis  of  the 
unity  of  the  work — that  the  writing  reflects  the  traditions 
and  historical  impressions  of  an  age  considerably  later  than 
that  of  Nabuchodonosor  and  Cyrus.  Now  it  is  claimed 
that  a  close  examination  of  the  contents  of  the  second  part 
in  the  light  of  history  compels  us  to  bring  down  the  com- 
position of  the  book  as  it  is  found  in  our  Hebrew  Bible  to 
a  more  definite  date,  viz.,  to  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes.  The  interest  of  the  visions  in  tli/C  second  part  of 
Daniel,  in  whatever  way  explained,  culminates  in  the  rela- 
tions subsisting  between  the  Jews  and  Antiochus.  It  is 
this  prince  who,  as  is  admitted  on  all  hands,  is  the  subject 
of  viii,  9-13,  23-25,  and  who,  as  already  pointed  out,  is 
very  probably  ''the  little  horn"  spoken  of  in  vii,  8,  20,  21, 
25,  while  events  of  his  reign  are  apparently  described  in  ix, 
25-27,  and  unquestionably  so  in  the  last  vision  of  the  book 
(cfr.  xi,  21-45  ;  xii,  6,  7,  10-12).  Whence  it  is  inferred  that 
the  book  must  belong  to  the  period  of  Antiochus  and  the 
Machabees,  according  to  the  whole  analogy  of  Scripture. 
The  rule  is  that  "  even  when  the  prophets  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament deliver  a  divine  message  for  far  distant  days,  they 
have  in  view  the  needs  of  the  people  of  their  own  day. 
They  rebuke  their  sins,  they  comfort  their  sorrows,  they 
strengthen  their  hopes,  they  banish  their  fears.  But  of  all 
this  there  is  no  trace  in  the  book  of  Daniel,  if  it  was  written 
under  Cyrus.  Its  message  is  avowedly  for  the  time  of  the 
end,  for  the  period  of  Antiochus  and  the  Machabees.  Our 
impression  as  to  the  Machabaean  date  of  the  work  is 
strengthened  when  we  observe  how  it  is  only  in  dealing 
with  this  period  that  the  author  is  either  accurate  or  de- 
tailed: for  the  period  that  precedes  we  have  seen  that  he  is 
often  misinformed  ;  and  for  the  period  that  follows  the 
year  165,  with  almost  tlie  single  excej:>tion  of  his  prediction 


370         SPECIAL    IXTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

of  the  death  of  Antiochus,  his  language  is  vague  and  gen- 
eral." ^  This  view  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  the  narra- 
tives themselves,  wlien  studied  with  reference  to  the  events 
of  Antiochus'  reign,  are  found  to  impart  lessons  especially 
appropriate  to  the  Jews  of  that  period.  ''  The  question  of 
eating  meat  (cfr.  Dan.  i)  was  at  that  time  a  test  of  faith. 
Then  pious  Jews  'chose  to  die  that  they  might  not  be  de- 
filed with  food  and  that  they  might  not  profane  the  cove- 
nant '  (I  Mach.  i,  65  sq.)  The  lessons  of  the  'fiery  fur- 
nace '  and  the  '  lions'  den  '  (chaps,  iii,  vi)  never  could  have 
been  more  fitly  presented  than  when  '  there  came  out  of 
Israel  wicked  men  who  persuaded  many,  saying:  Let  us  go 
and  make  a  covenant  with  the  Gentiles  that  are  around 
about  us,  (I  Mach.  i,  12),  and  when  Antiochus  commanded 
the  worship  of  foreign  deities  on  the  pain  of  death  (I  Mach. 
i,  43-54).  The  stories  of  the  humbling  of  Nabuchodonosor 
(Dan.  iv)  and  the  fall  of  Baltassar  (v)  would  also  be  fraught 
with  particular  consolation  when  Israel  was  oppressed  by 
the  heathen."  ^ 

A  last  argument  drawn  from  the  contents  of  Daniel 
against  the  traditional  view  of  the  authorship  consists  in  the 
theology  of  the  book.  In  so  far  as  the  doctrinal  ideas  of  the 
book  have  a  distinctive  characfer,  they  are  said  to  point  to 
an  age  later  than  the  Exile,  and  a  little  earlier  than  the 
composition  of  the  book  of  Enoch. ^  It  is  generally  ad- 
mitted that  there  is  such  a  thing  as  a  development  of  doc- 
trine in  the  Old  Testament,  and  that  the  religious  ideas 
which  come  nearer  to  those  of  early  Christianity  arose  pro- 
portionately late  in  the  history  of  the  Jewish  Church. 
Now  "  it  is  undeniable  that  the  conception  of  the  future 

»  J.  A.  Selbie,  in  "the  Critical  Review,"  March  1902.  Cfr.  Driver,  Daniel, 
p.  Ixv  sq. 

'  E.  L.  Curtis,  art.  Daniel  (the  Book  of),  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  i, 
P-  554 

^  The  book  of  Enoch  was  mostly  compiled  between  160  and  65  b.c. 


THE    ROOK    OF    DANIEL.  37I 

kingdom  of  God,  and  the  doctrines  of  angels,  of  tlie  resur- 
rection, and  of  the  judgment  of  the  world,  appear  in  Daniel 
in  a  more  developed  form  than  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, and  exhibit  features  ai)proximating  to  (though  not 
identical  with)  those  met  in  the  book  of  Enoch.  .  .  .  The 
representation  of  the  judgment  upon  heathen  powers  and 
of  the  manner  in  which  the  Divine  kingdom  is  inaugurated 
upon  earth  (vii,  9-14,  26,  27)  is  unlike  any  other  represen- 
tation of  the  same  facts  contained  in  the  Old  Testament  : 
let  the  reader  study,  for  example,  successively  Amos  ix, 
9-15;  Osee  i,  lo-ii,  i;  xiv,  4-8;  Isai.  ii,  2-4;  iv,  2-6;  ix, 
1-7;  xi;  xxviii,  18-24;  xxix,  18-24;  xxxii,  1-8;  Jerem. 
xxiii,  1-8;  xxxi;  xxxiii;  Ezech.  xxxiv,  11-31;  xxxvi;  Isai. 
liv;  Iv;  Ix;  and  he  can  hardly  fail  to  feel  that  when  he 
comes  to  Daniel  vii  he  is  in  a  different  circle  of  ideas.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  representation  of  Daniel  has  many 
traits  resembling  those  appearing  shortly  afterwards  in  the 
book  of  Enoch."  ^  Again,  *'  Angels  have,"  in  Daniel,  "  spe- 
cial personal  names  (viii,  16;  ix,  21;  x,  13,  21;  xii,  i),  spe- 
cial ranks  (x,  13,  20;  xii,  i),  and  the  guardianship  of  different 
countries  (x,  13,  20,  21).^  These  representations  go  far 
beyond  those  of  Ezechiel  and  Zacharias,  and  are  relatively 
identical  with  those  of  Tobias^  and  other  Jewish  writings 
of  the  first  century  B.C.  Daniel  plainly  teaches  a  personal 
resurrection  of  both  the  righteous  and  the  wicked  (xii,  2). 
This  also  is  a  decided  advance  upon  the  doctrine  elsewhere 
in  the  Old  Testament.*  .  .  .   Thus,  while  the  determination 

*  Driver,  Daniel  (Cambridge  Bible),  p.  Ixiv.  The  striking  parallels  between  Daniel 
and  the  book  of  Enoch  are  carefully  pointed  out  by  R.  H.  Charles,  the  Book  of 
Henoch.     See  also  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  85  sq..  106  sq.;  etc. 

3  The  term  "watcher  "  applied  to  the  angels  in  tlie  book  of  Enoch  is  found  only  in 
Daniel  (iv  10,  14,  20)  in  the  Old  Testament. 

'  Concerning  the  date  of  the  book  of  Tobias,  see  "  .Special  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.," 
part  i,  p.  341  sq.,  by  the  present  writer. 

*  Cfr.  valuable  remarks  on  the  Jewish  belief  in  the  Resurrection,  in  Driver's  Daniel 
^Cambridge  Bible),  p.  xc  sqq. 


372         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

of  the  date  of  an  Old  Testament  writing  from  its  religions 
doctrines  is  always  a  delicate  procedure,  yet,  as  far  as  a 
doctrinal  development  can  be  found  in  the  Old  Testament, 
the  book  of  Daniel  comes  after  all  the  other  (proto-canon- 
ical)  writings  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  approximates 
most  closely  to   the   Jewish   literature  of  the  first  century 

B.C."  ^ 

Besides  the  arguments  thus  drawn  from  the  contents  of 
the  book  of  Daniel,  critics  set  forth  the  evidence  of  its  lan- 
guage as  decidedly  opposed  to  the  traditional  view  concern- 
ing its  authorship.  As  previously  stated  (p.  361),  the 
Hebrew  of  Daniel  is  of  the  distinctly  late  type  which  fol- 
lowed the  age  of  Nehemias,  and  resembles  most  the  lan- 
guage of  Esther,  Ecclesiastes,  and  especially  Chronicles 
(about  300  B.c.).^  It  therefore  points  to  a  date  much  later 
than  that  of  Nabuchodonosor  and  Cyrus.  The  same  infer- 
ence is  no  less  certain  from  the  foreign  words  which  appear 
in  both  the  Hebrew  and  Aramaic  portions  of  Daniel.  In- 
stead of  the  many  Babylonian  words  which  one  would 
naturally  expect  to  find  in  a  book  which  has  been  so  long 
regarded  as  composed  at  Babylon  in  the  sixth  century  B.C., 
a  comparatively  large  number  (some  fifteen,  at  least)  of  Per- 
sian words ^  is  met  with.  "It  is  remarkable  that  these  are  em- 
ployed, not  with  any  special  reference  to  Persian  affairs,  but 
quite  promiscuously.  Thus  in  the  list  of  King  Nabuchodo- 
nosor's  officials  (iii,  2)  we  find  two  undoubtedly  Persian  titles. 
It   must  of  course  appear  in  itself  highly  improbable  that 

*  E.  L.  Curtis,  loc.  cit.,  p.  554.  E.  Philippe's  remarks  (in  Vigoi'roux,  Diet,  de 
la  Bible,  art.  Daniel,  col.  1265  sq.)  to  the  contrary  are  very  unsatisfactory. 

2  For  details  concerning  the  characteristic  features  of  such  late  Hebrew,  cfr.  Driver, 
Introd.  to  Liter,  of  Old  Test.,  pp.  505-508;  A.  A.  Bevan,  the  Book  of  Daniel,  pp. 
28-33.  The  Aratnaic  of  Daniel  sliould  hardly  be  used  as  a  proof  of  the  lateness  of  tliP 
book,  since  it  may  well  be  supposed  that  it  was  not  the  original  language  of  the  book  ol 
Daniel.  Concerning  the  principal  features  of  that  Aramaic,  see  Driver,  Bevan,  loc 
cit. 

'  See  the  list  given  by  Driver,  Daniel,  p.  Ivi ;  Literal,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  501. 


THE    ROOK    OF    DANIEL.  373 

Persian  titles  were  then  used  at  the  Babylonian  court.  On 
ihe  Other  hand,  the  long  domination  of  the  Achaemenidai 
(thus  called  from  Achasmenes,  king  of  the  Persians,  ancestor 
of  Cyrus)  introduced  Persian  words  into  all  the  Aramaic- 
speaking  countries,  and  not  least  into  Palestine.  Of  these 
words  many  must  have  continued  in  use  during  the  ages 
ifter  Alexander,  though  as  time  went  on  and  as  intercourse 
with  the  lemote  East  became  less  frequent,  some  of  them 
t'ell  into  desuetude."^  Nor  is  it  less  remarkable  that,  as 
pointed  out  by  Sayce  and  Driver,  the  language  of  the 
numerous  contract-tablets  from  Babylonia  which  belong  to 
the  age  of  Nabuchodonosor  and  his  successors,  and  which 
represent  the  language  of  every-day  commercial  life,  shows 
no  trace  of  Persian  admixture.  For  if  the  language  of 
Babylonia  was  uninfluenced  by  Persia,  much  less  would  that 
of  Israel  at  that  same  period  be  likely  to  be  so  influenced.^ 
Besides,  the  book  of  Daniel  contains  at  least  three  Greek 
words: ^  KiBapiZ  (in  the  ioww  githaros),  ipaXrijpiov  (in  the 
iovm  psanterin),  and  avficpoovia  (in  the  form  suinponyah). 
The  first  is  indeed  an  ancient  Greek  word,  found  in  Homer, 
and  may  possibly  have  found  its  way  to  Babylonia  by  the 
middle  of  the  sixth  century  B.C.  But  it  is  not  so  witli  the 
second  word,  which  occurs  for  the  first  time  in  Aristotle 
(t322B.c.);  nor  with  the  third,  which  is  met  first  in  Plato 
(t  347  B.C.).  ''These  words,  it  may  be  confidently  affirmed, 
could  not  have  been  used  in  the  book  of  Daniel  unless  it 
had  been  written  after  the  dissemination  of  Greek  influences 
in  Asia  through  the  conquests  of  Alexander  the  Great "  (b.c. 

330).' 

'  Bevan,  loc  cit.,  p.  40  sq. 

2  Sayce,  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monuments,  p.  493  sq.  ;  Drivkr,  loc.  cit. 

'  This  was  formerly,  but  wrongly,  denied  by  the  defenders  of  the  traditional  view. 

*  Driver,  Daniel,  p  Hx.  The  cri'/on^u>»ia  is  mentioned  by  Polybius  itab.  122  B.C.) 
as  a  favorite  instrument  with  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (Polybius'  text  is  quoted  by  Bevan, 
loc.  cit.,  p.  41,  footn.  2). 


374         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

As  a  confirmation  of  the  arguments  drawn  from  internal 
evidence,  the  opponents  of  the  traditional  view  appeal  to 
certain  facts  in  the  external  history  of  the  book  of  Daniel. 
It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  in  the  Palestinian  Canon 
this  book  is  reckoned  not  among  "the  Prophets,"  or  second 
Canon  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  but  in  "the  Writings"  (the 
Hagiographd)  or  latest  section  of  the  sacred  literature  of 
the  Jews  of  Palestine.  Now  the  second  Canon,  or  "  the 
Prophets,"  was  probably  not  closed  till  near  B.C.  200.  In 
any  case  it  was  certainly  open  after  the  third  year  of  Cyrus 
(536  B.C.).  How,  then,  does  it  come  to  pass  that  Daniel  is 
not  placed  among  them,  although  Aggeus,  Zacharias,  and 
Malachias,  who  were  later  than  the  time  at  which  Daniel  is 
described  as  living,  are  ranked  among  "the  Propliets"  ?  It 
has  been  said^  that  it  was  because  Daniel  was  not  ^profes- 
sional prophet,  but  only  a  person  possessed  of  the  proplietic 
gift,  and  so  was  excluded  from  the  Prophets  properly  so 
called.  But  this  supposition  goes  against  the  fact  that 
Amos  ranks  among  the  prophetical  writings,  though  he 
explicitly  disclaims  being  d^professiofial  prophet  (Amos  vii, 
14).  Again,  it  has  been  surmised  that  before  Talmudic 
times,  to  which  our  present  Palestinian  Canon  would  simply 
go  back,  the  book  of  Daniel  was  really  reckoned  by  the 
Jews  among  "  the  Prophets,"  and  as  a  ground  for  this  view 
Josephus'  reckoning  of  the  prophetical  books  to  thirteen  is 
api)ealed  to.^  This  reasoning  would  be  conclusive  could  it 
be  shown  that  the  Jewish  historian,  writing  Against  Apion, 
had  in  view  the  arrangement  of  the  sacred  books  found  in 
the  Palestinian  Canon  of  his  time.  But  as  he  writes  in 
Greek  to  Greeks,  whom  he  could  not  assume  to  be  ac- 
quainted with  Hebrew,  and  as  his  own  habit  in  the  Anti- 
quities of  iJie  Jeius,   a  work  previous    to    his   controversial 

1  Cfr.  Trochon,  Daniel,  p.  48. 

s  E.  Philippe,  art.  Daniel,  in  Vigouroux,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  col,  1263, 


THE    ROOK    OF    DANIEL.  375 

wr'iUng  Aga///st  yl/'ii^//,  is  to  refer  to  tlie  Septuagint  Version, 
we  may  be  sure  tluit  in  tlie  present  treatise,  directed  against 
the  learned  Greeks  of  his  time,  he  speaks  of  the  sacred 
books  of  his  race,  as  they  were  accessible  to  his  Greek- 
speaking  readers.  In  other  words,  he  writes  with  reference 
to  the  arrangement  of  the  sacred  books  as  found  in  the 
Septuagint  translation.  In  fact  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus, 
written  in  Hebrew  before  Josephus'  time,  mentions  in  its 
enumeration  of  famous  Israelites  (Ecclus.  xliv-1)  the  greater 
prophets  Isaias,  Jeremias,  Ezechiel,  and  (collectively)  the 
twelve  minor  prophets,  without  saying  anything  about 
Daniel.  This  certainly  implies  that  the  Hebrew  Canon 
known  to  the  author  of  Ecclesiasticus  did  not  reckon  the 
book  of  Daniel  among  "the  Prophets."  The  most  natural 
explanation  of  the  exclusion  of  that  book  from  the  second 
Canon  of  the  Jews  of  Palestine  is  therefore  its  late  compo- 
sition. 

The  same  obvious  reason  is  also  given  to  explain  other 
facts  connected  with  the  history  of  the  book  of  Daniel;  for 
instance:  (i)  the  statement  in  Ecclesiasticus  that  no  man 
was  born  upon  earth  "like  unto  Joseph"  (xlix,  17),  whereas 
the  narratives  respecting  Daniel  represent  him  much  like 
unto  Joseph  in  regard  to  both  the  high  distinctions  he 
attained  and  the  faculties  he  displayed;  and  further,  the  very 
wording  of  the  narratives  in  the  first  part  of  Daniel  is 
modelled  after  that  of  the  narratives  in  Genesis  concerning 
Joseph;^  (2)  the  absence  of  all  traces  of  Daniel's  influence 
upon  the  post-exilic  literature  anterior  to  the  Machabaian 
period,^  especially  when  it  is  contrasted  with  the  distinct 
influence  which  such  books  as  Jeremias  exerted  soon  after 
their  production. 

"  The  Conc/usion,  then,  in  favor  of  the  ^lachabaean  date, 

1  Cfr.  Driver.  Daniel,  p.  17  sqq.,  p.  64,  etc. 

*  Hengstenbekg,  E.  Philippk,  etc.,  are  obliged  to   confess  that  of  the   "traces" 
^hich  have  sometimes  been  appealed  to,  none  is  really  conclusive. 


T^'jG         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

in  view  of  tliis  accumulation  of  concurrent  facts,  seems,"  it 
is  said,  ''abundantly  warranted.  The  exact  date  of  com- 
position is  usually  placed  within  the  year  B.C.  165.  The 
'abomination  of  desolation'  (b.c.  168)  is  clearly  before 
the  writer,  and  also  the  Machabaean  uprising  in  167,  but 
not  the  re-dedication  of  the  Temple  in  December  165,  and 
the  death  of  Antiochus  in  163  bc."^ 

Two  main  difficulties,  however,  are  urged  against  this 
conclusion  which,  in  the  eyes  of  many,  seems  as  yet  very 
sweeping.  First,  it  is  objected  that,  in  assigning  the  book 
of  Daniel  to  so  late  a  date,  the  predictive  character  of  the 
second  part  (chaps,  vii-xii)  is  done  away  with,  although  the 
visions  therein  contained  are  represented  as  revelations  of 
the  future  given  to  Daniel  during  the  Babylonian  captivity. 
"But  this  difficulty  vanishes,"  we  are  told,  "  tlie  moment 
one  considers  how  prevailing  in  the  Old  Testament  and 
among  Jewish  writers  was  the  custom  of  representing  pres- 
ent messages  as  given  in  the  past  through  ancient  worthies. 
Thus  the  law  in  Deuteronomy  is  given  as  though  spoken  by 
Moses  in  the  land  of  Moab,  and  the  legislation  of  the 
Priestly  Code  (P)  as  though  revealed  to  Moses  in  the  wil- 
derness. The  book  of  Ecclesiastes  is  written  as  the  experi- 
ence of  Solomon  (and  that  of  Wisdom  was,  as  is  granted  on 
all  hands,  likewise  composed  by  one  impersonating  the  same 
monarch).  While  in  the  fourth  book  of  Esdras,  Baruch, 
the  book  of  Enoch,  and  the  Jewish  apocalypses  generally, 
this  method  of  composition  is  abundantly  illustrated,  and 
was  evidently  a  favorite  one  with  the  devout  and  pious  of 
the  centuries  immediately  preceding  and  following  Christ."^ 
Besides,  it  is  argued  that  in  admitting  the  year  165  b.c.  for 
the  composition  of  the  book,  "  the  author  utters  genuine 
predictions:   at  a  moment  when  the  national  peril  was  great 

1  E.  L.  Curtis,  art.  Daniel  (the  Book  of),  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  i, 
p.  j54  ;   Driver.  Daniel,  p.  Ixvi  sq. 
'  E.  L.  Curtis,  loc.  cit. 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL. 


Ill 


and  the  very  existence  of  the  nation  was  threatened 
(I  Mach.  iii,  35,  36)  he  comes  forward  with  words  of  con- 
sohuion  and  liope,  assuring  liis  faithful  compatriots  that  the 
future,  like  the  past  and  the  ]:)resent,  is  part  of  God's  pre- 
determined plan,  and  that  within  less  than  3:}  years  of 
the  time  at  which  he  speaks  their  persecutor  will  be  no 
more  and  the  period  of  their  trial  will  be  past.  This  predic- 
tion is  exactly  on  a  footing  with  those  of  the  earlier  prophets 
— of  Isaias,  for  instance,  who  says  (viii,  4)  that  before  a 
child  just  born  can  cry  Father,  and  Mother,  Damascus  will 
be  taken  by  the  king  of  Assyria;  who  declares  (xvi,  14; 
xxi,  16)  that  within  three  years  the  glory  of  Moab,  and 
within  one  year  the  glory  of  Cedar,  will  both  be  humbled; 
and  who  announces  the  deliverance  of  Jerusalem  (xxix,  1-5) 
within  a  year  from  the  siege  and  distress  which  he  sees  im- 
pending; or  of  the  great  prophet  of  the  Exile,  who,  as  Cyrus 
is  advancing  on  his  career  of  conquest  (Isai.  xli,  2,  3,  25), 
bids  his  people  not  be  in  alarm  (xli,  8-1 1,  etc.),  the  suc- 
cesses of  Cyrus  are  part  of  God's  providential  plan  (xli,  2, 
4,  25)  and  will  issue  in  the  deliverance  of  Israel  from  exile 
(xliv,  28;  xlv,  4,  13)."^ 

The  second  difficulty  is  drawn  from  the  historical  charac- 
ter of  the  first  part  of  Daniel,  for  chaps,  i-vi  read  like 
strictly  historical  narratives.  This  difficulty,  as  might  well 
be  supposed,  has  received  various  answers.  Perhaps  the 
best  is  that  given  by  J.  A.  Selbie,'  in  the  following  terms  : 
"  Even  if  we  should  have  to  adopt  the  conclusion  that  there 
is  no  firm  historical  basis  for  the  incidents  recorded  in  the 
first  six  chapters,  the  book  would  not  be  thereby  robbed  of 
its  value  for  edification  ^     But,  on  the  other  hand,  we  have 

'  Driver,  Daniel,  p.  Ixvii. 

"  J.  A.  Selbie,  art.  Critical  Opinion  on  the  Book  of  Daniel,  in  "  the  Critical  Re- 
view," March  iqo2,  p.  iii  sq.  See  also  E.  L.  Curtis,  loc.  cit.,  p.  555  ;  Driver,  loc. 
cit.,  p.  Ixviii  sq 

'  Cfr.  remarks  on  parallel  cases  in  "  Special  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,"  part  i,  p.  344 
sqq.,  by  the  present  writer. 


378 


SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 


no  reason  to  conclude  that  the  whole  story  of  Daniel  was 
invented  by  the  writer.  There  appears  to  us  to  be  a  close 
analogy  between  the  book  of  Daniel  and  the  book  of  Job. 
Recent  investigations  have  rendered  it  extremely  probabb 
that  a  popular  book  of  Job  preceded  the  present  highly 
dramatical  work.  The  folk-lore  of  Israel  told  of  a  Job 
whose  trials  were  as  severe  as  his  patience  was  unique.  In 
like  manner  the  author  of -the  book  of  Daniel  w^as  probably 
acquainted  with  oral  traditions  regarding  an  ancient  sage 
and  hero  of  the  name  of  Daniel  ;  nay,  he  may  possibly  even 
have  had  at  his  command  a  written  source  which  told  of 
this  Daniel's  wisdom  and  of  his  fidelity  to  God  under  very 
trying  circumstances.  In  short,  to  put  it  ]:»lainly,  if  anyone 
feels  that  as  yet  his  faith  would  be  seriously  shaken  if  the 
story  of  the  lions'  den  and  the  fiery  furnace  had  to  be  given 
up,  he  is  perfectly  entitled,  for  aught  that  criticism  can 
prove  to  the  contrary,  to  hold  to  these  narratives  as  essen- 
tially frue,  although  there  is  no  doubt,  as  we  have  seen,  that 
the  historical  setting  of  them  is  incorrect.  That  is  a  safe 
halting-place  meanwhile,  but  it  is  safer  still  to  aim  at  a  faith 
which  will  be  independent  of  such  support,  and  to  discover 
a  permanent  value  in  the  book,  even  if  its  historical  basis 
should  prove  extremely  slender.  ...  If  Dives  and  Lazarus 
and  the  Good  Samaritan  appeal  to  us  as  powerfully  as  if  the 
incidents  recorded  of  them  had  actually  occurred,  why 
should  Daniel  lose  its  moral  influence  if  the  narratives  con- 
cerning him  should  have  to  be  relegated  to  the  realm  of 
edifying  Haogada?^  Or,  to  put  it  still  more  plainly,  if 
fiction  is  a  legitimate  vehicle  for  conveying  a  moral  lesson 
outside  Scripture,  is  its  use  forbidden  within  it?  Or  may 
we  conclude  that  God,  who  of  old  time  spoke  by  divers 
portions  and  in  divers  manners,  who  found  a  place  in  His 

1  Concerning  the  Haggada,  see  the  preseni  writer's  "  General  Introd.  to  the  Study 
o{  the  Holy  Scriptures,'''  p.  407. 


THE    BOOK    OF    DAXIF.L.  379 

Word  for  allegory  and  parable,  and  fable  and  drama,  did 
not  disdain  to  employ  this  literary  device  as  well  ?  .  .  . 
Are  we  to  ignore  a  writer's  purpose  and  miss  the  lessons  he 
teaches  because  the  literary  form  he  employs,  and  which  is 
now  found  to  have  been  common  when  he  lived,  is  not  what 
tradition  had  taught  us  to  expect?" 

Although  the  considerable  value  of  these  answers  to  the 
difficulties  urged  against  the  late  composition  of  Daniel 
can  hardly  be  denied,  since  similar  positions  have  been 
endorsed  by  the  vast  majority  of  scholars — even  by  some 
Catholic  writers — in  connection  with  other  books  of  Holy 
Writ,  and  although  the  admission  of  the  late  date  of  Daniel 
would  not  be  inconsistent  with  any  article  of  the  faith, ^  yet 
Catholic  writers  generally  are  reluctant  to  depart  from  the 
time-honored  "  opinion  "^  that  Daniel  is  the  author  of  the 
book  wb.ich  bears  his  name. 

§  3.    T/ie  Deutero-Canonical  Parts  of  the  Book  of  Da7ueL 

I.  Contents,  and  Place  in  the  Septuagint,  in  the 

Vulgate.  Besides  the  proto-canonical  portions  of  the  book 
of  Daniel  which  are  found  in  the  Hebrew  Bible,  the  Greek 
translations  of  Daniel  (Septuagint  and  Theodotion)  and  the 
Latin  Vulgate,  together  with  some  other  derived  transla- 
tions, contain  several  important  parts  which  are  deutero- 
canonical.^  They  are:  (i)  the  Prayer  of  Azarias  and  the 
Song  of  the  Three  Children;   (2)  the  History  of  Susanna; 

1  In  this  reference  Card.  Newman's  words  deserve  to  be  quoted  :  "The  Chaldee  and 
Greek  p  rtions  of  the  book  of  Daniel,  even  though  not  written  by  Daniel,  may  be,  and 
we  believe  are.  written  by  penmen  inspired  in  matters  of  faith  and  morals  ;  and  so 
much,  and  nothing  beyond,  does  the  Church  '  oblige  '  us  to  believe  "  (Art.  on  the  In- 
spiration of  Scripture,  p.  195) 

2  So  is  the  traditional  view  called  by  Abbe  H.  Rault,  Cours  Elementaire  d'Ecriture 
Sainte,  vol.  ii,  p  303  (4th  edit.).  In  1882  Fr.  Rault's  work  was  used  as  a  text  book  in 
thirty-three  French  theological  seminaries. 

3  With  regard  to  their  sacred  and  canonical  character,  see  the  present  writer'"'  "  Gen- 
eral Introd.  to  the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,"  parti,  Biblical  Canonics, 


380         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

and  (3)  the  History  of  the  Destruction  of  Bel  and  the 
Dragon. 

The  first  of  these  fragments,  as  might  be  expected  from 
the  nature  of  its  contents,  is  usually  inserted  in  the  third 
chapter  between  the  23d  and  the  24th  verses/  It  consists 
of  a  prayer  in  which  Azarias,  standing  in  the  midst  of  the 
furnace,  asks  that  God  may  deliver  him  and  his  companions 
and  i)Ut  their  enemies  to  shame  (verses  24-45);  a  brief 
notice  of  the  fact  that  the  Angel  of  the  Lord  saved  the 
three  holy  children  from  all  harm,  although  the  fearful  flame 
consumed  the  Chaldaeans  above  the  furnace  (verses  46-50); 
and  a  canticle  of  praise  to  God  from  the  three  children 
together  (verses  51-90). 

The  History  of  Susanna  is  found  at  the  end  of  the  book 
in  the  LXX  and  the  Vulgate  (as  chap,  xiii),  before  Bel  and 
the  Dragon  (chap.  xiv).  It  recounts  how  Susanna,  tlie 
faithful  wife  of  a  wealthy  Jew  named  Joakim  and  resident 
in  Babylon,  was  falsely  accused  of  adultery  by  two  un- 
worthy elders  whose  advances  she  had  repelled.  They 
declared  they  had  caught  her  in  the  act,  and,  their  testimony 
having  been  accepted  without  inquiry  by  the  tribunal  be- 
fore which  Susanna  had  been  arraigned,  she  was  forthwith 
condemned  to  death.  As  she  was  led  forth  to  execution, 
a  young  boy  among  the  bystanders,  named  Daniel,  was 
moved  by  God  to  declare  her  innocent,  and  he  loudly  re- 
monstrated with  the  people  upon  allowing  without  sufficient 
inquiry  the  condemnation  of  a  daughter  of  Israel.  In- 
trusted with  conducting  the  new  inquiry  himself,  Daniel 
examined  the  two  elders  separately,  and  easily  proved  their 
testimony  to  be  self-contradictory.  Whereupon  the  law  of 
Moses  (Deut.  xix,  19)  was  applied  to  them:  they  were  put 
to  death;  "and  Daniel  became  great  in  the  sight  of  the 
people  from  that  day  onwards." 

'-  In  the  Alexandrinus  Codex  it  is  placed  after  the  Psa/ms,  in  the  form  of  Hymns 
ix  and  x. 


I 


THE    ROOK    OF    DANIEL.  3S1 

Tlie  tliird  deutero-canonical  ]);iit  of  Daniel  is  tlie  History 
of  the  Destruction  of  Bel  and  ilie  Dragon.  In  the  LXX 
and  the  Vulgate  it  stands  as  the  last  chapter  of  the  book 
(chap,  xiv),  whereas  in  the  MSS.  of 'Iheodotion  it  is  attached 
to  the  History  of  Susanna,  which  is  itself  placed  at  the 
beginning  of  the  book.  In  the  Septuagint  it  bears  the 
strange  title:  "From  the  proi)hecy  of  Habacuc,  son  of 
Jesus,  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,"  and  its  opening  verse  reads  as 
follows:  "There  was  a  certain  priest  whose  name  was  Dan- 
iel, son  of  Abal,  who  was  on  familiar  terms  with  the  king 
of  Babylon."  In  Theodotion's  version  that  strange  title 
gives  place  to  the  following  historical  statement  concerning 
the  Babylonian  king  who  is  not  named  in  the  Septuagint: 
"  And  King  Astyages  was  gathered  to  his  fathers,  and  Cyrus 
the  Persian  received  his  kingdom,"^  so  that  the  scene  of 
the  destruction  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon  is  apparently  laid  in 
Babylon,  shortly  after  the  accession  of  Cyrus,  with  w^hom  it 
is  said  that  "  Daniel  lived  on  familiar  terms  and  was  hon- 
ored above  all  his  friends"  (Vulg.  xiv.  i).  The  Babylonians 
had  an  idol  called  Bel,  who,  as  they  supposed,  consumed 
during  the  night  daily  large  offerings  of  fine  flour,  sheep, 
and  wine.  Daniel,  being  asked  by  Cyrus  why  he  did  not 
worship  Bel,  answered  that  "  he  did  not  worship  idols  made 
with  hands,  but  the  living  God."  The  king  replied  that  Bel 
was  certainly  a  living  god,  since  he  consumed  regularly  so 
much  food.  Whereupon  Daniel  undertook  to  undeceive 
him.  The  usual  supply  of  food  was  placed  before  the  idol; 
but  before  the  door  of  the  temple  was  finally  locked,  Daniel 
had  the  floor  strewn  within  w^ith  ashes.     "  The  priests  went 

'  The  Greek  translation,  from  wliich  the  Vulpate  derived  these  deutero-canonical 
parts  of  Daniel,  is  not  that  of  the  Septua  :int,  which  was  viewed  with  disfavor  by  tlie 
early  ("hristian  Church,  but  the  more  liberal  version  of  Theodotion.  Tiie  historical 
statement  concerning  the  accession  of  Cyrus  is  therefore  found  in  the  Vulgate.  It  does 
not  appear,  however,  in  it  as  chapter  xiv,  t,  but  as  the  last  verse  of  chap.  xiii.  In  re 
eard  to  the  exegetical  difficulties  connected  with  that  historical  statement,  see  Trochon, 
Daniel,  p.  264. 


382         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

in  by  night,  according  to  their  custom,  with  their  wives  and 
their  children:  and  they  ate  and  drank  up  alL"^  The 
next  morning,  when  the  door  was  opened,  the  king  tri- 
umphantly pointed  to  the  empty  table.  But  Daniel  having 
shown  him  the  marks  of  the  footsteps  on  the  floor,  the 
monarch  saw  that  he  had  been  duped,  caused  the  priests  to 
be  put  to  death,  and  allowed  Daniel  to  destroy  Bel  and  his 
temple.  There  was  also  a  great  dragon  in  Babylon  who 
was  worshipped  as  a  god,  and  whom  Cyrus  pointed  to  Dan- 
iel as  indeed  "a  living  god."^  Thus  challenged,  Daniel 
gave  to  the  dragon  a  food  which  caused  him  to  die.  The 
people,  enraged  with  what  had  happened,  terrified  the  king 
into  delivering  Daniel  into  their  hands,  and  he  was  cast 
into  a  lions'  den.  While  he  was  there  the  prophet  Haba- 
cuc,  at  the  time  when  he  was  carrying  food  to  his  reapers 
at  his  home  in  Juda,  was  miraculously  transported  to  Baby- 
lon to  provide  Daniel  with  a  repast.  Upon  the  seventh 
day  the  king  went  to  the  den  to  bewail  Daniel ;  but  finding 
him  alive  in  the  midst  of  the  lions,  he  praised  aloud  the 
power  of  the  God  of  Daniel,  and  delivered  those  who  would 
have  destroyed  that  prophet  to  the  same  fate. 

2.  Original  Language.  It  is  not  easy,  at  the  present 
day,  to  define  in  what  language  the  deutero-canonical  parts 
of  Daniel  were  originally  written.  The  mere  fact  that  they 
have  come  down  to  us  through  two  Greek  translations  (the 
LXX  and  Theodotion)  of  that  prophetic  writing  does  not 
prove  conclusively  that  they,  like  the  rest  of  the  book,  were 
rendered  into  Greek  from  a  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  original;^ 
and  the  literary  features  exhibited  by  these  Greek  docu- 
ments  are   not   such   as   to  point  unquestionably  either  to 

1  Dan.  xiv,  14. 

2  Dan.  xiv,  23. 

3  The  Septuagint  contains  books  primitively  written  in  Greek;  Wisdom,  II  I\Iacha- 
bees,  for  example. 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  383 

Greek  or  to  Aramaic  as  the  primitive  language  of  the  deutero- 
canonical  parts  themselves.  The  following  reasons,  how- 
ever, make  it  more  probable  that  they  were  originally- 
written,  not  in  Greek,  but  either  in  Hebrew  or  in  Aramaic. 

I.  The  first  fragment,  which  contains  the  Prayer  of 
Azarias  and  the  Sotig  of  the  Three  Children^  is  intimately 
connected  with,  or  rather  reads  like  an  integrant  part  of, 
Daniel  iii  (verses  23  and  91  sqq.  presuppose  the  intercalary 
deutero-canonical  verses),  and  on  that  account  may  well  be 
regarded  as  having  been  composed  in  the  same  language — 
either  Hebrew  or  Aramaic — as  the  rest  of  the  chapter. 
Again,  this  first  fragment  is  strongly  Hebraistic  in  its  dic- 
tion;* and  the  fact  that  it  is  found  in  the  version  of  Theo- 
dotion,  the  text  of  which  presents  important  and  numerous 
variations  from  that  of  the  Septuagint,  seems  likewise  to 
point  to  a  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  original,  which  was  more  or 
less  independently  rendered  into  Greek  by  Theodotion  and 
by  the  Septuagint  translator  of  Daniel. 

n.  The  History  of  Susamia,  like  the  first  deutero-canoni- 
cal  fragment,  is  found  in  Theodotion  under  a  form  which 
differs  considerably  in  point  of  language  and  text  from  that 
which  is  embodied  in  the  Septuagint  Version.  Hence  it 
may  also  be  inferred  that  these  two  Greek  translations  of 
Daniel  represent  direct  renderings  from  a  Hebrew  or  Ara- 
maic original.  Both  Greek  versions  are  characterized  by 
distinct  Hebraisms,  and  were  it  not  for  the  play  upon  Greek 
words  in  verses  54  and  55  respectively  {ax^vov  .  .  .  aKiaei), 
and  in  verses  58  and  59  {Ttpivov  .  .  .  Ttpiaei)^  very  few 
scholars  would  hesitate  in  regarding  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  as 
the  primitive  language  of  that  second  deutero-canonical 
fragment.^ 

'  Cfr.  Trochon,  Daniel ;  Knarenbaukr.  in  Danielem  proplietam :  Samuel  David- 
soM.  Introd.,  vol.  iii,  p.  227  sq  ;  Jahn,  Introd..  p    505 

2  This  difficulty  is  distinctly  rejected  by  Franz  1)i:i,itzsch.  who  says:  "  Ejusinodi 
i>arononiasias   in   Unguis    Seniiticis  facillinias  esse,   Arabica   quoque    Susannx'    versio 


384         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

III.  In  regard  to  the  last  deutero-canonical  piece  which 
is  made  of  the  two  stories  of  the  destruction  of  Bel  and  of 
that  of  the  Dragon,  Prof.  H.  E.  Ryle  significantly  remarks:  ^ 
"  Most  scholars,  from  Eichhorn  to  Konig,  have  considered 
the  original  language  of  these  stories  to  be  Greek  ;  but 
Caster's  discovery  (of  an  ancient  Aramaic  text  of  the  story 
of  the  Dragon  in  the  Chro?iicUs  of  Jerameet)  looks  strongly, 
if  not  decisively,  in  favor  of  Aramaic.  The  confusion  of 
ND>'1  (storm-wind)  and  NO''!  (pitch)  points  in  the  same 
direction.  .  .  .  Besides,  many  divergent  parallel  readings 
yield,  when  translated,  very  similar  Aramaic  words." 

3.  Difficulties  concerning  Authorship.  The  view 
just  propounded,  that  the  deutero-canonical  fragments  of 
Daniel  were  not  originally  written  in  Greek,  makes  it  indeed 
easier  to  suppose  that  they  were  from  the  beginning  inte- 
grant parts  of  the  book.  But  it  does  not  settle  the  question 
of  their  date  and  authorship.  Such  conservative  writers  as 
Vigouroux,  Gilly,  and  others,  while  admitting  a  Hebrew  or 
Aramaic  original  for  the  History  of  Susanna,  and  for  that  of 
the  Destruction  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  think  that  these  two 
fragments  are  probably  from  a  different  author  than  the  rest 
of  the  book.^  As  regards  the  Prayer  of  Azarias  and  the 
Song  of  the  Three  Children,  they  agree  with  nearly  all  Cath- 
olic scholars  in  referring  them  to  the  time  of  Daniel,  if  not 
to  that  prophet  himself.^  In  reality  there  are  considerable 
difficulties  in  admitting  such  an  early  date  for  any  of  the 
deutero-canonical  parts  of  the  prophecy  of  Daniel,  even 
granting  that  the  proto-canonical  parts  belong  to  that 
period. 

ostendit.  Ergo  nihili  est  argumentum  inde  petitum."  The  plays  on  words  may  be 
due  to  the  Greek  translator. 

'  H.  E.  Ryle,  art.  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  i, 
p.  268. 

^  Cfr.  Vigouroux,  Manuel  Biblique  voL  ii.  no.  1054;  Gilly,  Precis  d'lntroduc 
tlon,  vol.  ili.  p.  1J8. 

*  C£r.  H.  Lesktke,  Manuel  d'Introduction  a  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  vol.  ii,  p.  626. 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  385 

I.  It  is  of  course  possible  to  interpret  all  the  passages  in 
the  Prayer  of  Azarias  (Dan.  iii,  24-45)  ^^  such  a  way  as  to 
make  them  refer  to  the  circumstances  of  the  Babylonian 
captivity.  The  general  tone,  however,  of  that  Prayer, 
which  on  the  one  hand  deals  so  little  with  the  actual  con- 
dition of  Azarias  and  his  companions  in  the  furnace,  and 
which  on  the  other  hand — especially  by  its  transparent 
allusions  to  Antiochus^  and  the  apostate  Jews^  of  his  time 
(verse  32),  to  the  lamentable  condition  of  the  Jews  perse- 
cuted for  their  faith  and  deprived  of  both  king  and 
prophet  (verses  37,  ;^S) — seems  to  describe  the  general  con- 
dition of  the  Jewish  peoj^le  in  the  well-known  period  of  the 
Machabees,  goes  far  toward  proving  that  this  part  of  the 
first  deutero-canonical  fragment  is  of  a  writer  posterior  to 
the  time  of  Daniel.  In  like  manner  the  straightforward 
understanding  of  verse  53  in  the  Song  of  the  Three  Chil- 
dren, with  its  manifest  reference  to  the  Holy  Temple  of 
Jerusalem,^  produces  upon  one  the  impression  that  at  the 
time  when  the  Canticle  was  composed  the  Temple  was 
standing,  which  was  not  the  case  at  the  time  of  the  Exile. 

II.  Similar  difficulties  have  been  urged  against  assigning 
an  early  date  to  the  History  of  Susanna.  As  far  back  as 
Julius  Africanus*  it  was  felt  that  there  is  something  rather 
theatrical  in  the  representation  of  the  scene  of  the  convic- 
tion of  the  two  elders;  that  it  is  not  likely  that  in  the  early 
years  of  the  Exile,  i.e.  at  the  time  when  the  fact  narrated  is 
supposed  to  have  occurred,  the  Jews  had  so  much  power 
delegated  \o  them  as  to  pass  sentence  of  death  on  the  wife 

'  Fvrry  unbiassed  reader  will  readily  admit  that  the  terms  of  verse  32  :  "King  unjust 
and  most  wicked  beyond  all  that  are  upon  the  earth,''  apply  better  to  Antiochus  than  to 
Nabuchodonosor. 

-  To  escape  from  this  natural  inference  Trochon  chooses  to  regard  the  present  Greek 
reading  concern  ng  the  apostate  Jews  as  an  error  of  copyists  (Daniel,  p.  124). 

'  Even  Trochon  fp    128)  thus  interprets  Dan.  iii,  53. 

*  See  his  letter  to  Origen  in  the  Collectioa  of  the  Ante-Nicene  Fathers,  voL  iv 
(Amer.  editj. 


386         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

of  tlieir  ki?ig,  Joakim  ;  or  if  it  was  not  this  Joakim,  but 
some  other  from  the  common  people,  that  the  circumstances 
of  one  so  recently  made  captive  should  be  described  as  of 
one  possessing  a  large  mansion  and  spacious  garden  ;  that 
the  work  was  not  to  be  found  in  connection  with  that  book 
of  Daniel  which  was  received  by  the  Jews  ;  that  the  style  is 
different  from  that  of  the  book.  Besides  these  ancient  diffi- 
culties, "  attention  has  been  recently  called  by  various 
critics  to  the  disorderly  way  in  which  the  civil  trial  here 
described  was  conducted;  to  the  hasty  manner  in  which  the 
condemnation  was  pronounced  on  the  testimony  of  two 
persons,  without  opportunity  being  allowed  for  evidence  in 
rebuttal,  or  any  further  examination  of  the  case  whatsoever; 
.  .  .  to  the  general  inconsistency  of  the  character  of  Daniel 
as  here  depicted  with  that  of  the  historic  Daniel;  ...  to  the 
incredible  supposition  that  Daniel  is  able,  notwithstanding 
his  youthfulness,  to  reverse,  by  a  word,  a  solemn  judicial 
decision  of  the  Sanhedrin."^ 

For  these  and  other  such  reasons  the  composition  of  the 
History  '^f  Susanna  has  been  ascribed  to  several  writers  be- 
sides the  prophet  Daniel.^  Thus  Eusebius  (f  ab.  338), 
Apollinaris  (f  ab.  382),  and  St.  Jerome  (f  420)  have  re- 
garded Habacuc  as  its  author  ;  while  others/  in  more  recent 
im  \  bpve  thought  that  a  Jew,  now  unknown,  is  its  writer. 
i*rof.  Driver,  in  his  valuable  commentary  on  Daniel,*  speaks 
of  the  first  century  B.C.  as  the  probable  date  of  this  inci- 
dent, as  also  of  the  other  deutero-canonical  fragments  of 
the  book.     And  there  is  no  doubt  that  whoever  regards  the 

'  E.  C.  Bi'^SELL,  the  Apocrypha  of  the  Old  Test.,  in  Lange-Schaff,  Comm.  on  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  p.  446. 

'■*  According  to  Calmet,  Danko,  Zschokke,  Rault,  Coknely,  Lesf.tre,  etc., 
Daniel  is  the  author  of  the  History  of  Susanna. 

3  Among  them   may  be   mentioned  Coknelius  a   Lapide,  S.J.,  Reusch  ;  Gilly  ; 

ViGOUKOUX. 

♦  Daniel,  in  the  Cambridge  Bible,  p.  xxi. 


THE    BOOK    OF    DANIEL.  387 

prophecy. of  Daniel  as  having  been  written  al)out  the  middle 
of  the  second  century  before  our  era,  on  account  of  its 
various  anachronisms,  should  for  that  reason  feel  obliged 
to  refer  to  the  same,  or  about  the  same,  date  (i6o  B.C.)  the 
composition  of  the  History  of  Susanna. 

III.  Among  the  difficulties  which  have  been  made  against 
the  twofold  episode  of  the  Destruction  of  Bel  and  the 
Dragon,  the  following  are  those  which  are  most  insisted 
upon  :  T.  the  worship  of  living  serpents  in  Babylon,  which, 
it  is  claimed,  **  is  in  direct  opposition  to  what  is  known  to 
have  been  true  of  the  religious  rites  of  the  Babylonians  and 
Persians"  ;^  2.  the  destruction  of  the  statue  of  Bel,  which 
occurred,  as  it  seems,  not  during  the  reign  of  Cyrus,  but 
under  Xerxes  (b.c.  479),  as  recorded  by  Herodotus  (History, 
book  i,  chap.  183)  ;  3.  the  peculiar  tone  of  familiarity  be- 
tween Cyrus  and  Daniel  which  runs  through  the  History  of 
Bel  and  the  Dragon  (cfr.  verses  3,  6,  15,  18,  23),  and  which 
is  in  striking  contrast  with  the  tone  of  respect  naturally 
due  to  the  Persian  monarch,  and  no  less  naturally  reflected 
in  the /^r^//<r/ account  of  Dan.  vi  ;  4.  the  fact  that  in  the 
Septuagint  Text  Daniel  is  called  a  priest  and  yet  confound- 
ed with  the  prophet  Daniel,  and  that  the  whole  history  of 
the  Destruction  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon  is  ascribed  to  the 
prophet  Habacuc. 

It  is  chiefly  on  account  of  the  ascription  of  that  fragment 
by  the  LXX  to  Habacuc  that  ancient  scholars,  such  as  Euse- 
bius,  Apollinaris,  and  others,  have  rejected  the  Danielle 
authorship.  Very  recently  Vigouroux^  has  admitted  that 
Daniel  xiv  was  written  by  one  different  from  the  author  of 
the  first  twelve  cliai)ters  of  the  book,  and  Abbe  Gilly  has 
significantly  remarked:  ''Perhaps  these  episodes  were  com- 
posed by  a  contemporary  of  Daniel,  or  by  a  later  writer  on 

1  E.  C.  B1SSELI-,  loc.  cit.,  p.  447  ;  see  also  p.  463. 
»  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no.  1054. 


388         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTaMEN'T. 

the  basis  of  oral  traditions."^  It  can  hardly  be-  doubted, 
that  the  supposition  of  a  late  authorship, — about  160  B.C.,— 
"on  the  basis  of  oral  traditions,"  is  best  in  harmony  with  an 
unbiassed  study  of  the  various  features  of  this  last  deutero- 
canonical  section. 

'  GiLLY,  loc.  cit.,  p.  165. 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Minor   Prophets  ok  the  Eighth  Century  BC 
Amos,  Osee,  and  Micheas. 


I.  Israel  and  Juda  during  the  eighth  Century  B.C. 


■  I.   His  Name  and  Personal  History. 


II. 


^      ^  2.  Contents      of  r^nlzSl^"^"^^""'^^  ("^- 

TheProphet^  His  Book:    ]  ^' 

Amos  :         I  ^  ^''^^^  ^^^^^  ^'^d  Leading  Ideas. 

I  '■  '"^o^'^-.'^^^-t-ll^^'"^^^  'or  Recent 


III. 

TheProphet 
Osee: 


I.  Name  and  Life  of  the  Prophet. 


2.  Contents      of 


•■  ''StTwio''"^^'"  "^  ""^  ^■"' 


I   2.  Cont( 
J  His 


^^^  ■■      j       Second       r  Strophical     Arrange- 
Part  (iv-    J        ""^^nt  admitted, 
xiv).         I    Leading  Ideas  Point- 
I,       ed  ou 


out. 


3.  Auth^orship,    Integrity   and    Text  of  the   Book  of 


^  r  I.   His  Name  and  Personal  History. 

TheProphft  i    ^-   Contents      of  (    J>'ffit"Ity    in   Distributing  the  Con- 
'      I  His  Book-     )   ^  ^'^'i^^- 

Micheas:     |  '   ^ '"^fParts  Indicated. 

L  3-   Date  and  Authorship  of  his  Prophecy. 
389 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  MINOR  PROPHETS  OF  THE  EIGHTH  CENTURY  B.C.: 
AMOS,   OSEE,  AND  MICHEAS. 

§  I.  Israel  and  Jiida  during  the  Eighth  Century  B.C. 

The  collection  or  "  book  "  of  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets* 
opens  in  the  Septiiagint  and  the  Old  Latin  Versions  with 
the  prophecies  of  Amos,  Osee,  and  Micheas.^  These  three 
books  are  usually  referred  to  the  eighth  century  B.C.  In 
fact  their  titles  mention  only  monarchs  of  that  period,  to 
wit,  Osias,  Joatham,  Achaz,  and  Ezechias,  kings  of  Juda, 
and  Jeroboam,  the  son  of  Joas,  king  of  Israel,  as  the  rulers 
under  whom  the  utterances  of  these  earlier  minor  prophets 
were  delivered.  It  is  therefore  natural  to  preface  a  study  of 
Amos,  Osee,  and  Micheas  with  a  brief  sketch  of  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Jews  during  the  eighth  century  B.C. 

Israel,  or  the  Northern  Jewish  Kingdom  of  the  time,  was 
exceedingly  prosperous  under  the  long  and  skilful  manage- 
ment of  Jeroboam,  the  son  of  Joas  (Jeroboam  II.).  At  his 
accession  (781  B.C.)  ^  this  prince  found  Israel  fast  recover- 
ing from  its  wearisome  and  disastrous  struggle  in  the  pre- 
ceding century  with  the  neighboring  kingdom  of  Syria. 
Joas,  his  father,  had  availed  himself  of  the  gradual  weaken- 

■  The  Jews  have  always  regarded  the  collection  of  "the  Twelve"  as  otie  canonical 
book  (cfr.  H.  B.  Svvetk,  Introd.  to  tlie  Old  Test,  in  Greek,  p.  200  sqq.). 

'^  In  the  Hebrew  Text,  and  in  tlie  Vulgate  which  follows  the  Jewish  lists,  the  first 
three  minor  prophets  are  Osee.  Joel.  Amos. 

3  The  dates  of  the  period  before  the  capture  of  Samaria  (721  B.C.)  are  only  approxima 
tive. 


THE    MINOR    PROPHETS    OF    THE    EIGHTH    CENTURY    B.C.     39I 

ing  of  that  country  under  the  liostile  inroads  of  AhS)ria  to 
reconquer  the  cities  east  of  the  Jordan,  wliich  Israel  liad 
lost  in  the  conflict/  He  had  also,  in  an  imbroglio  with 
Juda,  made  the  Southern  tributary  to  the  Northern  king- 
dom.^ Finally,  toward  the  end  of  his  reign,  it  had  been 
given  him  to  witness  the  beginning  of  a  momentary  decline 
of  the  power  and  prestige  of  Assyria.  All  these  were  so 
many  opportunities  of  which  Jeroboam  II.  made  the  most 
during  his  long  reign  of  at  least  forty  years.  Scarcely  had 
he  acceded  to  the  throne  of  Israel  when  he  carried  the  war 
into  Syria  itself,  and  even  succeeded  in  captuiing  Damascus, 
its  capital.  He  next  turned  his  arms  against  Moab  .?.nd 
Amnion  and  conquered  their  territory.  Nor  did  he  neglect 
to  preserve  Israel's  suzerainty  over  the  kingdom  of  Juda. 
So  that,  a  comparatively  short  time  after  Jeroboam's  acces- 
sion, Israel  had  regained  the  position  which  it  had  enjoyed 
for  a  brief  space  after  the  conquests  of  David:  its  domin- 
ion extended  from  the  Nile  to  the  Euphrates. 

Peace  and  security  naturally  followed  on  this  territorial 
extension  of  Israel,  and  together  with  them  a  rapid  artistic 
and  commercial  development  set  in.  Under  this  glitter 
of  prosperity,  however,  significant  traces  of  social  and 
moral  decay  could  easily  be  detected.  "  The  simplicity  of 
pastoral  and  agricultural  life  had  given  way  and  vanished 
before  the  usual  social  and  economic  effects  of  long-contin- 
ued warfare.  The  small  landholders  had  been  utterly  im- 
poverished and  were  fast  sinking  into  abject  distress  and 
even  slavery.  The  rich  accumulated  large  tracts  of  land 
in  their  own  hands,  while  the  reckless  extravagance  of  the 
court  and  aristocracy  exhausted  the  national  resources.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  mercantile  spirit  had  received  a  great 
impetus  from  the  recent  wars.     The  sins  of  a  growing  and 

'  Cfr.  IV  Kings  xiii,  25. 
'  Cfr.  IV  Kings  xiv,  8  sqq. 


392         SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

insolent  middle  class  began  to  make  their  appearance, 
especially  gross  dishonesty  in  trade  and  harshness  in  the 
exaction  of  debts.  The  gulf  between  class  and  class  became 
daily  wider  and  more  menacing,  while  the  social  miseries 
of  the  time  were  embittered  by  the  inveterate  curse  of 
Oriental  life,  viz.,  venality  and  corruption  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice.  Thus  the  oppressed  classes  were  left 
without  hope  and  without  redress."^ 

Very  ominous,  too,  was  the  sad  condition  of  religion  in 
Israel  at  that  time.  Not  only  continued  national  success 
abroad  and  prevalent  material  prosperity  at  home  were 
popularly  regarded  as  assured  signs  of  divine  favor  ;  but  the 
mere  maintenance  of  a  stately  ciiltus  was  generally  considered 
as  the  all-sufficient  means  of  keeping  Yahweh's  good  will 
toward  the  people  of  His  choice.  With  this  end  in  view 
crowds  of  worshippers  thronged,  from  time  to  time,  the 
various  sanctuaries  of  Israel,  especially  that  of  Bethel,  where 
the  court  was  located,  and  offered  costly  sacrifices,  unmind- 
ful of  those  inward  feelings  wherewith  they  should  have 
accompanied  such  offerings  to  make  them  acceptable  to  a 
thrice-holy  God.  Yea,  more:  too  often  were  these  sacred 
feasts  transformed  into  special  occasions  for  self-satisfied 
enjoyment  and  tumultuous  revelry.  "Again,  the  freer 
intercourse  of  Israel  with  heathen  nations,  who  had  either 
been  conquered  or  were  distinguished  by  commerce  and 
art,  together  with  the  general  looseness  and  intemperance 
of  life,  caused  an  extensive  introduction  of  heathen  relig- 
ions." ^ 

These  various  causes  of  public  decline  and  corruption 
were  indeed  at  work  during  most  of  the  reign  of  Jeroboam 
II.,  but  it  is  only  in  the  latter  part  of  his  rule  that,  after 
having  gradually   grown    in    intensity,    they    resulted   in  a 

^  R.  L.  Ottley,  The  Hebrew  Prophets,  p.  18  sq. 

'  EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  vol.  iv,  p.  126  (Engl.  Transl.). 


THE  MINOR  PROPHETS  OF  THE  EIGHTH  CENTURY  B.C.  393 

generally  prevalent  drunkenness,  debauchery,  and  idolatry. 
And  yet  it  was  at  that  very  time  that  Israel  should  have 
been  frugal,  abstemious,  and  faithful  to  its  God.  Assyria 
was  then  starting  on  a  new  series  of  Western  contjucsts,  and 
a  conflict  between  her  forces  and  those  of  Israel  was  bound 
to  occur  in  near  future. 

*'  After  the  death  of  Jeroboam  II.  the  kingdom  of  Israel, 
repeatedly  invaded  by  Assyrian  troops,  hastened  to  its  ruin 
under  the  rule  of  murderers  and  profligates.  His  son  and 
successor,  Zacharias,  was  murdered  after  a  reign  of  only 
six  months.  His  murderer,  Sellum,  had  occupied  the  throne 
only  one  month,  when  he  met  with  the  same  fate  at  the 
hands  of  one  Manahera,  who  came  from  Thersa,  and  who, 
after  having  committed  the  most  revolting  cruelties  against 
his  opponents,  reigned  ten  years  in  Samaria.  His  son  and 
successor,  Phaceia,  reigned  but  two  years,  after  which  he 
was  slain  by  Phacee,  one  of  his  captains.  Phacec  occupied 
the  throne  for  the  comparatively  long  period  of  twenty 
years,  but  was  at  length  put  to  death  by  Osee,  the  nineteenth 
and  last  king  of  Israel."  The  Northern  Kingdom  was  over- 
thrown by  Salmanasar  IV.  in  721  b.c/ 

The  history  of  Juda,  or  the  Southern  Kingdom,  during 
the  eighth  century  B.C.  has  already  been  sketched  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Life  and  Times  of  Isaias,^  so  that  it  needs 
not  to  be  repeated. 

§  2.   The  Prophet  Amos, 

I.  His  Name  and  Personal  History.  The  name  of 
the  prophet  Amos  occurs  nowhere  in  the  Old  Testament 
except  in  Tobias  ii,  6,  and  in  his  own  book  (i,  i,  7,  8,  sqq.; 
viii,  2).     It  is  true  that   several   ecclesiastical  writers  have 

^  "  Outlines  of  Jewish  History,"  by  the  present  writer,  p.  252  sq. 
*  Cfr.   Chapter  X  of  the  present  volume.     For  further  information,  see  "  Outlines  of 
Jewish  History,"  pp   261-265. 


394         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

regarded  it  as  identical  with  the  name  of  the  father  of 
Isaias,  But,  as  was  noted  in  connection  with  the  latter 
prophet,  this  identification  was  due  to  their  ignorance  of 
Hebrew,  in  which  language  the  two  names  are  spelled 
differently.^  This  very  limited  use  of  the  minor  prophet's 
name  helps  to  account  for  the  fact  that  the  meanings  which 
have  been  attached  to  it  by  scholars,  such  as  "  one  who 
bears  a  load,"  "  the  people  who  is  torn  asunder,"  "  stam- 
merer," "  borne  "  (by  God),  are  so  very  divergent. 

Amos  belonged  to  the  Southern  Kingdom,  and  the  head- 
ing of  his  book  (chap,  i,  i)  names  the  village  of  Thecua, 
some  six  miles  south  of  Bethlehem,  as  his  home.  Thecua 
was  apparently  a  shepherds'  town,  and  Amos  is  represented 
as  one  who  owned  a  flock  of  stunted  sheep,  valuable  for 
their  fine  wool.^  As  he  pastured  them  in  the  neighborhood 
of  his  native  place,  he  had  below  him  the  mass  of  the  desert 
hills,  from  the  contemplation  of  which  he  would  gain  the 
sense  of  natural  grandeur  which  seems  to  be  reflected  in 
his  work.^  "  Not  far  off,  too,  he  would  meet  with  the 
caravans  of  the  Dedanites  (Isai.  xxi,  13)  and  other  Arabian 
peoples,  and  would  imbibe  from  them  a  longing  to  see  other 
men  and  manners.  Possibly,  too,  such  an  idiom  as  :  '  with 
the  capture  of  your  horses  '  (Amos  iv,  10)  may  be  explained 
from  Arabian  influence."*  Besides,  *'he  was  not  tied  down 
to  the  soil,  and  may  before  his  prophetical  mission  to 
Samaria  have  wandered,  either  on  business  or  from  curi- 
osity, far  away  from  home,  and  have  seen  and  heard  much 
of  which  his  neighbors  were  ignorant.  To  suppose  this  is 
not  to  deny  that  even  the  stayer-at-home  had  opportunities 

1  The  spelling  of  the  minor  prophet's  name  is  'Amos,  that  of  the  father  of  Isaias 
'Amu^. 

"^  Cfr.  Amos  i,  i  ;  vii,  14.  In  the  latter  passage  (vii,  14)  he  is  also  spoken  of  as  a 
"  sycamore  grower." 

8  Cfr.  George  A.  Smith,  the  Historical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land,  p.  315. 

*  T.  K.  Chevne,  art.  Amos,  in  the  Encyclop.  Biblica^  vol.  i,  coK  148, 


THE    MINOR    PROPHETS    OF    THE    EIGHTH    CENTURY    B.C.     395 

of  hearing  news,  but  to  try  to  understand  the  alertness  of 
Amos'  intellect,  the  width  of  his  knowledge,  and  the  striking 
culture  and  refinement  of  his  style.  At  any  rate,  it  is  plain 
that  he  studied  thoroughly,  on  the  spot,  the  condition  of  life 
and  thought  in  the  Northern  Kingdom,  and  we  must  regret 
that  we  have  no  further  contemporary  traditions  respecting 
him  than  that  contained  in  vii,  10-17."^ 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  Amos  did 
not  frequent  the  prophetical  schools  of  Israel,  for  he  him- 
self declares  that  he  was  "  not  the  son  of  a  prophet."^  It 
was  from  following  his  flock  in  the  wilderness  of  Juda  that 
Yahweh  took  him  for  a  special  mission,  saying :  "  Go, 
prophesy  to  My  people,  Israel."^  The  divine  summons 
directed  him  to  deliver  to  the  nation,  and  more  particularly 
to  its  leaders,  a  message  of  judgment,  and  its  carrying  out 
would  naturally  entail  many  dangers.  Yet  Yahweh's  call 
was  so  imperative,  and  the  denunciation  of  future  judgment 
so  badly  needed  in  Israel,  that  no  room  was  left  for  hesita- 
tion in  Amos'  mind.*  The  prosperous  reign  of  Jeroboam 
II.,  now  near  its  close,  had  long  accustomed  the  Northern 
Kingdom  to  peace  and  security,  and  Israel  felt  confident 
that,  despite  the  nation's  prevalent  corruption,  Yahweh 
would  pronounce  in  their  favor  should  Assyria,  whose 
Western  expeditions  were  again  rumored  about,  threaten  the 
possessions  of  His  chosen  people.  It  was  Amos'  mission  to 
undeceive  Israel,  and  he  entered  upon  it  with  all  the  more 
earnestness  because,  while  sent  to  point  out  to  the  northern 
tribes  the  abyss  to  which  they  were  hastening,  he  had  but 

'  Cheyne,  loc.  cit.  Cfr.  Prof.  Jas.  Robertson,  the  Early  ReHgion  of  Israel,  3d  edit., 
note  xxiii,  p.  510. 

2  Amos  vii,  14.  Concerning  the  Schools  0/  the  Prophets^  see  the  present  writer's 
"  OutHnes  of  Jewish  History,"  p.  276. 

^  Amos  vii,  15. 

<  Cfr.  Amos  iii,  3-8,  and  W.  R.  Smith,  the  Prophets  of  Israel,  p.  121  sq.  (Ntw 
York,  1882). 


39^         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    TllK    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

little  time  at  his  disposal  to  urge  them  to  repentance.^  As 
he  went  along  announcing  swift  impending  judgment  on 
Israel  because  of  its  sin,  unfavorable  reports  spread  of  the 
new  prophet  of  evil.  I'ut  it  is  particularly  his  preaching  in 
Bethel  which  seems  to  have  aroused  fears  and  provoked 
opposition.  Amasias,  the  chief  priest  of  the  royal  sanctu- 
ary, sent  a  message  to  Jeroboam,  depicting  him  as  a  man 
dangerous  for  the  safety  of  both  king  and  state,  and  at  the 
same  time  ordered  Amos  to  withdraw  to  Juda.  Then  it  was 
that  the  prophet  disclaimed  any  official  and  permanent  stand- 
ing as  a  divine  messenger,  and  completed  his  own  message 
to  Israel.  He  retired  home  unmolested,  and  there  wrote 
the  substance  of  his  speeches.^ 

2.  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Amos.     It  is  not  to  be 

supposed  that  the  discourses  of  Amos  were  delivered  exactly 
as  they  are  recorded.  This  view  is  precluded  by  the  allu- 
sions to  the  prophet's  experience  in  Israel  in  ii,  12  ;  v,  10, 
13,  and  also  by  the  elaborate  literary  character  of  the  work. 
The  simplicity  of  the  style  is  that  of  the  highest  art,  and 
its  abrupt  short  clauses  are  linked  together  by  the  closest 
parallelism.^  In  fact  it  is  plain  that  throughout  the  book 
the  topics  are  treated  poetically.  Sections  corresponding 
to  each  other  in  language  and  in  progress  of  thought  can. 
be  easily  made  out  (compare,  for  example,  i,  3-5  with  i, 
6-8;  vii,   1-3    with    vii,   4-6).     Strophes  having  a  definite 

*  Amos'  mission  was  but  a  temporary  one  ;  hence  he  speaks  of  himself  as  not  bein<; 
"a  prophet  "  (vii,  14),  that  is,  as  not  being  intrusted  permanently  with  the  prophetical 
office.  His  mission  extended  apparently  from  two  years  before  to  a  few  years  after  an 
earthquake,  the  exact  date  of  which  is  unknown  (cfr.  Amos  i,  i).  See  also  Orelli, 
the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets,  p.  104  (Engl.  Transl.). 

'  Very  late  and  untrustworthy  legends,  traces  of  which  are  still  found  in  the  Roman 
martyrology  (Marcli  31st),  tell  of  Amos'  martyrdom  under  the  ill  treatment  of  Amasias 
and  his  son  (cfr.  Trochon,  les  Petits  Prophetes,  p.  133  ;  E.  Philippe,  art.  Amos,  in 
ViGOUROUX,  Diet,  dela  Bible,  co!.  512  ;  etc.)- 

•  Cfr.  art.  Amps,  in  the  Encyclop.  Britannica,  9th  edit.  The  Hebrew  parallelism 
prevails  even  in  Amos  vii,  10-17,  which  is  often  taken  as  a  yiece  of  historical  prose 
(cfr.  W.  R.  Harper,  the  "  BibUcal  World,"  Nov.  1898,  p.  334). 


THE  MINOR  PROPHETS  OF  THE  EICHTH  CENTURY  B.C.  397 

number  of  lines,  with  opening  and  concluding  set  fornuilas, 
characteristic  expressions  in  the  development  of  the 
thoughts,  trimeter  or  tetrameter  movement  of  the  lines,  etc., 
can  also  be  recognized.  These  and  other  such  poetical 
features  which  have  been  pointed  out  by  recent  Biblical 
scholars — among  whom  may  be  mentioned  Prof.  W.  R.  Har- 
l)er  (in  "  the  Biblical  World,"  Aug.,  Sept.,  Oct.,  Nov.  1898) 
and  Father  A.  Condamin,  S.J.  (in  "  La  Revue  Biblique," 
July  1901) — go  far  toward  proving  that  the  prophecy  of 
Amos,  in  its  present  form,  differs  considerably  from  his 
spoken  oracles. 

As  with  respect  to  the  form,  so  also  most  likely  in 
point  of  contents,  the  oral  utterances  of  Amos  underwent 
changes  when  they  were  committed  to  writing.  Numerous 
details  having  a  direct  reference  to  the  concrete  circum- 
stances of  time,  place,  persons,  etc.,  and  on  that  account 
most  natural  on  the  lips  of  such  an  earnest  speaker  as 
Amos,  were  omitted  at  the  time  of  writing :  some  because 
they  did  not  seem  to  have  any  permanent  interest;  others, 
perhaps,  because  they  had  already  faded  from  the  writer's 
memory.  Other  details,  on  the  contrary,  such  as  further 
developments  of  an  idea  or  allusions  to  events  subsequent 
to  the  delivery  of  his  oracles,  would  readily  be  added, 
either  because  naturally  suggested  by  a  theme  in  hand  or 
because  referring  to  facts  familiar  to  all  at  the  time  of 
writing.  In  some  such  way  the  written  prophecies  of  Amos 
were  made  to  differ  from  his  oral  utterances,  as  much  as  the 
second  edition  of  Jeremias'  prophecies  varied  from  the  first 
which  had  been  destroyed  by  King  Joakim.^  In  this  con- 
nection. Father  R.  Cornely,  S.J.,  pertinently  writes  :  "  In 
libello  hoc,  Amos  non  integros  suos  sermones  nobis  reliquit, 
sed  summa  eorum  capita  novo  et  apto  ordine  disposita."^ 

1  Cfr.  Jeremias  xxxvi.     See  also  Chapter  XII  of  the  present  volume. 
'  R.  CoKNKLY,  Historica  et  Critica   Introd.  in  U.  T.  Libros  Sacros,  vol.  ii,  part  ii, 
p.  547. 


398         SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

As  it  now  Stands,  the  book  of  Amos  is  usually  divided 
into  three  sections.  The  first  opens  with  a  general  title  to 
the  work  (i,  i)  and  a  text  or  motto  in  four  jDoetical  lines 
(verse  2).  It  comprises  the  first  two  chapters  and  is  made 
up  of  a  series  of  oracles  against  Damascus,  Gaza,  Tyre, 
Edom,  Amnion,  Moab,  and  Juda,  culminating  in  a  similar 
denunciation  of  Israel.  *'  The  Northern  Kingdom  has 
sinned  grievously,  treating  the  poor  and  needy  unjustly  and 
oppressing  them  beyond  all  measure,  until  their  behavior 
has  become  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  a  profanation  of  Yah- 
weh's  holy  name.  This  immoral  condition  is  due  to  no  lack 
of  effort  or  knowledge  on  Yahweh's  part,  since  He  had  led 
Israel  out  of  Egypt,  and  had  driven  the  Chanaanites  before 
them,  and  had  given  teachers  who  should  declare  righteous- 
ness to  them  :  but  all  His  care  had  been  without  result. 
For  her  sins  Israel  must  suffer.  The  nation  shall  perish. 
No  one,  not  even  the  swiftest  and  strongest,  shall  escape."  ^ 

The  second  section  (chaps,  iii-vi)  consists  in  a  series  of 
addresses  which  expand  the  indictment  and  sentence  against 
Israel  described  in  ii,  6-16.  In  iii,  1-8  the  prophet  en- 
larges upon  the  coming  ruin  of  the  Northern  Kingdom,  and 
in  iii,  9-iv,  3  describes  in  a  particular  manner  the  doom  of 
its  capital  city.  On  account  of  its  extreme  wickedness, 
Samaria  will  be  quickly  and  entirely  laid  waste  by  a  foreign 
enemy ;  even  its  women,  because  of  their  debaucheries, 
shall  be  carried  captives  through  breaches  in  the  walls. 
The  prophet  next  asks  the  people  ironically  whether  their 
pompous  ritual  which  they  delight  to  carry  out  has  saved 
them  from  the  various  chastisements  which  he  enumerates, 
and  he  bids  them  to  prepare  for  God's  judgment  (iv,  4-13). 
This  is    followed    by  a  dirge  announcing  Israel's   coming 

»  W.  R.  Harper,  in  "  the  Biblical  World."  Sept.  i8g8,  p.  i8o,  footn.  8.  For  a 
somewhat  different  view  of  the  contents  of  this  first  section,  cfr.  Driver,  Introd.  to 
Literat.  of  Old  Test.,  p.  314  sq. 


THK    MINOR    PROPHF-TS    OF    THK    KKIIITH    CKXTIKV     n.C.     399 

destruction  (v,  1-9),  and  l)y  a  poem  dcs(ril)ing  liow  the 
various  transgressors  shall  come  to  grief  unless,  indeed, 
giving  up  their  evil  ways,  they  shall  turn  to  the  God  of  Hosts 
(v,  10-17).  Lastly  comes  a  i:)oem  (v,  i8-vi)  which  sets 
forth  the  Doom  of  Captivity,  and  ''consists  of  three  triple 
strophes,  each  strophe  of  tlie  nine  containing  six  lines.  In 
each  triple  strophe  tlie  first  presents  a  woe  (in  tlie  third  this 
woe  becomes  an  oath)  ;  the  second  presents  a  phase  of  the 
wickedness  of  the  situation,  e.g.  (i)  the  utter  formality  of 
worship,  (2)  the  luxury  of  life  and  apathy  of  feeling,  (3)  tlie 
l)ride  and  self-confidence  ;  the  third  pictures  the  coming 
captivity,  e.g.  (i)  captivity  beyond  Damascus,  (2)  '  a  cap- 
tivity at  the  head  of  the  captives,'  (3)  the  complete  surren- 
der of  the  country  to  a  foreign  enemy."  ^ 

The  third  section  of  the  book  of  Amos  (vii-ix,  8"^)  begins 
with  three  visions  of  judgment  (vii,  1-9),  to  wit,  one  of 
devouring  locusts,  one  of  consuming  fire,  and  tlie  third  of 
a  plumb-line;  in  the  first  two  visions  the  foretold  destruc- 
tion is  stayed  by  the  interposition  of  Yahweh's  hand  ;  but 
in  the  third  the  destruction  is  permitted  to  become  com- 
plete. These  visions  are  immediately  followed  by  the 
episode  of  Amasias'  meeting  with  Amos  at  Bethel  (vii, 
10-17)  •  the  high  priest  of  Bethel  accuses  the  prophet  of 
high  treason,  and  the  latter  replies  by  distinct  predictions 
of  woes  against  the  former  and  against  all  Israel.  The 
visions  of  destruction  are  now  resumed.  The  vision  of  a 
basket  of  summer  fruit  symbolizes  the  speedy  decay  of 
Israel,  which  is  described  at  length  in  an  explanatory  dis- 
course (viii,  1-14).  It  is  followed  by  the  vision  of  Yahweh 
standing  beside  the  altar,  and  threatening  Israel  witli  a 
chastisement  from  which  there  is  no  escape  (ix,  1-8^). 
The  book  concludes  with  Yahweh's  solemn  promise  of  the 
Restoration  of  the  House  of  David  to  its  former  splendor 

'  W.  R.  Harper,  in  "  the  Biblical  World,"  Oct.  1898,  p.  254. 


400  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

and  power,  and  of  the  wonderful  prosperity  of  the  purified 
nation:  a  distinctly  Messianic  promise  according  to  Acts  xv. 

3.  Unity,  Date,  and  Authorship.  It  is  commonly 
maintained  that  the  contents  of  the  book  of  Amos  centre 
in  a  great  message  of  doom  to  Israel.  If  we  sxcept  the 
concluding  verses  (ix,  8^-15),  all  the  rest,  we  are  told,  reads 
like  a  solemn  denunciation  of  God's  judgment  on  Israel's 
incurable  wickedness,  like  a  direct  proclamation  of  the 
downfall  of  the  throne  and  the  captivity  of  the  nation. 
The  general  style,  also,  with  its  poetical  form,  and  other 
literary  characteristics  of  simplicity,  abruptness,  purity, 
etc.,  contributes  to  produce  the  impression  upon  the  reader 
that  the  prophecy  is  a  literary  unit,  the  various  parts  of 
which  may  be  traced  back  to  one  earnest  and  holy  prophet 
of  the  Jewish  people. 

In  view  of  this  unity,  which  most  scholars  consider  as 
unimpaired  by  the  numerous  passages  which  are  sometimes 
held  to  be  later  additions  to  the  book,^  it  is  easy  to  under- 
stand how  the  traditional  date  and  authorship  of  the 
prophecy  of  Amos,  which  are  embodied  in  its  title,^  and 
apparently  affirmed  in  the  body  of  the  book,^  have  held 
their  own  down  to  the  present  day.  One  and  the  same 
mind  had  presided  over  the  gathering  together  of  the  dis- 
courses and  visions  which  make  up  that  prophetical  writ- 
ing, and  no  distinct  traces  of  a  later  compilatory  process 
forbade  the  ascription  of  the  work  to  the  prophet  whose 
name  it  bears. 

1  These  passages,  which  amount  to  almost  a  fifth  part  of  the  book,  are  :  i,  1,2,  9-12  ; 
ii,  4  5  ;  iii,  14'';  iv,  13  ;  v,  8.  9,  13-15,  2') ;  vi.  2.  9.  10;  viii.  6.  8.  11-13  ;  ix,  5,  6;  8''-i5. 
;  For  a  discussion  of  their  genuineness,  see  Dkivkr,  Joel  and  Amos,  in  the  Cambridge 
Bible,  p.  117  sqq.) 

'^  "  The  words  of  Amos,  who  was  among  the  herdsmen  of  Thecua.  which  he  saw  con- 
cern ng  Israel  in  the  days  of  Ozias,  king  of  Juda  and  in  the  days  of  Jeroboam,  the  son 
of  Joas.  king  of  Israel." 

'  Cfr  Amos  vii,  i,  4;  viii,  i  :  "These  th'ng-^  Yahweh  showed  to  me  ";  and  vii,  2, 
5,  8  ;  viii,  2 ;  ix,  i  :  '"  And  I  said  "  ;  "  Yahweh  said  lo  me  "  ;  etc. 


THE    MINOR    PROPHETS    OF    THE    EIGHTH    CENTURY    B.C.      40I 

To  confirm  the  traditional  view  of  Jews  and  Chrisiiai.s 
in  regard  to  authorship,  appeal  has  also  been  made  (i)  to 
the  fact  that  the  writer's  imagery  is  mainly  drawn,  as  was 
to  be  expected  from  a  shepherd  like  Amos,  from  rural  life; ' 
(2)  to  the  agreement  between  the  state  of  the  kingdom  of 
Israel  under  Jeroboam  II.  as  described  by  Amos,  and  that 
under  the  same  prince  which  is  made  known  to  us  in  tlie 
fourth  book  of  Kings. ^  *'  The  vices  reproved  are  those 
which  the  prosperity  of  the  kingdom  would  encourage  the 
people  to  commit  boldly.  ...  So  great  a  corruption  of 
morals  proves  that  the  prophet  arose  some  time  after  the 
conquests  of  Jeroboam,  and  this  opinion  derives  strength 
from  the  title,  which  names  King  Ozias,  who  did  not  mount 
the  throne  of  Juda  until  the  27th  year  of  Jeroboam.  The 
prophet  seems  to  have  published  his  book  before  Jeroboam's 
death."^ 

The  book  of  Amos  is  commonly  ascribed  to  about  750 
B.C.  For  the  arguments  recently  set  forth  in  favor  of  a 
post-exilic  date  see  Edw.  Day  and  Walter  H.  Chapin,  art. 
"  Is  the  book  of  Amos  post-exilic  ? "  in  the  American  Jour- 
nal of  Semitic  Languages  and  Literatures,  Jan.  1902. 

§  3.    The  Prophet  Osee. 

I.  Name  and  Life  of  the  Prophet.  The  minor 
prophet  of  the  Northern  Kingdom  who  is  commonly 
regarded  as  a  younger  contemporary  of  Amos  is  called 
Osee  in  the  Septuagint  and  the  Vulgate.  This  is  clearly  a 
Grecized  form  of  the  Hebrew  name  Hoshe  a,  which  means 
"help,  deliverance,"  and  which  was  originally  borne  by 
Josue,  the  son  of  Nun  (cfr.  Numb,  xiii,  8,  16,  26). 

1  Cfr.  E.  Phillipe,  art.  Amos,  in  Vigouroux,  Diet,  de  le  Bible,  col.  513;   J.  Tay- 
lor, art.  Amos,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  p.  87. 

2  Compare  IV  Kings  xiv,  23-26  with  Amos  vi,  13,  14. 

»  Jno.  Jahn,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test,,  p.  323  (Engl.  Transl.). 


402  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THK    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

If  we  set  aside  worthless  rabbinical  legends  concerning 
Osee/  nothing  is  known  of  his  personal  history  except  what 
can  be  gatliered  from  the  book  which  bears  Ins  name. 
According  to  i,  i  he  was  the  son  of  a  certain  Beeri, — who  is 
otherwise  unknown, — and  exercised  the  prophetical  minis- 
try in  the  reigns  of  Ozias,  Joatham,  Achaz,  and  Ezechias, 
kings  of  Jiida,  and  of  Jeroboam  II.,  king  of  Israel,  i.e. 
between  ab.  778  and  ab.  695,  and  between  ab.  7S3  and  ab. 
743  B.C.  Perhaps  "  this  indication  of  time,  which  agrees 
verbatim  with  Isai.  i,  i  (cfr.  also  Micheas  i,  i),  is  not  to  be 
regarded  as  originating  in  its  present  form  ^  with  Osee  him- 
self. Although  the  naming  of  the  kings  of  Juda  may 
perhaps  be  explained  by  the  circumstance  that  the  prophet 
regarded  them  as  the  heirs  of  the  legitimate  government 
and  of  the  promises  made  to  David's  house  (cfr.  Amos  i,  i, 
where,  however,  it  should  be  noted  that  Amos  was  a 
Judaean),  it  is  strange  that  only  Jeroboam  II.  is  mentioned 
of  the  kings  of  Israel,  while  the  list  of  Judaean  rulers 
descends  much  lower.  .  .  .  On  the  other  hand,  Osee  scarcely 
continued  to  prophesy  under  Achaz  and  Ezechias,  kings  of 
Juda,  as  no  notice  is  taken  in  his  prophecy  of  the  eventful 
war  of  Phacee  of  Israel  against  Achaz  of  Juda."^  It 
remains  true,  however,  that  the  contents  of  the  book  seem 
to  bear  out  the  view,  now  commonly  received,  that  "  Osee 
was  the  prophet  of  the  decline  and  fall  of  Israel."  *  They 
seem  likewise  to  prove  that  he  was  a  native  of  the  Northern 
Kingdom.  Only  an  Israelite  by  birth,  it  is  generally 
argued,  would  evince  such  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the 
moral  condition  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  of  its  topography 

1  Cfr.  Trochon,  les  Petits  Prophetes,  p.  i  sq. 

"^  Several  scholars  — Hitzig,  Delitzsch,  Nowack,  Orelli,  Driver,  etc.— have  sur- 
mised that  the  tit  e  of  tlie  book  originally  spoke  simply  of  '•  the  days  of  Jeroboam,  the 
son  of  Joas,  king  of  Israel." 

3  Von  Orelli,  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets,  p.  4  sq.  (Engl.  Transl.). 

*T.  K.  Chf.vne,  Hosea  (Cambridge  Bible  Series),  p.  11. 


THE    MINOR    I'KOIMIKTS    OF    TIIK    KICIIIH    CKXITRY    B.C.      403 

and  history,  and  also  such  constant  and  tender  a  flow  of 
sympathy  towards  the  Israelites,  as  may  be  noticed  in  the 
book  of  Osee.  Again,  the  phrase  ''our  king"  (in  vii,  15), 
and  certain  linguistic  peculiarities  of  the  work,  are  often- 
times referred  to  as  pointing  in  the  same  direction.^ 

The  episode  of  Osee's  marriage,  which  is  recorded  in 
chaps,  i,  iii,  has  always  been  variously  understood.  Accord- 
ing to  many  ancient  and  modern  interpreters — Maimonides 
(f  1214),  Eben-Ezra  (fab.  1175),  Kimchi  (f  1240),  among 
the  Jews;  Origen,  St.  Jerome,  Rufinus,  among  the  early 
Fathers;  Haymon  (twelfth  century  a.d.),  Paul  of  Burgos 
(t  1435),  Vatable  (f  1547),  Estius  (f  1613),  Menochius, 
SJ-  (1^655),  Ackermann  (f  1831),  etc.,  among  Catholics; 
Calvin  (11564),  Rosenmiiller  (f  1835),  Staendlin  (f  1826), 
Hitzig  (t  1875),  Bleek  (f  1875),  Keil  (f  1888),  Kuenen 
(t  1891),  Reuss  (t  1891),  Bruston,  etc.,  among  Protest- 
ants— the  statement  that  Yahweh  ordered  Osee  to  marry  a 
harlot,  and  that  the  prophet  complied  with  such  a  com- 
mand, should  not  be  understood  literally.  The  transaction 
is  to  be  explained  simply  as  an  allegory,^  or  understood  as  a 
vision,  for  the  purpose  of  symbolizing  Israel's  unfaithfulness 
as  the  spouse  of  Yahweh.  According  to  other  interpreters 
— among  whom  may  be  mentioned  St.  Irenasus,  St.  Cyril  of 
Alexandria,  Theodoret,  St.  Basil,  St.  Augustine,  among  the 
Fathers;  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  (f  1274),  Dom  Calmet,  O.S.B. 
(t  ^757)>  Schegg,  Vigouroux,  Touzard,  etc.,  among  Cath- 
olics; Kurtz  (t  i873),Pusey(t  i882),Ewald  (f  1875),  Pl^mp- 
tre,  Cheyne,  Orelli,  etc.,  among  Protestants — the  narrative 
should  be  taken  in  a  more  or  less  strict  literal  sense.  The 
strictly  literal  interpretation,  according  to  which  Yahweh 
would  have  directed   Osee  to  marry  a  woman  of  already 

*  Cfr.  Vigouroux,  Manuel  BlbUque,  vol.  ii,  no  1065,  footn.  2. 

'  The  purely  allegorical  interpretation  takes  Yahweh  to  have  said  to  Osee  :  "  Imag' 
ine  such  dealings  between  yourself  and  an  unfaithful  wife  as  symbolizing  my  dealing* 
with  Israel." 


404  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

profligate  character,  is  now  very  often  rejected  as  repugnant 
to  our  conception  of  God  and  to  our  thought  of  His 
prophet,  and  a  modified  literal  view  is  usually  substituted 
for  it.  This  latter  view — called  the  Experience  Theory — 
has  much  in  its  favor,  and  but  little  against  it.  It  supposes 
that  at  the  time  the  phrase  'Svoman  of  fornications"  is 
used  of  Gomer,  \.q.  post  evefitum,  she  is  all  that  the  phrase 
signifies.  But  previous  to  her  marriage  with  Osee  she  was 
such  only  in  disposition.  The  marriage  having  taken  place, 
Osee's  home  life  was  troubled  by  his  sad  experience  of 
Corner's  infidelity,  and  the  prophet  "  then  recognized  that 
the  great  calamity  of  his  life  was  God's  own  ordinance  and 
appointed  means  to  communicate  to  him  a  deep  prophetic 
lesson."  ^  In  his  own  wife,  once  the  worthy  object  of  his  love, 
but  afterwards  unfaithful,  yet  to  be  pursued  by  his  affection 
and  reclaimed  from  her  abjection,  it  was  given  him  to  see 
the  image  of  Israel,  once  also  the  worthy  object  of  Yahweh's 
love,  but  later  on  altogether  unworthy  of  it  by  her  unfaith- 
fulness, yet  pursued  by  God's  unfailing  love,  and  finally 
redeemed  by  Him  from  her  servitude.  "  Whatever  else 
may  be  said,  when  Osee  relates  his  call  to  be  a  prophet, 
this  event  and  the  others  mentioned  in  chaps,  i  and  iii  of 
his  book  are  past.  The  real  character  of  Gomer  and  her 
children  is  well  known — at  least  to  the  prophet.  Of  this 
experience  theory  it  may  be  said  :  (i)  it  takes  a  natural 
and  tho.  prima  facti  view  of  the  narratives  in  chaps,  i  and 
iii  ;  (2)  it  involves  no  grave  moral  objections  ;  (3)  it  gives 
force  to  the  symbolism  of  chaps,  i  and  iii ;  (4)  it  lends 
itself,  therefore,  to  the  best  understanding  of  these  chap- 
ters."^ 

1  "  The  recognition  of  a  divine  command  after  the  fact  has  its  parallel  In  Jeremias 
xxxii,  8  "  (W.  R.  Smith,  in  Encyclop.  Biblica,  vol.  11,  col.  2123). 

2  Rev.  Hugh^  Ross  Hatch,  art.  the  Story  of  Rosea,  etc.,  in  "  the  Biblical  World," 
Oct.  1898,  p.  258,  footn.  See  also  A.  B.  Davidson,  art.  Hosea,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of 
the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  421. 


thp:  ^iinok   pkoi'hkts  of  the   kichth  century  B.C.    405 

As  regards  the  rank  of  life  to  which  the  prophet  be- 
longed, there  is  nothing  in  his  book  that  can  give  us  a 
definite  cue.  His  frequent  references  to  the  priests  (iv,  6, 
9;  V,  1;  vi,  9),  to  the  Torah  of  God  (iv,  6;  viii,  12),  to 
"unclean  things"  (v,  3;  vi,  10;  ix,  3),  to  "abominations" 
(ix,  10),  and  to  persecution  in  "  the  house  of  his  God"  (ix, 
7,  8),  have  indeed  led  Duhni  and  others  to  think  that  Osee 
was  a  member  of  the  priestly  order.  But  such  an  inference 
is  no  more  warranted  by  the  facts  of  the  case  than  would 
be  the  view  that  he  was  a  ishepherd  or  a  husbandman  on 
account  of  his  numerous  references  to  agricultural  life  in  its 
manifold  aspects.^ 

The  length  of  Osee's  ministry  cannot  be  made  out  from 
the  data  afforded  by  his  prophecy,^  and  the  circumstances 
of  his  death  are  absolutely  unknown.  His  name  is  entered 
on  the  Roman  martyrology  for  July  4th. 

2.  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Osee.  The  prophecy  of 
Osee  is  divided  into  two  parts:  chaps,  i-iii  and  chaps, 
iv-xiv.  The  first  part  deals  with  the  circumstances  which 
led  the  prophet  to  undertake  his  ministry,  and  has  the 
appearance  of  a  narrative  of  his  domestic  experiences  in 
which  the  substance  of  his  message  to  Israel  finds  symbolic 
expression.  In  a  first  prose  section  (i,  2-9)  we  are  told  how 
Osee  gave  to  the  three  children  of  Gomer,  his  unfaithful 
wife,  symbolical  and  fateful  names  :  the  first,  a  son,  he 
called  /ezrahel,  as  a  token  of  the  vengeance  exacted  of  the 
house  of  Jehu,  on  the  very  spot  where  formerly  that  prince 
had  massacred  the  house  of  Achab;^  the  second,  a  daughter, 
he  named  Lo>-Riihamah  ("  Not-pitied  "),  designating  thereby 
Yahvveh's  withdrawal  of  affection  for  Israel;  to  the  third,  a 

1  Cfr.  for  references  to  the  Sacred  Text,  A.  B.  Davidson,  art.  Hosea,  in  Hastings, 
Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  420. 
'  Cfr.  Abbd  Lesetre,  Introd.  i  TEtude  de  TEcriture  Sainte,  vol.  ii,  p.  503,  footn.  2. 
s  IV  Kings  X,  II. 


406  SPECIAL    IXTRODUCTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

son,  he  gave  the  name  of  Lo- annul  ("  Not-my-people "), 
distinctly  expressive  of  the  treatment  of  Israel  as  a  foreign 
people.  To  this  first  section  is  now  appended  (i,  lo-ii,  i)  a 
promise  of  tlie  restoration  of  Jiida  and  Israel  under  one 
head,  and  of  their  coming  up  from  Exile  to  take  possession 
of  Palestine,  after  which  they  will  resume  the  use  of  the 
two  titles  ("  i\Iy  People,"  "  Pitied  ")  which  have  just  been 
discarded,  and  accost  one  another  in  terms  implying  their 
restoration  to  Yahweh's  favor.^ 

The  second,  a  poetical,  section^  (ii,  2-24,  taken  together 
with  its  real  sequel,  i,  lo-ii,  i)  is  a  continuous  exposition 
partly  (verses  2-13)  of  the  foregoing,  and  partly  (14-241 
i,  lo-ii,  i)  of  the  following,  sections.  The  first  five  strophes 
(2-13)  tell  plainly  that  the  nation  has  deserted  its  consort, 
its  true  God,  for  lovers,  the  Baalim  or  false  gods,  so  that  it 
must  be  punished.  The  remaining  strophes — anticipating 
the  narrative  in  the  third  chapter — show  how  the  punish- 
ment inflicted  on  Israel  is  in  God's  purpose  a  means  of  sin- 
cere reformation  which  will  secure  restoration  to  divine 
favor  and  the  enjoyment  of  the  brightest  future. 

The  third,  a  prose,  section  (chap,  iii)  "attaches  itself  to 
chap,  i,  1-9.  The  last  symbolical  word  in  chap,  i  was  Lo- 
' ainini  (' Not-my-people '),  pointing  to  an  actual  divorce  by 
Yahweh  of  His  people,  or  at  least  a  casting  of  tliem  out  of 
His  house.  Chap,  iii  continues  the  story.  '  And  Yahweh 
said  to  me:  Again,  go  love  a  woman,  loved  of  a  paramour 
and  an  adulteress,  as  Yahweh  loveth  the  children  of  Israel, 
thougli  they  turn  to  other  gods.'  The  woman  whom  Osee 
is  bidden  again  go  love  is  of  course  the  same  woman,  Gomer, 
of  the  first  chapter.  Slie  is  a  woman  loved  of  a  paramour 
and  an  adulteress.     The  word  Lo-auwii  (i,  9)  suggests  the 

1  Cfr  Driver,  Introd.  to  Liter  of  Old  Test.,  p  302  sq.  The  appendix  to  the  first 
section  (i,  lo-ii.  i  in  the  Vulgate  ;  ii,  1-3  in  the  Hebrew  Bible)  stood  originally  at  the 
end  of  chap,  ii  (cfr.  Cheynm.-,  loc.  cit..  p.  45). 

2  The  strophic  arrangement  of  its  parallel  Hnes  can  be  easily  made  out. 


THE    MINOR    PROPIIKIS    Ol"     111  K     KKIHril    CKN'riKY    B.C.      407 

unrecorded  step  in  tlie  liistory:  the  woman  liad  fled  or  been 
driven  from  tlie  pro])het's  bouse  and  become  the  slave-con- 
cubine of  another.  He  is  bidden  renew  his  love  to  her.  So 
he  acquired  her  again  to  himself  for  a  small  price  (that  of  a 
slave,  Exod.  xxi,32),  returning  to  her  in  mind,  but  deferring 
for  a  long  time  to  return  to  her  in  union  (iii,  3).  The 
explanation  is  added:  'The  children  of  Israel  shall  remain 
many  days  without  king  and  without  sacrifice,'  etc.  Yah- 
weh's  love  continues  with  His  people,  whom  He  shall  keep 
in  long  restraint  and  discipline  in  exile,  till  their  mind 
change  and  they  seek  Him."^ 

The  second  part  of  the  book  of  Osee  (chaps,  iv-xiv)  is 
generally  regarded  as  a  series  of  prophetical  discourses,  no 
doubt,  on  account  of  the  form  of  a  direct  address  assumed 
by  its  contents.  It  remains  true,  however,  that  despite  all 
the  efforts  so  far  made  by  scholars  and  interpreters  to  point 
out  the  beginning  and  the  end,  and  even  the  general  trend, 
of  the  assumed  discourses,  the  natural  divisions  and  sub- 
divisions of  the  eleven  last  chapters  of  Osee  are  still  a 
matter  of  uncertainty.  In  fact  several  prominent  scholars, 
struck  with  the  unsatisfactory  character  of  the  various 
divisions  that  have  been  suggested,  willingly  adopt  Bishop 
Lowth's  view  that  this  part  of  the  book  is  "fragmentary 
and  wanting  in  consecutiveness,"^  and  in  consequence 
abstain  from  setting  forth  divisions  more  or  less  question- 
able. Perhaps  lack  of  success  in  this  direction  is  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  oratorical  character  of  chaps,  iv-xiv  has  been 
exaggerated,  while  their  strophic  structure  has  been  over- 
looked:^ had  these  poetical  divisions  of  the  second  part  of 

1  A.  B.  Davidson-,  art.  Hosea,  in  Hastinc;s,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  421. 

2  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Primer  of  the  Bible,  p.  20.  Lowth  deemed  the  prophecies  in 
Amos  (iv-xiv)  so  scattered  and  unconnected  that  he  compared  them  with  the  leaves  of 
the  Sibyl. 

3  The  poetical  character  of  Osee  iv-xiv  was  distinctly  admitted  by  Jno.  Jahn  a  cen- 
tury ago  (Introd.  to  Old  Test.,  p.  329,  Engl.  Transl.J. 


4Ch  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Osee  been  studied  and  made  out  with  something  of  the  care 
bestowed  on  the  book  of  Amos,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the 
consecutiveness  and  detailed  import  of  these  important 
chapters  of  Osee  would  have  been  distinctly  realized  and 
gradually  accepted. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  leading  ideas  of  the  second  part  of 
Osee  may  be  briefly  indicated  as  follows.^  Israel's  cor- 
ruption is  so  great  as  to  require  its  prompt  punishment, 
for  the  people  had  unfortunately  followed  its  leaders, 
priests,  and  rulers.  It  is  vain  to  reckon  on  the  help  of 
foreign  powers;  vain  to  turn  to  God  in  one  of  those  fits  of 
repentance  which  contrast  so  much  with  flagrant  public 
transgressions  of  the  divine  law;  vain  to  rely  on  the  saving 
efficacy  of  numerous  sacrifices,  while  immorality  prevails 
at  court,  in  the  temples,  and  in  all  the  ranks  of  society. 
The  punishment  will  be  severe,  and  the  ruin  total,  for 
Yahweh's  tender  and  enduring  love  for  Israel  has  been  out- 
raged. Yet  the  final  note  struck  by  the  prophetical  voice 
is  that  of  a  glorious  promise  in  favor  of  Israel  :  God's 
anger  will  be  ultimately  turned  away  from  His  repentant 
and  faithful  people. 

For  the  ways  of  Yahweh  are  right : 

The  just  shall  walk  in  them. 

But  the  transgressors  shall  fall  therein.     (Osee  xiv,  lo.) 

3.  Authorship,  Integrity,  and  Text.  Till  quite 
recently  it  was  universally  admitted  that  the  general  con- 
tents of  the  book  of  Osee  confirm  powerfully  the  traditional 
authorship  embodied  in  the  title:  "The  word  of  Yahweh 
t«hat  came  to  Osee,  the  son  of  Beeri,  in  the  days  of  Ozias, 
Joatham,  Achaz,  and  Ezechias,  kings  of  Juda,  and  in  the 
days  of  Jeroboam,  the  son  of  Joas,  king  of  Israel."^  It 
was  thought  that  tlie  moral  and   religious  condition  of  the 

'  For  details  in  this  regard,  see  A.   B.  Davidson,  loc.  cit.,  p.  423   sqq.;  Driver, 
Introd.  to  Liter,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  303  sqq. 
2  Osee,  i,  i. 


THE    MINOR    PROPHETS    OF    THE    EIGHTH    CENTl-RY    B.C. 


409' 


Northern  Kingdom  described  in  Osee,  with  the  low  morality 
of  its  princes  and  priests,  with  its  mixture  of  Baal  and 
Yahweh  worship,  and  its  confidence  in  mere  external  rites 
to  placate  the  true  God,  etc.,  corresponded  exactly  with  the 
general  state  of  morality  and  religion  which  is  described  in 
Isaias,  the  great  prophet  of  the  eighth  century.  It  was 
also  regarded  for  certain  that  the  political  devices  resorted 
to  by  the  leaders  of  Israel  to  secure  now  the  alliance  of 
Egypt  and  now  that  of  Assyria  are  practically  identical 
in  both  Isaias  and  Osee,  whom  their  titles  represent  as 
prophesying  under  the  very  same  kings  of  Juda.  But  more 
particularly  it  was  claimed  that  most  of  the  prophecies  of 
Osee  suit  a  time  of  anarchy  and  disorder,  such  as  succeeded 
the  death  of  Jeroboam  II.  Finally,  as  no  passage  was 
considered  to  imply  the  actual  destruction  of  the  Northern 
Kingdom,  it  was  maintained,  without  the  least  doubt,  that 
the  prophet  Osee  arranged  himself  the  prophecies  as  they 
stand  at  present.  "The  first  two  chapters,"  we  are  told,^ 
'*  contain  the  substance  of  what  he  did  and  wrote  while  the 
house  of  Jehu  was  still  on  the  throne,  i.e.  in  the  days  of 
Jeroboam  II.  The  last  twelve  refer  to  the  time  after  the 
death  of  Jeroboam,  when  Israel  was  inclined  to  apply  for 
lielp,  sometimes  to  Egypt,  sometimes  to  Assyria.  Kings 
were  set  up  and  deposed  in  rapid  succession,  and  military 
power  was  trusted  in  rather  than  Yahweh.  It  is  not  sur- 
prising, tlierefore,  that  the  prophet  denounces  and  threat- 
ens. .  .  .  Redolob  is  the  only  critic  who  has  questioned 
tlie  integrity  of  the  book.  He  supposes  that  the  passage  in 
vii,  4-10  is  made  up  of  marginal  glosses,  \vhich  is  a  very 
arbitrary  hypothesis  not  demanding  a  refutation," 

The  traditional  view  thus  described  by  Samuel  Davidson, 
in  1863,  has  remained  the  one  generally  accepted  by  schol- 
ars down  to  the  present  day.     According  to  many  critics, 

1  Samuel  Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  ili,  p.  236. 


4  TO  SPECIAL     INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

however,  it  should  be  somewhat  modified,  and  a  fair  num- 
ber of  passages  should  be  ascribed  to  a  date  later  than  Osee. 
Thus,  "passages  contrasting  Juda  with  Israel,  e.g.  i,  7;  iv, 
15;  xi,  12,  and  less  frequently  other  references  to  Juda, 
e.g.  vi,  11;  viii,  14,  are  supposed  to  be  additions  by  later 
Jewish  editors.  .  .  .  Similar  views  are  held  by  some  as  to 
passages  promising  restoration  to  Israel,  e.g.  i,  10,  11; 
ii,  6,  7,  14,  16,  18-23;  iii,  5;  v,  15-vi,  3;  xi,  8^  9%  10,  11; 
xiv."^  In  fact,  as  the  statements  suspectedly  or  admittedly 
late  have  grown  in  number,  some  scholars  have  been  led  to 
question,  or  even  to  reject,  the  traditional  authorship. 
Prof.  Bennett,  for  instance,  writes  significantly:  "The  lack 
of  orderly  sequence  shows  that  the  book  cannot  have  been 
compiled  by  the  prophet  himself,  unless  it  has  since  suf- 
fered much  at  the  hands  of  editors."^  More  recently  still 
(Jan.  1902)  two  critics  tell  us  that  "  of  the  date  of  Osee 
they  can  speak  confidently.  It  is  post-exilic."^  Most  of 
the  grounds  in  favor  of  this  last  view  are  similar  to  those 
that  have  been  set  forth  in  reference  to  the  post-exilic  date 
of  Amos,  and  on  that  account  need  not  be  insisted  upon. 
They  are  chiefly  drawn  from  the  Aramaic — and  conse- 
quently late — character  of  the  Hebrew  of  the  book,*  and 
from  what  seem  to  be  distinct  references  to  exilic  or  post- 
exilic  events.^ 

As  regards  the  condition  of  the  Hebrew  Text  of  Osee, 
scholars  agree  generally  that  it  has  been  imperfectly  handed 
down.  The  more  they  study  it,  the  more  they  discover 
textual  imperfections,  for  the  correction  of  which  the 
Septuagint  Version  is  of  comparatively  little  use. 

i  W.  H    Bennett,  a  Bib'ical  Introduction,  p.  236-7 

Mbid.,p    235 

3  Edw.  I  'AY  and  Walter  H.  Chapin,  in  the  America!  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages 
and  Liteiatures,  Jan.  1902,  p.  93,  footn. 

*  See  the  Hst  of  Aramaisms  admitted  by  Vigouroux,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no. 
1075,  footn.  2. 

t*  (  fr  iv    iq:  vi,  n'' ;  vii,  13*;  xiv,  i  ;  etc. 


THE    MINOR    IROI'HKTS    OF    THE    EIGHTH    CEXTIRY     B.C.      4II 


§  4.   TJic  PropJict  Micheas. 

I.  His  Name  and  Personal  History.  'J1ic  ibinl,  and 
last,  minor  {)roj)hcl  whose  work  i.^  referred  to  the  eii^hth 
eentur\-  w.c.  is  ''^lieheas  the  ^lorasthile."  ^  1 1  is  name, 
Micheas,  a  Grecized  form  of  the  Hebrew  M ichaiali  (commonly 
abbreviated  into  M'uhah),  means  ''who  is  like  Vahweh?" 
The  epithet  "the  Morasthite,"  !i;iven  hi-n  in  i,  i  of  his  prophecy, 
and  in  jcrcm.  xxvi,  i8,  serves  to  distinguish  him  from  an 
older  prophet  of  the  same  name  who  lived  under  Achab  and 
is  sjwken  of  in  III  Kings  xxii,  8.  This  surname  is  probably 
derived  from  the  place  of  his  ])irth,  the  village  of  Moresheth 
of  which  he  speaks  in  i,  14  of  his  book,  and  which  was  part  of 
the  territory  of  Cleth." 

No  particulars  are  known  of  ]\Iicheas'  personal  history. 
As  the  name  of  his  father  is  not  mentioned  in  the  title  to  his 
prophecy,  it  has  been  surmised  that  the  family  to  which  he 
belonged  was  not  very  important  in  Juda.  In  fact,  from  the 
deep  interest  evinced  by  the  writer  in  the  poor  and  the  peas- 
antry, as  also  from  the  indignation  he  gives  vent  to  against 
the  nobles  who  daily  stripped  the  poorer  agriculturists  of 
their  houses  and  holdings  by  violence  or  false  judgment,^  it 
may  be  gathered  that  he  was  one  not  c-f  the  oppressors,  but 
of  the  oppressed.  Of  the  manner  in  which  he  was  called 
from  his  humble  walk  in  life  to  his  exalted  mission  as  a  prophet 
of  Yahweh,  nothing  is  known,  luen  the  exact  date  and 
duration  of  his  prophetical  ministry  cannot  be  fully  ascertained. 

'  Micheas  is  named  the  third  in  the  Scptuaf,'i:it,  and  the  sixth  in  the  Hebrew, 
lists  of  the  Minor  Prophets. 

2  The  Vulgate  treats  the  word  Moresheth  as  if  it  were  a  common  name 
and  renders  it  by  "hereditas."  But  St.  Jerome  knew  of  it  as  the  proper  name 
of  a  town  situated  not  far  from,  and  to  the  cast  of,  Eleutheropolis,  in  the 
kingdom  of  Juda. 

3  Cfr.  W.  R,  Smith,  the  Prophets  of  Israel,  p.  289. 


412  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

The  heading  in  i,  i  gives  indeed  as  the  prophet's  lime  the 
reigns  of  Joathan,  Achaz,  and  Ezechias,  kings  of  Juda;  but 
'Uhe  similarity  of  this  statement  to  data  found  in  Osee  i,  i, 
Isai.  i,  I,  in  both  which  passages  certainly  Ozias  precedes, 
raises  the  suspicion  that  it  may  come  from  the  same  hand 
that  revised  Osee  i,  i."  ^  It  is  true  also  that  Mich,  iii,  12  is 
quoted  in  Jeremias  xxvi,  17,  18  as  spoken  by  ''Micheas  the 
Morasthite  in  the  days  of  Ezechias,"  and  that,  in  this  wsly, 
the  second  part  of  the  heading  seems  to  be  confirmed.  But 
after  this  is  granted,  it  becomes  difficult  to  see  hov^  Micheas' 
activity  could  have  been  exercised  before  the  time  of  that 
prince,  as  stated  in  the  first  part  of  the  title,  for  chap,  iii  is 
closely  linked  with  the  preceding  chapters,  so  that  these  also 
should  apparently  be  connected  with  the  reign  of  Ezechiast 
and  not  with  that  of  his  predecessors,  Joatham  and  Achaz. 
This  has  led  many  critics  to  regard  as  probable  that  Micheas' 
prophetical  mission  began  first  under  Ezechias,  all  the  more 
so  because  the  dark  picture  in  the  closing  chapters  (vi,  vii), 
by  suggesting  to  their  mind  the  days  of  Manasses,  seems  to 
imply  that  the  prophet's  activity  extended  beyond  the  reign 
of  Ezechias,  and  therefore  to  secure  for  Micheas,  what  they 
deem  to  be  a  fairly  long  prophetical  ministry. 

''The  legends  concerning  Micheas'  death  and  burial  which 
are  found  in  the  Pseudo-Epiphanius  and  the  Pseudo-Doro- 
theus  arose  partly  from  a  confusion  of  that  minor  prophet 
with  Micheas,  son  of  Yimlah  (III  Kings  xxii,  8),  partly 
from  conclusions  drawn  from  his  prophecy.  Micheas'  feast  is 
celebrated  on  Jan.  15th,  by  the  Latin,  and  on  April  15th,  bv 
the  Greek,  Church."  ^ 

2.  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Micheas.  It  is  difficult 
to  give  an  accurate  and  satisfactory  analysis  of  the   book  of 

1  Von  Orelli,  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets,  p.  185  (Engl.  TransL). 

2  Trochon,  les  Petits  Prophetes,  p.  248. 


THE    MINOR    PROPHETS    OF    THE    EIGHTH    CENTURY    B.C.      413 

Micheas.  Tlic  commonly-received  division  of  its  contents  into 
three  parts  (i-ii;  iii-v;  vi-vii)  seems  at  iirst  sight  very  plau- 
sible, inasmuch  as  each  of  tlie  parts  begins  with  ''Hear  ye," 
and  closes  with  a  promise.  When  more  closely  examined,  how- 
ever, this  threefold  division  is  seen  not  to  have  been  originally 
intended.  The  Iirst  Hebrew  word  of  the  second  part  (''And 
I  said")  is  too  abrupt  to  stand  at  the  commencement,  and  is 
more  probably  to  be  connected  directly  with  ii,  ii,  to  which 
it  is  a  natural  sequel  in  thought  and  in  grammatical  form. 
Again,  the  abrupt  transitions  which  abound  in  each  of  the 
three  sections  point  to  oracles  primitively  separate  which  have 
been  put  together  so  as  to  make  up  discourses  of  more  or  less 
considerable  length.^  Another  division  of  the  book,  likewise 
into  three  parts  (i-iii;  iv-v;  vi-vii)  has  also  been  propo.sed. 
It  is  perhaps  preferable  to  the  former  because  it  pays  attention 
to  the  nature  of  the  contents  themselves.  "The  first  part," 
we  are  told,  "is  threatening.  It  describes  the  divine  anger 
against  the  iniquities  of  the  rulers  of  the  Southern  Kingdom 
in  spite  of  all  the  counter-assurances  of  the  false  prophets. 
The  second  part  is  chiefly  Alessianic.  The  last  shows  the 
separation  existing  between  the  people  and  Yahweh,  instructing, 
exhorting,  and  endeavoring  to  effect  the  reconciliation  of  the 
former  to  their  great  king."  -  This  second  division  has, 
like  the  former,  the  serious  drawback  of  not  takinc^  into  ac- 
count the  various  oracles  the  compilation  of  which  ^  is  now 
called  the  book  of  Micheas. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  chief  elements  of  the  prophecv  of 
Micheas  may  be  briefly  indicated  as  follows.  Together  with 
the  general  heading  (i,  i)  the  opening  chapter  seems  to  con- 
tain two   originally    distinct  oracles.      The  first   (verses   2-7) 

1  Cfr.  T.  K.  Chevne.  Micah  Cin  the  Cambridge  Bible),  p.  lo,  J.  Tou7,.\rd, 
les  Prophetes  d' Israel,  p.  123;   etc. 

-  Samuel  Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii,  p.  285. 
'  Cfr.  Trochon,  loc.  cit. 


414  SPF.CIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

announces  the  forthcoming  punisliment  of  both  Israel  and 
Juda,  while  the  second  (8-16)  declares  the  writer's  purpose 
to  wail  and  mourn,  exhorting  the  ])eoi)le  likewise  to  lament. 
It  must  be  stated,  however,  that  many  contemporary  scholars 
regard  this  first  chapter  as  a  unit  presenting  a  well-connected 
prophecy  of  judgment. 

The  next  two  chapters  (ii,  iii)  are  often  considered  as  form- 
ing a  single  prophecy,  the  subject  of  which  is  the  cause  of  the 
coming  judgment  on  the  nation,  viz.,  the  sins  of  the  great  men 
and  the  rulers  of  the  Jews.  Yet  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  they 
are  made  up  of  primitively  distinct  oracles,  as  may  be  seen 
in  the  following  scheme: 


Hostility  between  the  two  classes  of  prophets; 
Return  of  the  exiles  under  Yahweh's  leadership;  ^ 
New  rebuke  of  the  oppressing  rich  rulers; 
The  fate  of  the  false  prophets; 

Courageous   denunciation  of   the  sins   of  the   people   by 
Yahweh's  prophet. 

Chaps,  iv  and  v  are  usually  regarded  as  belonging  together, 
because  they  both  contain  Messianic  hopes  and  promises. 
Their  various  component  elements  are  as  follows:^ 

iv,  1-4.       The  future  exaltation  of  Sion; 

iv,  6-7.        Prophecy  of  restoration  from  exile; 

iv,  8-v,  I.  Siege  and  deliverance  of  Jerusalem; 

V,  2-g.  The  Messianic  king  and  kingdom  ^ 

v,  10-14.     The  destruction  of  warlike  im|)lements  and  of  idolatry. 

In  the  last  section  of  the  prophecy  (vi,  vii),  the  general 
theme  of  which  is  a  controversy  betw^een  Yahweh  and  His 

'  These  two  verses  differ  in  thought  and  style  from  their  context,  and  are 
usually  considered  as  an  addition  which  interrupts  the  general  prophecy  ill 
ii.  iii. 

-  Chevne  Cloc.  cit.,  p.  34)  writes:  "The  nrisjinal  draft  of  the  prophecj'  seem* 
to  have  been  contained  in  iv,  1-4,  ii-i.s",    v    1-4,  7-15.' 


11, 

I- 

5- 

ii) 

6- 

II. 

ii, 

12 

,  13 

iii 

I- 

-4- 

iii 

S 

-7- 

iii 

8 

-12. 

THE    MINOR     PROPHF.TS    OF    'HI  F.     lacinn    CFNTTKY    B.C.     .J  I  5 

people,  four  dislinct  oracles, — besides    the   hymn   whiMi  con 
duties  the  whole  l)ook   (vii,    uS-20),  —  ir.a}-  l;e  joinU'd  cii*: 

vi,  1-8.        ^'ah\vcll'?   cc)in|)laiin   iigainst  I  lis  people,  aiul   the   laltcr's 

\villine;ncss  to  offer  atoncincnl; 
vi,  9-16.     Yahweh's  denunciation  of  the  crimes  of  Jerusalem; 
vii,  1-6.       Desolate  condition  of  Israel, 
vii,  7-17.     Israel's  firm  hope  in  Yahweh's  intervention. 

3.  Date  and  Authorship  of  the  Prophecy.  Till 
about  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century,  it  was  almost 
universally  admitted,  chiefly  on  the  strength  of  the  title  to  the 
prophecy,  and  of  the  quotation  of  Mich,  iii,  12  in  Jerem.  xxvi, 
17,  18,  that  Micheas,  the  Morasthite,  wrote  the  entire  book 
which  bears  his  name.  It  was  also  taken  for  granted  that 
"he  published  the  work  before  the  sixth  year  of  Ezechias, 
722  B.C.,  when  the  kingdom  of  Israel  was  overthrown,  for  he 
constantly  speaks  of  that  fateful  event  as  future."  ^  Even  at 
the  present  day  a  large  number  of  scholars  regard  the  traditional 
authorship  as  tenable,  and  think  that  ''the  book  is  a  well- 
articulated  whole,  certainly  arranged  by  the  author  himself. 
Its  subdivisions,"  they  tell  us,  "grow  out  of  particular  dis- 
courses of  the  prophet,  not,  however,  without  connection 
among  themselves,  as  is  most  plainly  observable  between 
chaps,  iii  and  iv,"  ^  And  yet  many  of  those  who  still  speak 
of  the  book  as  written  by  ^licheas  have  been  somewhat 
influenced  by  the  critical  work  carried  on  in  regard  to  that 
minor  prophet  during  the  last  twenty-five  years.  Gradually 
they  have  been  led  to  admit  that  ii,  12,  13  is  a  late  passage, 
or  at  least  is  out  of  place  in  its  present  context,  and  to  look 
upon  the  oracles  in  chaps,  vi,  vii  as  probably  referring  to  the 
reign  of  Manasses,  Ezechias'  son  and  successor,  though  it  is 
claimed  that  even  in  such  a  case,  Micheas  may  be  the  author 

>  Jno.  Jaiin-,  Intnxl.  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  331  (Enprl.  Transl.). 

2  Von  Orelli,  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets,  p.  188  (Engl.  TranKl.). 


4l6  SPFXIAL    INTRODl'CTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTaMKNT. 

of  those  chapters,  since,  for  all  that  \vc  know,  the  jjrophei 
may  have  outlived  Ezechias'  time. 

Of  late,  the  tendency  among  critics  is  to  question  the 
traditional  authorship  of  nearly  two  thirds  of  the  book  of 
Micheas.  ' '  Against  the  composition  of  chaps,  iv,  v  by  Alicheas 
there  are  the  following  objections:  (i)  the  strange  conjunction 
of  the  Messianic  hopes  of  iv,  i  sqq.  with  the  threatenings  of 
iii,  12;  (2)  the  circumstance  that  mutually  exclusive  views 
present  themselves  (cfr.  iv,  6-8  with  verse  9  sq.;  iv,  11-13  wiih 
v,  i;  v,  2-4  with  verse  5  sq.),  and  that  frequently  a  connec- 
tion can  be  established  only  by  very  artificial  methods  (cfr.  iv, 
4  with  verse  5;  iv,  8  with  verse  9  sq. ;  iv,  11-13  with  v,  i  sqq.); 
(3)  the  dependence  upon  trains  of  ideas  which  did  not  become 
current  till  after  the  time  of  Micheas  (cfr.  iv,  11-13  with 
Ezech.  xxxviii  sq.),  as  well  as  the  presupposing  of  relations 
which  were  strange  to  Micheas'  era  (cfr.  iv,  6-8  [ii,  12  sq.] 
V,  2  sqq.)."  ^  For  these  and  similar  reasons,  chaps,  iv, 
V  are  oftentimes  considered  as  a  compilation  of  separate 
fragments,  some  of  which  are  held  to  be  either  exilic  or  post- 
exilic. 

Serious  difficulties  are  also  urged  against  the  composition  of 
chaps,  vi,  vii  by  Micheas.  In  regard  to  vi,  i-vii,  6,  it  is  felt 
that  the  hope  and  buoyancy  which  Isaias  kindled,  and  which 
left  their  impress  upon  the  pages  of  Micheas  (in  chap,  i  sqq.), 
have  given  way  in  vi  sq.  to  despondency  and  sadness.  Micheas 
declaims,  it  is  said,  against  the  leaders  of  the  nation  only;  in 
chap,  vi  sq.  the  corruption  has  extended  to  the  entire  people; 
and  vi,  1-8,  16,  together  with  the  dark  picture  in  vii,  1-6,  point, 
we  are  told,  directly  to  the  age  of  Manasses  as  that  in  which 
vi,  i-vii,  6  was  composed.  Of  course,  if  written  under 
Manasses,  the  author  might  still  be  Micheas,  were  it  not  that 
the   difference    in    form   and    structure    between   this   section 

1  W.  NowACK,  art.  Micah,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  in    p.  359- 


THE    MINOR    PROPHF.TS    OF    TFIE    F.KHITII    CFXTl'RY    B.C.    417 

and  the  preceding  (clia]).  i  scjq.)  makes  it  imi)rol)al)Ie  that  Iwth 
are  by  the  same  author.  Chap,  vi  sq.  is  dramatic  in  structure; 
the  prophecy  is  distributed  between  (h'fferent  interlocutors  in 
a  manner  which  is  far  from  common  in  the  prophets,  and  is 
aUogether  alien  from  chap,  i  scicj.^  Whence  it  has  been 
inferred  by  Ewald,  and  by  many  critics  after  him,  that  vi, 
i-vii,  6  should  rather  be  ascribed  to  an  unknown  writer  living 
in  the  reign  of  Manasses.  The  cautious  remarks  of  Prof. 
Driver  in  this  connection  are  well  worth  quoting:  "Ewald's 
date  for  vi,  i-vii,  6  is  exceedingly  probable;  though  we  cannot 
affirm  with  equal  confidence  that  Micheas  is  not  the  author. 
With  such  a  small  basis  as  chaps,  i-v  to  argue  from,  we  are 
hardly  entitled  to  pronounce  the  dramatic  form  of  vi,  i  sqq. 
inconsistent  with  Micheas'  authorship.  At  the  same  time, 
there  is  a  difference  of  tone  and  manner  i-n  vi,  i-vii,  6,  as 
compared  with  chaps,  i-v,  which,  so  far  as  it  goes,  tells  against, 
rather  than  in  favor  of,  identity  of  author:  instead  of  Micheas' 
sharp  and  forceful  sentences,  we  have  here  a  strain  of  reproach- 
ful tenderness  and  regret ;  and,  as  Kuenen  remarks,  the  prophecy 
does  not,  as  would  be  natural  if  the  author  were  the  same, 
carry  on,  or  develop,  lines  of  thought  contained  in  chaps,  i-v. 
The  point  is  one  on  which  it  is  not  possible  to  pronounce 
confidently;  but  internal  evidence,  it  must  be  owned,  tends 
to  support  Ewald's  conclusion."  ^ 

As  regards  vii,  7-20  the  main  difficulty  to  the  traditional 
authorship  and  date  lies  in  its  contrast  with  vi,  i-vii,  6.  For, 
what  in  the  latter  passage  is  yet  in  prospect,  has  in  the  former 
actually  come  to  pass:  Sion  suffers  for  her  sins,  and  the 
writer  looks  forward  now  to  a  better  time,  when  Yahweh  will 
again  interest  Himself  on  behalf  of  His  people  and  build  the 

'  Cfr.  EvvALD  as  summarized  by  Driver,  Introd.  to  Literat.  of  Oki  Test, 
p.  332. 

2  Driver,  loc.  cit.,  p.  ziZ- 


41 S  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAJIF.Xf. 

walls  of  Jerusalem.  Between  vii,  6  and  vii,  7  there  yawns  a 
century.  Besides,  there  prevails  a  remarkable  similarity  be- 
tween vii,  7-20  and  the  Deutero-Isaias,  so  that  both  could 
naturally  be  ascribed  to  about  the  same  time.^  And  yet 
there  are  able  scholars  who,  though  not  ignoring  the  plausi- 
bility of  the  objections  raised  against  the  early  date  of  vii, 
7-20,  still  incline  to  ascribe  it  to  the  time  of  Manasscs. 

Prof.  W.  H.  Bennett's  moderate  words  concerning  the  whole 
question  are  to  the  effect  that  "it  is  difhcult  to  resist  the 
impression  that  there  is  a  marked  contrast  in  style  and  thought 
between  i— iii  and  iv-vii,  which  suggests  a  different  age  and 
author  for  the  latter  section;  but  it  is  equally  difficult  to 
estimate  the  evidential  value  of  such  an  impression."  ^ 

'  For  details,  see  Wellhausen's  grounds  in  Driver'  s  Introd.,   p.  332,  sq. 
2  W,  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introd.,  p.  247. 


SYNOPSIS   OF   CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Minor  Prophets  of  the  Seventh  Century  B.C.: 
Nahum,  Sophonias,  and  Habacuc. 


I.  The  Last  Forty  Years  of  the  Seventh  Century  B.C. 
(Chief  Events  and  General  Character.) 


II. 

The  Prophet 
Nahum: 


III. 

The  Prophet 
Sophonias: 


IV. 

The  Prophet  -! 
Habacuc: 


1.  His    Name  and  Birthplace. 

^  Opening        Alphabetical 

^  r     .    T^     1  Poem  (i,  2-ii,   i,  3). 

2.  Contents  of  his  Book:     i  r^u       t^       u  ti 

1  The     Prophecy      Proper 

I-      (ii,  2,  4-iii). 

3.  Date  and  Authorship  of  the  Prophecy. 


1.  His  Name  and  Royal  Descent. 

^     ,      ,      f  ,  .    T>     ,        j  Threats  (i,  2-iii,  8). 

2.  Contents  of  his  Book:    ^  ^  '  '    ' 


Promises  (iii,  9-20). 

3.  Date  and  Authorship  of  the  Prophecy. 

4,  Literary  Characteristics  and  Condition  of  the  Text 

of  his  Book. 


1.  Meaning  of  his  Name.    Legends  concerning  Him. 

f  Three  Principal  Views  regarding  the 

2.  Contents  of    J       Body  of  the  Book  (1,  2-ii). 

his  Book;      1  The  Concluding  Psalm  (iii). 


Strophical  Structure  of  the  Prophecy. 


3.  Date  and  Authorship  of  the  Prophecy. 
419 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

THE     MINOR     PROPHETS     OF    THE     SEVENTH    CENTURY    B.C.! 
NAHUM,    SOPHONIAS,    AND   HABACUC. 

§  I.  The  Last  Forty  Years  of  the  Seventh  Century  B.C. 

The  ministry  of  the  three  minor  prophets  Nahum,  Sophonias, 
and  Habacuc  is  generally  assigned  to  the  last  forty  years  of 
the  seventh  century  B.C.  At  the  beginning  of  that  period, 
traces  of  the  idolatrous  worship  which  had  been  prevalent 
in  Juda  during  the  reigns  of  Manasses  (686-641  B.C.)  and  Amon 
(641-63Q  B.C.)  could  still  be  seen  in  Jerusalem,  while  a  long- 
prepared  reaction  in  favor  of  Yahweh  worship  was  about 
to  set  in.  Two  chief  obstacles,  however,  were  in  the  way  of 
such  a  reaction:  first,  the  tender  age  at  which  Josias  ascended 
the  throne  of  Juda,  in  639  B.C.  (he  was  only  "eight  years  old  " 
at  his  accession);  and  secondly,  the  terrible  inroads  of  the 
Scythian  hordes  which  began  about  630  B.C.  The  reaction 
was  simply  delayed,  and  in  fact  was  rendered  stronger  by 
the  delay.  The  evils  of  the  invasion  were  easily  represented 
as  a  punishment  for  the  sins  of  the  land,  and  the  various 
parties  at  v.'ork  to  bring  about  a  reaction  (priests,  prophets, 
prominent  laymen)  made  the  most  of  Josias'  tender  age  to 
organize  all  the  better  that  they  might  secure  a  thorough 
and  permanent  return  of  the  nation  to  the  true  God.  In  621 
B.C.  the  ''Book  of  the  Law "  found  in  the  Temple  was  solemnly 

420 


THE    MINOR    I'KOPHETS    OF    TllF    SKVKNTH     CF.NTUKY    M.C.    42  1 

read  to  the  assembled  i)eople,  and  a  \ii;()r()us  rear; ion  was 
Ijegun  on  the  basis  of  its  eonten(s. 

After  Josias'  reformation,  Jiida  enjoxed  a  breadline  spare 
of  peace  and  prosperit}-.  The  Scythian  hordes  had  apparenlK' 
withdrawn,  and  the  x^ssyrian  empire  was  dwindhng  raj^idly 
after  the  death  of  its  last  great  monarch,  Assurbanipal(626  B.C.). 
The  Syrian  states  and  Israel  had  been  crushed,  so  that  Juda 
was  for  a  time  the  strongest  power  in  Palestine,  and  Josias 
was  able  to  extend  his  authority  over  part  of  Ephraim.  Alean- 
while  Babylon  was  fast  aggrandizing  itself  at  the  expense  of 
Assyria,  but  its  claim  to  supremacy  over  Western  Asia  was 
disputed  by  the  Egyptian  king  Nechao,  who  marched  to 
Palestine  on  his  way  to  the  Euphrates.  As  a  faithful  vassal 
of  the  new  Chaldas-an  empire,  Josias  opposed  Nechao,  and 
was  defeated  at  Mageddo,  and  mortally  wounded  (609  B.C.). 
The  Assyrians  were  now  so  weakened  that  the  ruin  of  their 
power  was  easily  secured  by  the  combined  forces  of  Media 
and  Babylonia:  Ninive  fell  in  606  B.C.  Finally,  the  struggle 
for  supremacy  in  Western  Asia  between  Babylon  and  Egypt 
was  brought  to  an  end  by  the  signal  defeat  of  Nechao's  army 
at  Carchemis,  in  the  year  604  b.  c. 

The  last  forty  years  of  the  seventh  century  naturally  appeared 
to  those  who  lived  through  them  '^a  time  of  unsettlement,  dis- 
ruption, terror,  and  distress  of  nations."  *  The  chief  national 
calamity  for  Juda  during  that  period  was  Josias'  fall  on  the 
battle-field  of  Mageddo,  and  neither  the  subsequent  ruin  of 
Ninive,  the  oppressing  city  which  had  so  long  been  the  scourge 
of  Western  Asia,  nor  the  signal  defeat  of  Egypt— that  is,  of  the 
power  which  had  been  the  occasion  of  Josias'  death  — seemed, 
in  the  eyes  of  Yahweh's  faithful  adherents,  anything  like  a 
sufficient   vindication   of    God's   providence    in    allowing   the 

*  R.  L.  Ottley,  the  Hebrew  Prophets,  p.  45. 


42  2  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

inglorious  death  of  a  prince  so  pious  and,  everything  con- 
sidered, so  successful  in  promoting  religious  reforms  in  Israel. 
For  details  concerning  the  political  and  religious  condition 
of  Juda  after  the  demise  of  Josias,  see  the  opening  remarks 
to  chapter  xi  of  the  present  volume. 

§  2.   The  Prophet  Nahiim  {ah.  626-608  B.C.). 

I.  His  Name  and  Birthplace.  In  all  the  lists  of  the 
twelve  minor  prophets,  Nahum  stands  the  first  of  those  who 
are  usually  referred  to  the  seventh  century  B.C.  His  name, 
very  likely  connected  with  the  Hebrew  intensive  form  Nahhunij 
means  primarily  "full  of  consolation  or  comfort,"  and  per- 
haps, in  a  derived  sense,  * '  consoler,  comforter."  It  is  probably 
contracted  from  the  fuller  word  Nahhumiah  (cfr.  Nehemiah)^ 
which  signifies  ''Yahweh  is  full  of  consolation,  or  consoler."  ^ 

In  the  title  to  his  book,  Nahum  is  called  ''the  Elcesite" 
(in  Hebrew,  the  'elqoshi),  an  epithet  which  all  scholars  regard 
as  referring  to  the  prophet's  birthplace,  'elqosh.  The  exact 
site  of  this  small  town  cannot  be  determined  at  the  present 
day.  The  identification  of  'elqosh  with  the  Christian  village 
of  'alqiish,^  about  27  miles  due  north  of  Mosoul,  is  certainly 
to  be  rejected,  for  it  does  not  date  back  beyond  the  sixteenth 
century  of  our  era,  and  is  easily  accounted  for  by  the  subject- 
matter  of  Nahum's  prophecy:  "the  burden  of  Ninive"  (Nah. 
i,  i).  The  identification  of  the  town  with  the  various  sites  in 
Galilee  which  have  been  suggested  at  different  times— (i) 
Capharnaum,  "the  Village  of  Nahum,"  the  primitive  name 
of  which  has  been  supposed  to  be  'elqosh;    (2)  ''Helceseus'' 

1  Cfr.  A.  R.  S.  Kennedy  art.  Nahum,  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol. 
iii,  p.  473- 

2  The  tomb  of  Nahum  is  still  shown  there  just  as  the  tomb  of  Jonas,  whose 
book  also  deals  with  Ninive,  is  shown  at  N^bht  Yunm,  to  the  south  of  Mosoul 
(the  ancient  Ninive). 


THE    MINOR    PROPHETS    OF    THE    SEVENTH    CENTURY    B.C.   423 

(possibly  ihcsamcas  ihc  modern  'clqozeJi  in  Xorlhcrn  (ir.lilcc), 
mentioned  by  St.  Jerome  in  the  prologue  to  his  coninu-nlarx-  mi 
Nahum — is  hardly  less  improbable;  for,  had  Nahum  belonged 
to  a  family  of  Israel,  he  most  likely  would  have  referred  to 
the  misfortunes  of  the  Northern  Kingdom.  The  birthi)lace 
of  the  prophet  was  very  probably  in  Juda.  and  the  tradition 
recorded  in  the  Pseudo-Epiphanius,  that  Nahum  was  a  native 
of  a  hamlet  near  the  ancient  Eleutheropolis,  may  be  correct.' 

2.  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Nahum.  After  the  title, 
which  gives  us  the  name  and  the  birthplace  of  the  prophet, — 
practically  all  that  we  know  of  his  personality, — the  book  of 
Nahum.  contains  an  alphabetical  poem  (i,  2-ii,  i,  3)^,  the 
existence  of  which  has  been,  as  we  think,  proved  by  the 
labors  of  Bickell,  Gunkel,  and  Nowack.^  This  acrostic  psalm 
on  the  ''Day  of  Yahweh  "  describes  a  theophany  in  which 
the  God  of  Israel  destroys  the  enemies  of  His  people.  It 
sets  forth  the  principles  on  which  the  Almighty  inflicts  His 
judgments,  and  is  a  fit  introduction  to  the  two  odes  on  the 
approaching  fall  of  Ninive,  which  form  the  prophecy  proper 
(ii,  2,  4-iii). 

The  first  ode  (ii,  2,  4-14)  gives  a  graphic  picture  of  the 
attack  on  Ninive,  its  capture,  overthrow,  and  resulting  deso- 
lation. First  of  all,  the  prophet  depicts  the  approach  of  the 
hostile  warriors  in  scarlet  uniforms  and  with  steel-mounted 
chariots  (ii,  2,  4).  Then  he  describes  the  conflict  outside  the 
walls  (verse  5).  On  this  follows  the  approach  to  the  walls 
and  assault  upon  them  (6).    But  the  immediate  source  of  danger 

•  Cfr.  A.  R.  S.  Kennedy,  loc.  cit..  p.  474. 

'  The  references  to  chap,  ii  follow  the  verse  numerotation  of  the  Massoretic 
Text    which  is  one  more  throughout  than  in  the  Vulgate. 

*'  Of  the  twenty  two  original  verses  of  the  alphabetical  poem  ten  can  be 
easily  recognized  in  the  Massoretic  Text;  the  next  four  or  five  can  be  made 
out  only  vvith  difficulty  for  the  original  form  of  the  Hebrew  has  been  less 
carefully  preserved,  while  the  rest  are  in  such  a  poor  textual  condition  as 
to  render  the  restoration  of  the  poetical  lines  very  problematic. 


424  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

is  elsewhere,  for  the  protecting  dams  and  sluices  are  burst 
open  (7);  hence  the  panic  in  the  palace,  which  is  immediately 
stormed  and  quickly  captured  with  its  inmates  (8)>  The 
following  verses  (9,  10)  describe  the  sack  of  the  city.  Finally, 
the  desolation  of  the  queen  of  cities  is  vividly  set  forth  (11-14) ; 
it  is  now  a  "  wild  and  weary  waste,"  and,  to  the  writer's  un- 
feigned delight,  the  Assyrian,  once  brave  as  a  lion  and  as 
cruel,  has  passed  away  for  ever.^ 

The  second  ode  (chap,  iii)  develops  and  confirms  the  theme 
of  the  first:  the  "city  of  blood,"  full  of  rapine  and  prey,  shall 
be  stormed  and  sacked  (verse  i).  The  following  verses  (2-3) 
are  a  vivid  picture  of  the  assailing  chariots  and  horsemen. 
Ninive,  continues  the  writer,  fully  deserves  her  awful  fate, 
on  account  of  her  crafty  policy,  her  corruption  and  sorceries 
(4-7).  As  little  will  she  be  able  to  avert  her  ruin  as  was  No- 
Ammon  (Thebes,  in  Upper  Egypt),  which  also  had  the  waters 
for  a  rampart  (8-1 1).  Her  fortified  outposts,  with  their 
effeminate  defenders,  have  already  been  taken:  now  is  the 
time  to  prepare  for  the  siege  (12-14).  Ninive  is  fallen!  her 
countless  and  unpatriotic  merchants  have  vanished  as  locusts, 
and  in  hatred  and  disdain  all  that  have  suffered  at  her  hands 
rejoice  at  seeing  her  proud  empire  for  ever  done  away  with 
(15-19)- 

3.  Date   and   Authorship  of  the   Prophecy.    The 

two  odes  which  make  up  the  body  of  the  prophecy  of  Nahum 
are  universally  considered  as  the  work  of  that  prophet.  The 
only  point  in  question  regarding  them  is  the  precise  date  to 
which  they  should  be  referred.  The  terminus  a  quo  is  sup- 
plied by  the  capture  of  No-Ammon,  in  664  B.C.,  which  is 
spoken  of  as  a  past  event  (iii,  8  sqq.);   the  terminus  ad  quern 

'  Cfr.  A.  R.  S.  Kennedy  (Ioc.  cit.,  p.  474  sq.).  who  supposes  that  the  words 
"Thus  saith  Yahweh.  now  tound  at  the  head  oi  i,  12  are  part  ot  the  original 
introduction  to  the  first  ode. 


THE  MINOR  PROPHETS  OF  THP:  SEVENTH  CEXTURY  B.C.  425 

by  tlic  downfall   of   Ninivc,   in   606    B.C.     ''The    ui)i)cr   limit 
(664   B.C.)    is   fatal  both   to   the   earliest   tradition   known  to 
us,  according  to  which  Nahum  prophesied    115  years  before 
the  fall  of  Ninive  (Joseph us,  Antiq.  of  the  Jews,  Book   ix, 
chap,  xi,  §  3),  and  to  the  conclusions  of  older  scholars,  such 
as  Pusey,  Nagelsbach,  etc.,  w4io  placed  the  prophecy  in  the 
reign  of  Ezechias  or  the  earlier  years  of  Manasses."  ^     The 
lower  limit,  which  is  being  admitted  by  an  increasing  num- 
ber of    writers,  is   "  the    moment   between    the  actual  inva- 
sion   of  Assyria  by  a  hostile  force  and  the  commencement 
of    the  attack  on   its   capital.     The   'mauler'    or    destroyer 
is  already  on  the  march  (ii,  2);    the  frontier  fortresses  have 
opened  their  gates  to  the  foe  (iii,  12-13,  where  note  the  tenses 
which  imply  that  the  fact  has  already  occurred).     The  latter, 
it  is  clear  (iii,  14,  15),  has  not  yet  begun  to  invest  the  city. 
Such  was  the  situation  when  Nahum  received  the  prophetic 
impulse  to  proclaim  to  the  'city  of  blood  '  that  the  cup  of  her 
iniquities  was  full  to  overflowing.  .  .  .  The  whole  of  the  prophecy 
proper  palpitates  with  the  conviction   that    the  'utter  end  ' 
(i,  9)  of  the  Assyrian  is  at  hand.     The  closing  verses  of  the 
prophecy  (iii,  18,  19),  in  particular,  are  strangely  out  of  place 
if  the  writer  has  in  view  any  other  but  the  final  attack,  B.C.  608 
-607."  ^     Such  an  approximate   date    is — all    that   has    been 
said  to    the  contrary  notwithstanding — in  harmony  (i)  with 
the  composition  of  the  opening  alphabetical  poem  by  Nahum, 
for  the  distress  of    Ninive  referred  to  in  i,  9,  12  acquires  a 
wonderful  reality  and  naturalness   if  it  is  taken  as  the  final 
one;    (2)  with  the  general  characteristics  of  Hebrew  prophecy, 
according  to  which  the  prophet  speaks,  in  the  first  instance, 
to    his    own    contemporaries,    his    message    being    intimately 

'  A.  R.  S.  Kennedy,  loc.  cit..  p.  476.— The  discovery  by  Fr.  Scheil.  O.P. 
of  the  stele  of  Nabonidus.  has  made  it  almost  certain  that  Ninive  fell  in  606 
B.C.     (Cfr.  A.  B.  Davidson,  Nahum.  p.  137  sq.) 

2  A.  R.  S.  Kennedy,  loc.  cit. — The  siege  of  Ninivc  lasted  two  years. 


426  SPECIAL    INTKODLCTION    10    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

related  with  ihc  circumstances  of  his  time,  and  his  promises 
and  predictions,  how  far  they  reach  into  the  future,  never- 
theless resting  upnin  the  basis  of  the  history  of  his  own  age, 
and   corresponding   to  the   needs   which   are  then   felt.' 

As  regards  the  dale  and  authorship  of  the  opening  alpha- 
betical poem,  it  is  supposed  by  some  scholars  that  the  tra- 
ditional view  which  ascribes  it  to  Nahum  should  be  given 
up.  "The  artificiality  of  the  acrostic  form,"  they  tell  us,  "is 
generally  supposed  to  point  to  a  late  rather  than  an  early 
date  for  the  poems  which  show  this  construction."  ^  Again, 
the  abstract  tone  of  the  composition  contrasts  widely  with 
the  concrete  character  of  the  two  odes  which  all  regard  as 
Nahum's  work:  while  these  deal  explicitly  with  the  actual 
circumstances  of  Ninive's  destruction,  the  alphabetical  psalm 
has  to  do  exclusively  with  the  general  principle  of  Yahweh's 
avenging  justice.  Apparently  "the  author  of  this  psalm,"  we 
are  told,  "lived  at  some  period  of  the  post-exilic  history,  when 
the  yoke  of  the  heathen  pressed  heavily  on  the  people  of  God, 
whose  coming  to  judge  the  oppressor  and  vindicate  His  own 
could  not  be  long  delayed.  The  poem,  it  was  felt  at  a  later 
period,  fitly  expressed  the  general  principle  of  God's  avenging 
justice,  of  which  the  destruction  of  Ninive  was  the  most 
striking  concrete  illustration.  Accordingly,  it  was  prefixed 
as  an  appropriate  introduction  to  the  genuine  'vision  of 
Nahum  the  'elqoshite.'  "  ^ 

Although  these  arguments  for  a  post-exilic  date  of  Nahum  i, 
2-ii,  I,  3  are  not  altogether  devoid  of  plausibility,  they  are 
not  sufficient  to  disprove  its  pre-exilic  origin,  and  to  establish 
the  theory  that  this  canticle,  unlike  the  rest  of  the  prophecy 
which  bears  his  name,  should  not  be  ascribed  to  Nahum. 

'  Cfr.  Driver.  Introd.  to  Liter,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  237. 

2  A.  R.  S.  Kennedy,  loc.  cit.,  p.  475- 

3  A.  R.  S.  Kennedy    loc.  cit.     See  also  J.  K.  Cheyne,  Introd.  to  Isaiah. 

p.   113. 


THE  MINOR  PROPHETS  OF  THE  SEVENTH  CENTURY  B.C.  427 


§  3.  The  Prophet  Sophonias  {ah.  626-621  B.C.). 

I.  His  Name  and  Royal  Descent.  The  name  and 
ancestry  of  the  second  minor  prophet  of  the  seventh  century 
B.C.  are  given  in  the  opening  title  to  his  book:  ''The  word  of 
Yahweh  that  came  to  Sophonias,  the  son  of  Chusi,  the  son  of 
Godolias,  the  son  of  Amarias,  the  son  of  Ezechias,  in  the  days 
of  Josias,  the  son  of  Amon,  king  of  Juda."  The  name  Sopho- 
nias is  the  Grecized  form  of  the  Hebrew  C^phaniah,  which 
means ' '  he  whom  Yahweh  has  hidden  or  protected."  Together 
with  this  sense,  St.  Jerome,  deriving  the  name  from  the  root 
Caphah,  gives  as  a  possible  signification  of  Sophonias  specu- 
lator Domini, ' '  watcher  of  Yahweh,"  an  appropriate  appellation 
for  a  prophet.^  The  pedigree  of  Sophonias  is  traced  to  his 
fourth  ancestor,  Ezechias.  As  the  genealogy  of  a  prophet  is 
not  usually  carried  higher  up  than  his  father,^  Eben  Ezra 
inferred, — and  his  inference  has  been  accepted  as  plausible 
by  most  modern  scholars, — that  Ezechias,  the  highest  link 
in  the  chain  of  Sophonias'  ancestry,  was  the  Judaean  king  of 
that  name.  It  is  true  that  the  epithet  ''King  of  Juda"  is 
not  added  after  Ezechias,  but  the  name  of  so  illustrious  an 
ancestor  needed  not  the  addition,  and  as  the  expression 
"King  of  Juda"  had  to  follow  the  name  of  Josias  at  the  end  of 
the  title  (chap,  i,  i),  its  insertion  after  Ezechias  would  have 
been  awkward.^  Besides,  Sophonias'  close  acquaintance  with 
the  Holy  City,  and  more  especially  his  strictures  upon  "  the 

'"Nomen  sophoniae  alii  speculani,  alii  arcanum  Domini  transtulerunt.  ' 
(Comm.  on  Sophon.    i.  i.) 

2  Cfr.  Isai.  i.  i ,    Jerem,  i,  i:    Ezech.  i,  i :   Joel  i,  i. 

3  The  fact  that  there  is  one  generation  more  between  Sophonias  and  Eze- 
chias than  between  Josias.  Sophionas'  contemporary,  and  that  monarch,  is 
no  absolute  difficulty  to  the  royal  descent  of  the  prophet  (cfr.  Trochon.  'cs 
Petits  Prophfetes.  p.  347:  A.  B.  Davidson,  Zephaniah  (in  the  Cambridge  Bible), 
p.  95  sq.;   etc.). 


4  28  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

princes  and  the  king's  sons"  (i,  8)  are  best  understood  when 
he  is  considered  as  of  kingly  lineage. 

2.  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Sophonias.  After  its 
opening  title,  which  gives  the  prophet's  name,  ancestors, 
and  time  of  ministry,  the  book  of  Sophonias  deals  "with  the 
Doom  of  Juda  and  Jerusalem  and  all  nations  in  the  Day  of 
Yah  well."  ^  The  first  part  (i,  2-iii,  8)  announces  a  destruc- 
tion which  is  apparently  to  embrace  the  whole  world,  but 
which  is  directed  in  particular  against  the  corrupt  worship  of 
Juda  and  Jerusalem  (i,  2-6).  The  "Day  of  Yahweh"  is  at 
hand,  the  day  of  the  great  sacrifice,  in  which  the  unfaithful  Jews 
will  be  the  victims,  and  in  which  the  pagan  nations,  "sanctified  " 
for  the  occasion,^  are  summoned  to  share.  Three  classes  in 
Juda  will  be  visited  with  particularly  severe  judgment:  Ihe 
court  officials,  the  merchants,  and  the  Jews  sunk  in  religious 
indifferentism  (i,  7-13).  That  "Day  of  Yahweh"  is  a  day  of 
darkness  and  terror,  from  which  no  wicked  will  be  able  to 
escape  (i,  14-18).  In  the  opening  verses  of  chap,  ii  (which 
perhaps  form  a  distinct  oracle)  the  prophet  urges  the  people  to 
repent  and  to  seek  Yahweh  before  the  day  of  retribution  (ii,  i- 
3).  Then  he  utters  oracles  against  the  Philistines  (4-7),  IMoab 
and  Ammon  (8-10),  Ethiopia  (12),  and  even  Ninive,  the  proud 
capital  of  Assyria  (13-15).  This  is  followed  by  the  threatened 
doom  of  Jerusalem,  sinfulh-  ungrateful,  incapable  of  taking 
warning  from  the  example  of  the  neighboring  peoples  (iii,  1-8). 

In  the  second  part  of  the  book  (iii,  9-20)  threatenings  give 
place  to  promises.  There  is  first  the  promise  that  Yahweh 
shall  be  named  and  worshipped  among  the  nations  (iii,  9,  10). 
In  the  next  place  (11-13),  Sion  is  promised  the  deliverance  of 
a  purified  remnant,  "an  humble  and  poor  people"  who  will 

1  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introd.,  p.  254. 

2  Cfr.  I  Kings  xvi,  5. 


I 


THE    MINOR    PROPHETS    OF    THE    SEVENTH    CENTURY    B.C.   429 

serve  the  God  of  Israel  in  sincerity  and  in  safety.  "The 
book  closes  with  a  triumphant  call  to  the  people  to  rejoice  in 
Yahweh  who  dwells  in  their  midst,  and  who  gives  to  them  a 
high  and  honorable  place  among  the  nations  (14-20)."  ^  As 
justly  remarked  by  Vigouroux,^  ' '  the  general  tone  of  the  end 
of  the  book  of  Sophonias  is  prophetical,  though  it  does  not 
contain  any  trait  which  would  refer  directly  to  the  person  cf 
Our  Saviour." 

3.  Date  and  Authorship  of  the   Prophecy.    The 

title  of  the  book  refers  the  prophecy  to  "Sophonias,  in  the 
days  of  Josias,  the  son  of  Amon,  king  of  Juda."  These  tradi- 
tional date  and  authorship  are  admitted  for  the  first  chap'er 
by  practically  all  scholars,  even  by  those  who  do  not  regard  the 
title  as  an  original  part  of  the  book.  It  is  also  commonly 
held  that  this  chapter  should  be  dated  within  the  first  half 
of  Josias'  reign,  before  the  Discovery  of  the  Book  of  the  Law, 
in  621  B.C.  The  idolatrous  practices  described  in  i,  4-6,  and 
the  moral  and  social  condition  of  Juda  depicted  in  i,  8,  9,  12, 
point  obviously  to  the  period  when  Josias  had  not  yet  reached 
the  age  to  initiate,^  or  at  least  had  not  yet  actually  started,  the 
various  reforms  which,  as  we  know,  followed  closely  on  the 
Discovery  of  the  Deuteronomic  Law. 

As  regards  the  rest  of  the  book,  there  is  hardly  a  verse 
concerning  the  date  and  authorship  of  which  doubts  have  not 
been  raised.  Only  three  passages,  however,  of  chaps,  ii,  iii  can 
be  seriously  questioned ;   these  are:  (i)  ii,  8-11;  (2)  iii,  9,   10; 

»  J.  A.  Selbie,  art.  Zephaniah.  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  iv. 
p.  975. 

2  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii    no.  1104. 

3  The  expression  "the  king's  sons"  in  Sophon.  i.  8  is  no  insuperable  objection 
to  that  view,  as  if  it  implied  that  Josias  was  over  21  years  of  age  at  the  time. 
The  expression,  as  it  stands,  may  mean  simply  the  members  of  the  royal 
family,  besides,  the  reading  "the  king's  house'  in  the  LXX  Version  is  most 
likely  the  original  formula. 


430  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

(3)  iii,  14-20.  "The  oracle  against  Moab  and  Ammon  (ii, 
8-10)  denounces  these  peoples  for  an  attitude  towards  Juda 
which  seems  out  of  place  in  Josias'  reign;  their  territories  were 
not  on  the  line  of  the  Scythian  invasion  of  Egypt  via  Philistia; 
and,  further,  the  verses  are  not,  like  those  that  precede  and 
that  follow,  in  the  qinah  measure.^  This  last  circumstance  tells 
very  strongly  against  their  originality.  Then  verse  11,  if  it 
belongs  to  Sophonias  at  all,  is  certainly  out  of  place.  The 
omission  of  these  four  verses  gives  a  good  connection  between 
verse  7  and  verse  12."  ^ 

The  chief  difficulty  against  iii,  9-10  is  that  these  two  verses 
seem  to  interrupt  the  connection  and  to  interfere  with  the 
antithesis  between  verse  8  and  verse  11. 

But  it  is  more  particularly  iii,  14-20  which  reads  like  a 
passage  which  did  not  originally  form  a  part  of  the  book  of 
Sophonias.  "  It  appears  to  belong  to  a  different  situation.  In- 
stead of  threatening  a  universal  judgment  on  Jew,  and  Gentile, 
as  alike  guilty  before  God,  the  writer  promises  to  Sion  that 
Yahweh  'will  deal  with  all  those  that  afflict  her'  (verse  19). 
Of  those  belonging  to  Sion  there  are  also  some  'who  sorrow 
far  away  from  the  solemn  assembly,'  and  a  promise  is  given 
that  they  shall  be  'gathered'  (18,  20).  Further,  the  'judg- 
ments' on  Israel  seem  to  have  already  fallen  and  to  lie  behind 
the  prophet  (15),  w^hile  before  him  there  is  the  vision  of  a 
glorious  day  about  to  dawn.  The  situation  is  very  similar  to 
that  which  appears  in  Isai.  xl  sqq.  The  language  of  the 
passage,  too,  is  not  without  similarities  to  those  chapters  of 
Isaias,  e.g.,  'sing'  (14),  'fear  not'  (16),  and  other  expressions. 
There  is  a  great  contrast  between  the  jubilant  tone  of  verses 
14-20  and  that  of  verses  11-13,  which  is  very  sombre.  In 
iii,  1-13  the  profound  moral  feeling  of  the  prophet,  his  sense 

*  The  qinah  measure  is  the  Hebrew  elegiac  metre. 
2  J.  A.  Selbie,  loc.  cit.,  p.  976. 


THE    MINOR    PROPHETS    OF     IHK    SK\KMH    TIM  IKV    H.T.    43  1 

of  the  sin  of  his  people  and  of  the  severity  of  tlie  jud.L^ments 
needful  to  change  them,  colors  his  picture  of  their  linal  felicity 
(11-13)."^ 

Despite  the  weight  of  some  of  the  foregoing  arguments, 
especially  of  those  urged  against  iii,  14-20,  many  scholars 
still  ascribe  the  whole   book  to  Soplionias  (ab.  626-621  B.C.). 

4.  Literary  Characteristics  and  Condition  of  the 
Text   of  the    Book   of  Sophonias.     As  far  as  can  be 

judged  from  the  oracles  which  most  critics  consider  as  the 
work  of  Sophonias,  the  style  of  that  prophet  resembles  that 
of  his  contemporary,  Jeremias.  It  is  generally  clear  and 
forcible,  and  the  figures  used  are  at  times  very  striking  (cfr. 
i,  12,  17  sq.).  The  description  of  the  Day  of  Yahweh  (i,  15- 
18)  is  powerful  and  has  visibly  inspired  the  author  of  the 
Dies  irce.  Other  passages,  such  for  instance  as  iii,  11-13, 
are  remarkable  for  their  literary  beauty.  It  cannot  be  denied, 
however,  that  in  his  description  of  the  future  ruin  of  Ninive 
Sophonias  lacks  the  graphic  power  of  the  prophet  Nahum, 
who  almost  depicts  the  event  as  if  it  had  been  given  him 
to  witness  it.  He  is  often  supposed  to  have  freely  used  oracles 
of  predecessors.  In  passages  assigned  to  a  later  date  than 
the  seventh  century,  traces  of  late  Hebrew  have  been  dis- 
covered.^ 

In  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  text  of  the  prophecy,  it 
is  certainly  defective  in  several  places.  Marginal  notes  have 
crept  into  the  text  and  now  appear  as  a  third  parallel  line, 
or  even  under  the  form  of  distichs.  Suspicious  words  are 
time  and  again  pointed  out  by  critics,  and  in  some  cases 
the  primitive  reading  can  be  restored  with  the  help  of  the 
Septuagint  Version. 

1  A.  B.  Davidson,  Zephaniah,  p.  103  sq. — The  tendency  among  critics  is 
to  regard  iii,  14-20  as  a  post -exilic  lyric  in  the  style  of  the  Deutero-Isaias. 

2  Cfr.  J.  A.  Selbie,  loc.  cit.,  p.  976. 


432  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 


§  4.  The  Prophet  Habacuc. 

I.  Meaning  of  his  Name.  Legends  concerning 
him.  Nothing  is  known  for  certain  of  the  third  and  last 
minor  prophet  of  the  seventh  century,  beyond  his  name, 
Habacuc,  and  the  scanty  information  which  may  be  gathered 
from  his  book.  Even  the  exact  meaning  of  the  name,  Habacuc, 
is  a  matter  of  discussion.  It  is  usually  taken  to  mean  "em- 
brace," and  when  its  doubly  intensive  form — from  the  root 
habhaq — is  taken  into  account,  "ardent  embrace."  ^  It  is 
possible,  however,  that  the  abstract  "embrace"  was  used 
for  object  of  embrace,  in  which  case  the  w^ord  would  sig- 
nify "darling,  delight."  ^  According  to  Fr.  Delitzsch,  the 
name  of  the  prophet  is  derived  from  the  Assyrian  hambakuku, 
which  designates  some  garden  plant. 

Besides  Habacuc's  name,  hardly  anything  concerning  him 
can  be  gathered  from  his  book.  He  is  indeed  called  twice 
in  it  "the  prophet,"  ^  which  possibly  implies  that  he  held  a 
recognized  position  as  prophet,  but  this  gives  us  practically 
no  distinct  knowledge  of  himself.  Again,  in  iii,  19  we  read 
the  statement  "for  the  chief  musician,  on  my  stringed  instru- 
ments," ^  which,  according  to  some,  suggests  that  Habacuc 
was  a  member  of  the  Temple  choir,  and  consequently  a  Levite. 
This  twofold  inference,  however,  is  far  from  certain.  Instead 
of  the  pronoun  "my,"  the  Septuagint  has  the  more  probable 
reading  "his"  (referring  to  the  chief  musician);    and  it  may 

1  St.  Jerome,  in  the  Pref.  to  his  Commentary  on  the  prophet,  renders  the 
name,  Habacuc.  by  "amplexatio. 

2  Cfr.  A.  B.  Davidson,  Habakkuk  (in  the  Cambridge  Bible),  p.  45. 

3  Habacuc  i.  t  ,    iii,  i. 

^  This  is  the  e.xact  rendering  from  the  Hebrew. 


'IHK    MINOR     I'KOlMll   IS    OF     IIIK    SKVF.XTII    CKNTUKV    H.O.    433 

well  l)c  doubled  whedier  in  the  sevenlli  lenturv  n.c.  all  ihc 
"singers"  belonged  necessarily  to  the  tribe  of  Levi.' 

In  the  absence  of  authentic  tradition,  legend  has  been  busy 
about  the  prophet.  He  has  been  represented  as  the  sentinel 
set  by  Isaias  (cfr.  Isai.  xxi,  6;  and  Habac.  ii,  i)  to  watch 
for  the  fall  of  Babylon;  as  the  son  of  the  Sunamite  woman, 
whom  EHas  restored  to  hfe;  as  the  author  of  an  a])ocryphal 
work;  as  the  son  of  a  certain  Jesus,  and  as  belonging  to  the 
tribe  of  Levi.  According  to  other  accounts,  he  was  of  the 
tribe  of  Simeon,  and  a  native  of  Bethsocher.  It  is  said  also 
that  when  Nabuchodonosor  came  to  destroy  Jerusalem,  in 
the  time  of  Sedecias,  Habacuc  fled  to  Ostrakine  (now  Straki, 
on  the  Egyptian  coast),  whence  he  returned  after  the  Chal- 
dctans  had  withdrawn  and  the  Jews  had  fled  into  Egypt; 
that  he  was  a  husbandman  in  his  native  place,  and  died 
two  years  before  the  exiles  came  back  from  Babylon.  Three 
or  four  different  sites  have  been  mentioned  as  the  place  of  his 
burial. 

2.  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Habacuc.    The  book 

of  Habacuc  is  commonly  divided  into  two  parts:  the  one 
(i,  2-ii)  "constructed  dramatically,  in  the  form  of  an  alter- 
nate discourse  between  Yahweh  and  His  prophet";^  the 
other  (iii)  as  a  lyric  ode,  w^ith  the  usual  characteristics  of  a 
psalm.  As  the  statement  of  the  contents  of  the  first  part 
depends  largely  upon  the  interpretation  admitted,  we  give 
the  three  main  exegetical  views  with  an  analysis  according 
to  each.^ 

'  In  the  story  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon  (Dan.  xiv.  32  sqq.)  the  prophet  Haba- 
cuc IS  described  as  is  stated  in  chap,  xiii  of  the  present  volume,  as  carrying 
a  meal  f.o  Daniel  in  the  lion"s  den. 

-  Driver,  Tntroduct.  to  Literat.  of  Old  Test.,  p.  3,36. 

^  The  exposition  of  these  views  is  borrowed  from  W.  H.Bennett's  Biblical 
Introduction,  p.  252  sq. 


434 


SPECIAL    INTRODrCTlON    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 


Analysis  of  chaps,  i,  2- ii  ac 
cording  to  this  First  View: 


I.  First  View:  Juda's   sin  will  be  punished  by  the  Chaldceans,  who 
in  their  turn  will  be  punished.' 
'  i,  1-4.        Social    corruption    of   Juda,   in 
which      the      righteous     Jew 
{Caddiq),     is    oppressed     by 
the   wicked    Jew    {Rasha'). 
i,  5-11.      The    destructive  might    of   the 
Chaldceans,    who    are    raised 
up  to  punish  the  wicked  Jews, 
i,  12-17.  Appeal  to  Yahweh  against  the 
unmeasured     cruelty    of     the 
Chaldaeans,   the     wicked,   ra- 
sha ,  who  are  even  less  right- 
eous, Cat/c^i^,  than  the  Jews, 
ii,  1-4.      Deliverance  promised, 
ii,  5-20.    Woes    against    the    Chaldaeans 
for  their  cruelty,  debaucherj, 
and  idolatry. 

Criticism  of  this  View:  This  view  takes  the  text  just  as  it  stands,  but 
involves  the  following  difficulties:  The 
"wicked"  is  in  one  place  a  portion  of  the 
Jews,  in  another  the  Chaldaeans.  i,  5-1 1 
breaks  the  connection;  i,  6  the  Chaldaeans 
are  a  new  power  to  be  raised  up;  in  ii,  5-20 
the  oppressors  are  spoken  of  as  well  known 
and  of  long  standing. 
II.  Second  View:  Nothing  is  said  of  the  sin  of  Juda;  the  prophet 
dwells  on  the  wrongs  done  to  Juda  and  other 
nations  by  the  Chaldaeans,  and  announces 
the  coming  chastisement  of  the  oppressor; 
chap,  i,  5-11  is  either  a  later  addition, ^ 
or  to  be  placed  before  i,  1-4.^ 


^  This  interpretation  is  the  one  most  received  among  critics. 
2  Wellhausen,  etc. 

8  GlESEBRECHT,  etC. 


THE    MIxN'OK    PROPHETS    OF    THE    SEVExVTH    CKNITikV 


B.C.   435 


Analysis  of  First  Part  ac- 
cording to  the  Second 
View: 


Criticis 


[i,  5-1 1.    Chald;can  ()])i)rc.ssion.] 
i,  1-4.       Social   disorder  in  Juda,  suffer- 
ings   of    righteous    (Caddig), 
Jews,   at    the    hands    of    the 
wicked   (Rasha),  Chaldacans. 
i,  5-17.     Interpolated    expansion    of  the 
picture  of  Chaldican  cruelty, 
i,  12-17.  Appeal  against  the  wicked  Chal- 
daeans  on  behalf  of  the  right- 
eous Jews, 
ii,  1-4.      Deliverance, 
ii,  5-20.    Woes  against  the  Chaldaeans. 
of  Second  View:  The  chief  objection  to  this  view  is  that  i,  5-1 1 
neither  furnishes  a  suitable  exordium,  nor 
seems  a  probable  interpolation. 
III.  Third  View:   Nothing  is  said  of  the  sin  of  Juda;  the  prophet  dwells 
on  the  wrongs  inflicted  either  by  the  Assyr- 
ians 1  or  by  the  Egyptians. ^  The  oppressor  in 
his  turn  is  to  be  punished  by  the  Chaldx'ans; 
chap,  i,  5-1 1  is  to  be  placed  after  ii,  4. 
i,  1-4.       Sufferings  of  the  righteous  Jews 
at    the  hands  of  the  wicked 
Assyrians  or  Egyptians. 
i,  12-17.  Appeal  against  the  wicked  op- 
pressor on  behalf  of  the  right- 
eous Jews, 
ii,  1-4.      Deliverance, 
i,  5-11.     Through    the    prowess    of    the 

Chaldacans. 
ii,  5-20.    Woes  against  the  oppressor,  As- 
syrian or  Egyptian. 
Criticism  of  Third  View:  The  chief  objections  to  this  view  are  the  diffi- 
culty of  accounting  for  the  transposition  of 
i,  5-1 1 ;  ^  and  the  absence  of  any  mention  of 
the  Assyrians  or  Egyptians.*     The  part  or 
whole  of  ii,  9-20  is  considered  by  Kuenen, 
etc.,  not  to  be  Habacuc's. 
1  K.  BuDDE,  etc.  2  G.  A.  Smith,  etc. 

3  For  Budde's  answer  to  this  objection,  see   Fred.  T.  Kelly,  in  the  Amer. 
Journal  of  Semitic  Languages  and  Literatures,  Jan.  1902,  p.  98. 

*  Cfr.    BuDDES    grounds,    art.    Habakkuk,    in    Cheyne,   Fncyclop.    Biblica. 
vol.  ii,  col.  1923. 


A  nalysis  of  First  Part  accord- 
ing to  the  Third  View: 


436  SPECIAL    IX'IRODUCTION^     TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

The  second  part  of  the  book  (chap,  iii)  bears  the  title:  "A 
prayer  of  Habacuc  the  i)rophet  to  the  music  of  Shigionoth.^^ 
In  reahty  this  title  applies  only  to  verse  2,  which  alone  is 
strictly  a  prayer.  The  following  verses  3-15  depict  a  Theoph- 
any  as  a  great  tempest  in  the  heavens  in  the  midst  of  which 
Yahweh  is  present;  while  the  concluding  part  of  the  ode  (16- 
19)  describes  the  effect  which  the  contemplation  of  Yahweh's 
approaching  manifestation  produced  upon  the  heart  of  the 
prophet.  Appended  to  the  lyric  ode  is  the  statement:  ''For 
the  chief  musician,  on  my  stringed  instruments." 

The  poetical  form  of  the  contents  of  the  book  of  Habacuc 
is  now  granted  by  scholars  at  large. ^  In  the  concluding  ode 
(Habac.  iii),  as  in  many  psalms,  the  strophical  structure  is 
made  apparent  by  the  word  "Selah"  (verses  3,  9,  13),  and 
the  division  into  strophes  can  still  be  made  out  with  great 
probability.^  The  same  thing  may  be  said — though  this  is 
not  yet  generally  admitted  by  critics — in  regard  to  chaps,  i 
and  ii  of  the  prophecy.^ 

3.  Date  and  Authorship  of  the  Prophecy.  Until 
quite  recently,  the  traditional  authorship  embodied  in  the  title 
to  the  book  of  Habacuc  was  undisputed.  It  was  thought  that 
both  parts  of  the  prophecy  reflect  the  conditions  of  the  closing 
period  of  the  Jewish  monarchy,  and  that  the  common  author 
is  Habacuc,  a  contemporary  of  the  prophet  Jeremias.  In  the 
present  day,  the  traditional  authorship  of  chap,  iii  is  greatly 
controverted,  and  that  of  chap,  i,  5-1 1  is  questioned,  or  given 
up,  by  some  prominent  scholars. 

The  chief  objections  to  the  composition  of  chap,  iii  by  the 
prophet  Habacuc  may  be  briefly  stated   as  follows.      First, 

1  Cfr.  ViGOUROUX,  Manuel  Biblique.  vol.  n  no.  iioo.  Trochon,  les  Petits 
Prophetes,  p.  323.   A.  B.  Davidson-    Driver;   etc. 

2  Ctr.  A.  CONDAMIN,  S.J..  m  "La  Revue  Biblique,"  Jan.  1809. 

3  Cfr.  The  Strophic  Structure  of  Habakkuk.  by  Fred.  T.  Kelly,  in  the  Amer. 
Journal  ot  Semitic  Languages  and  Literatures,  Jan.  1902.  pp.  94-119. 


THE  MINOR  PROrHETS  OF  THE  SEVENTH  CENTL'RY  B.C.  437 

the  title  to  the  chapter,  and  the  musical  directions  in  iii,  3,  g, 
13,  19,  resemble  closely  those  which  are  found  in  die  Psaher, 
and  imply  that  the  ode  once  belonged  to  a  liturgical  collection, 
and  was  placed  here  l)y  a  compiler.  It  cannot  well  be  sup- 
posed that,  though  an  integrant  part  of  the  jjrophecy,  the  poem 
was  used  in  liturgical  services  antl  therefore  provided  with 
its  musical  directions,  for  "such  a  use  of  any  part  of  a  pro- 
phetic book  has  no  parallel."  ^  Much  more  probable  it  is, 
because  more  natural,  to  admit  that  the  hymn  was  excepted 
from  a  collection  of  sacred  songs  and  appended  to  the  book  of 
Habacuc  because  it  had  already  been  ascribed  to  him  in  a 
title,  just  as  certain  psalms  are  still  referred  in  the  Septuagint 
and  the  Vulgate  to  some  prophets  (cfr.  Ps.  cxlv). 

In  the  second  place,  the  passage  is  apparently  unconnected 
with  the  prophecy,  chaps,  i,  ii.  "To  the  circumstances  of 
Habacuc's  owni  age,  so  clearly  reflected  in  i,  2-ii,  8,  there  are 
here  no  allusions;  the  community  is  the  speaker  (verses  14, 
18,  19),  it  trusts  that  Yahweh  will  interpose  on  its  behalf; 
bui  the  descriptions  are  general,  there  is  no  specific  reference 
to  the  Chaldaeans;  it  complains  in  part  of  other  needs  (verse  17) 
and  encourages  itself  upon  other  grounds,  and  in  another 
way,  than  the  prophet  who  speaks  in  i,  2-ii,  8."  ^ 

Lastly,  the  application  of  the  term  Messias  [anointed)  to 
the  people  (iii,  13)  seems  post-exilic.  It  suggests  that  the  royal 
house  of  Juda  has  no  longer  an  actual  king,  to  whom  the 
pre-exilic  title  of  Yahw^eh's  anointed  should  be  given.  In  the 
absence  of  a  monarch  to  inherit  the  promises  made  to  David^ 
the  people  is  conceived  as  the  inheritor  of  them  all,  as  in 
the  Deutero-Isaias  (Isai.  Iv,  3-5),  and  spoken  of  as  the  anointed 
of  Yahweh.^ 

1  A.  B.  Davidson.  Habakkuk,  p.  58. 

2  Driver,  Introd.  to  Literal,  of  Old  Test.,  p.  3?o. 

^  Cfr.  Karl  Budde,  art.  Habakkuk,  in  Cheyne,  Encyclop.  Biblica,  vol.  ii. 
col.   IQ28. 


438  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

In  view  of  these  grounds  against  the  traditional  authorship  ot 
Habacuc's  chap,  iii,  Driver  writes  in  his  usual  guarded  manner; 
"There  is  force  in  these  arguments,  and  we  may  agree  with 
Prof.  Davidson  (Habakkuk,  p.  58  sq;)  that  the  conclusion 
to  which  they  point  may  not  improbably  be  correct."  ^ 

Of  the  first  part  of  the  book  (chaps,  i,  ii)  chiefly  chap,  i,  5-1 1 
is  regarded  by  some  critics  as  a  piece  later  in  date  than 
Habacuc's  time.  Its  character  as  a  later  addition  is  inferred 
from  (i)  the  fact  that  it  breaks  the  connection  between  i,  4  and  i, 
12;  (2)  the  opposition  between  i,  6,  "I  raise  up  the  Chaldaeans," 
etc.,  which  seems  to  refer  to  the  first  entrance  of  that  people 
upon  the  stage  of  history,  and  ii,  5-20,  which  supposes  these 
oppressors  of  Israel  as  well  known  to  all ;  (3)  the  many  parallels 
between  i,  5-1 1  and  i,  1-4,  12-17,  which  would  lead  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  two  sections  are  not  by  the  same  author. 
It  is  plain,  however,  that  these  arguments  against  the  tra- 
diiional  authorship  of  i,  5-1 1  are  not  decisive.  It  may 
be  supposed  that  this  section  does  not  fit  logically  after 
i,  4  simply  because  it  was  wTitten  by  Habacuc  at  a  much 
earlier  date,  viz.,  when  the  Chaldaeans  had  not  yet  appeared 
upon  the  stage  of  history.  As  regards  the  close  parallels 
which  exist  between  i,  5-1 1  and  i,  1-4;  i,  12-17,  it  may  be 
admitted  that  they  are  due  to  the  writer's  desire  to  accentuate 
his  message:  as  the  oppressor  has  done  to  others,  so  shall  he 
himself  be  treated,  or  even  with  greater  severity.^  But  "even 
if  chap,  i,  5-1 1  is  omitted,  there  is  still  sufficient  ground  for 
regarding  Habacuc  as  a  contemporary  of  Jeremias."  ^ 

To  whatever  date  Habacuc's  prophecies  be  ascribed,  their 
Messianic  import  must  be  admitted.^ 

1  Driver  loc.  cit.  See  also  Driver  s  art.  on  Habakkuk,  in  Hastings,  Diet, 
of  the  Bible    vol.  ii.  p.  271. 

2  Cfr.  Fred.  T.  Kelly,  loc.  cit.,  p.  108. 

3  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  251. 

4  Ctr.  Trochon,  les  Petits  Prophetes,  p.  324.  etc. 


SYNOPSIS   OF  CFIAPTER  XVII. 

The  Post-Exilic  Minor  Prophets: 
Aggeus,  Zach arias,  Malachias. 


I.  Historical  Introduction  to  the  Prophets  Aggeus  and 
Zacharias. 


II. 

The  Prophet 
Aggeus: 


IV. 

The  Prophet 
Malachias: 


III. 

The  Prophet  . 
Zacharias: 


f^: 


Meaning  of  his  Name.    Traditions  concerning  Him. 

r  The  Four  Prophecies  (i;    ii,   i-io; 
Contents    of  1       ii,  11-20;    ii,  21-24). 

his  Book:     1  Messianic  Import  of  ii,  7-8  (''Veniet 

'-      Desideratus  cunctis  gentibus"). 
Style,  Date,  and  Authorship  of  the  Book. 


I.  His  Name. 


Legendary  details  concernmg  Him. 
r  Chaps,  i-viii:   Introduction. — Eight 
I       Visions,  with  an  Appendix;   Abo- 
I       lition  of  Fasts. 

I  Chaps,  ix-xiv:    The  Two  Burdens, 
of  the  First  Part:  Traditional  View 
accepted  by  all  (i-viii). 
,  of  the  Second  Part:    Arguments  pr 
^    I       and  against  the  Traditional  View 
'^      (ix-xiv;. 


Contents    of 
his  Book: 


3.  Date     and 


Name  and  Historical  Circumstances  of  the  Prophet. 

Contents  of     f  General  Object. 

his  Book:    1  Leading  Ideas  pointed  out. 

Literary  Style  and  Approximate  Date  of  the  Pro- 
phecy. 

439 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE    POST-EXILIC    MINOR   PROPHETS: 
AGGEUS,    ZACHARIAS,    MALACHIAS. 

§  I.  Historical    Introduction    to    the    Prophets    Aggeus    and 
Zacharias. 

The  enthu liasm  of  the  Jews  who  had  longed  for  the  Return 
to  the  land  of  their  ancestors  was  naturally  very  great  when 
Cyrus,  on  his  capture  of  Babylon,  issued  his  decree  for  their 
deliverance.  Gathered  together  under  the  leadership  of 
Zorobabel,  a  descendant  of  their  great  King  David,  they 
started  unmindful  of  the  length  and  difficulties  of  the  road 
before  them,  encouraged  by  the  priests  and  levites  who  accom- 
panied them.  They  justly  looked  upon  themselves  as  the 
"  Remnant "  spoken  of  by  their  prophets,  and  had  but  one 
wish  at  heart,  viz.:  that  of  restoring  to  its  primitive  splendor 
the  Jewish  theocracy.  Even  the  ruins  of  the  Holy  City  and 
its  Temple,  and  the  lamentable  condition  of  southern  Pales- 
tine which  they  beheld  upon  their  arrival  in  the  *'  Old  Coun- 
try," did  not  temper  their  ardor.  Their  return  had  been 
chiefly  prompted  by  a  religious  impulse,  and  this  is  why, 
soon  after  they  had  effected  their  settlement,  the  religious 
and  civil  authorities  of  the  nation  gathered  the  people  to 
witness  the  setting  up  of  an  altar  to  the  God  of  Israel  and 
the  renewed  ofl'ering  of  the  morning  and  evening  sacrifices 
on  the  first  day  of  the  seventh  month.     The  great  Festival 

44<i 


THE    POST-F.XILIC    MINOR    PROPHETS.  44I 

of  the  Tabernacles  was  aho  celebrated   with  due  solemnity 
and    the    various    legal    holidays    were    henceforth    observed 
with  strict  faithfulness  (Esdr.  iii,  i-6).     A  step  towards  the 
restoration   of   the   Temple   had   already   been   taken    in    the 
form  of  generous  contributions  towards  the  rebuilding  of  the 
House  of  Yahweh  on  its  former  site  (Esdr.   ii,  68,  69).     It 
was  not,  however,  before  "  the  second  month  of  the  second 
year  of  their  coming"  that   the  first  stone  of  the  "second" 
Temple — called  also  the  Temple  of  Zorobabel — was  formallv 
laid.     One  of  the   causes  of  the  delay   was   mo^t  likelv   ihc 
fear   lest    the    work    of    reconstruction   should    be    interfered 
with  by  the  unfriendly  neighbors  of  the  new  Jewish  common- 
wealth; and  in  point  of  fact  the  returned  exiles  were  not  able 
to  proceed  beyond  this  purely  formal  ceremony  till   the  six- 
teenth year  of  the  Return.^     The  mixed  races  which  dwelt  in 
Samaria  apparently  made  overtures  to  the  supreme  council 
of  the  Jews,  that  they  also  might  be  allowed  to  share  in  the 
great  work  of  rebuilding  the  Temple  of  Yahweh;    but  thcv 
were  refused.      Whereupon  the  Samaritans  resorted  to  every 
means  to  prevent  the  progress  of  the  national  temple  of  their 
neighbors.     Not   satisfied   with    interfering   directly   with    the 
workmen  of  Juda,  they  exerted  all  their  influence  with  the 
king  of  Persia,  and  in  consequence  "  the  work  of  the  House 
of  Yahweh,  in  Jerusalem,  was  interrupted  "  until  the  reign 
of  Darius  I.  (Esdr.  iv,  1-5,  24). 

Besides  this  hatred  and  actual  opposition  of  the  people  of 
Samaria,  other  circumstances  may  be  pointed  out  which  con- 
tributed to  make  it  practically  impossible  for  the  Jews  to 
pursue  the  work  of  erecting  the  House  of  Yahweh.  "  The 
invasion  of  Egypt  by  Cambyses  in  527  B.C.  must  have  brought 
with  it  great  suff"erings  for  the  Jewish  colonists;  no  peace  or 

1  Cfr.   Driver,   Introd.,  p.   547;    G.  A,  Cooke,  art.   Haggai,  in    Hastings' 
Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol,  ii,  p,  579, 


442  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

security  was  possible  while  Palestine  was  overrun  by  the 
vast  hordes  of  the  Persian  army  on  their  way  to  Egypt  (cfr. 
Agg.  i,  6;  Zach.  viii,  lo).  A  succession  of  bad  seasons  fol- 
lowed; the  land  suffered  from  prolonged  drought;  harvest 
and  vintage  failed;  the  fortunes  of  the  colony  sank  to  their 
lowest  ebb  (Agg.  i,  6,  9-11;  ii,  16,  17).  In  Jerusalem  itself 
some  of  the  old  social  abuses  made  their  appearance;  luxury 
and  self-seeking  among  the  wealthier  classes  took  the  place 
of  zeal  for  the  cause  of  religion  (Agg.  i,  4,  9).  The  leaders 
of  the  community  did  nothing,  the  first  enthusiasm  had  cooled 
down,  and  the  great  object  of  the  Return  remained  unaccom- 
plished, l^eanw^hile  important  events  were  taking  place  in 
the  Persian  empire.  During  the  early  years  of  his  reign 
(521-515)  Darius  was  engaged  in  a  desperate  struggle  to 
secure  the  kingdom  he  had  won.  Province  after  province 
revolted;  rebellions  broke  out  everywhere,  now^  in  the  very 
heart  of  the  empire,  now  in  its  farthest  extremities.  While 
Darius  vvas  suppressing  the  Babylonian  usurper  Nidintubel, 
Elam  and  the  neighboring  countries  attempted  to  throw  off 
the  Persian  yoke.  At  the  beginning  of  520  B.C.  Darius  sub- 
dued Babylon,  and  then  marched  against  the  Median  pre- 
tender Phraortes;  but  before  this  campaign  was  over,  Baby- 
lon revolted  a  second  time.  It  seemed  like  a  vast  upheaval 
of  the  heathen  world,  a  shaking  of  the  heavens  and  earth. 
There  were  still  prophets  in  Jerusalem  to  read  the  signs  of 
the  times,  and  they  were  not  slow  to  grasp  the  bearing  of 
these  vast  movements  upon  the  interests  which  they  had  at 
heart.  The  central  authority  was  weakencfl;  the  original 
permit  of  Cyrus  had  not  been  repealed:  now  was  the  oppor- 
tunity for  a  religious  and  patriotic  enterprise.  Aggeus  came 
forward  in  520 — and  Zacharias  was  soon  by  his  side — with 
the  divine  command  to  start  at  once  upon  the  rebuilding  of 
the  Temple.     The  neglect  of  this  first  duty,  so  the  prophet 


THE    POST-EXILIC    MINOR     PROPHETS.  443 

insists,  has  been  the  cause  of  all  the  recent  misfortunes;  but 
when  once  it  has  been  discharged,  the  divine  blessing  will 
descend  and  the  glorious  promises  of  the  great  prophet  of 
the   Restoration   (Isai.   Ix)    will   be   fulfilled   at   last."  ^ 

§  2.   The  PropJict  Aggeus  (j2o  B.C.). 

I.  Meaning  of  his  Name.  Traditions  concerning 
him.  The  first  prophet  who  thus  urged  the  Jews  to  rebuild 
the  Temple  of  Yahweh  is  called  in  the  Hebrew  Text  Haggai, 
and  in  the  Septuagint  Ayyaios,  whence  the  Vulgate  name 
AggCKs.  The  exact  meaning  of  the  word  is  uncertain:  while 
many  scholars  consider  it  as  an  adjective  signifying  '^the  festive 
one,"  or  perhaps  ''one  born  on  the  feast-day,"  others  take 
it  as  an  abbreviation  of  Haggiah,  "  my  feast  is  Yahweh,"  a 
Jewish  proper  name  found  in  I  Chron.  vi,  15  (Vulg.,  I  Pa- 
ralip.  vi,  30).  In  view  of  similar  forms — Mattenai  (II  Esdr. 
xii,    ig;    I  Esdr.  x,   7,t,\    etc.),  Zabbai  (I  Esdr.  x,   28;    etc.), 

which   are  abbreviations    of   proper   names  ending  in  iah 

the  second  meaning  of  Haggai  (Aggeus)  seems  the  more 
probable  one.  ^ 

Similar  uncertainty  prevails  in  regard  to  the  personal 
hi.;tory  of  Aggeus.  Outside  the  few  details  which  can  be 
gathered  from  a  comparison  between  certain  passages  of  his 
prophecy  i,  i;  ii,  i,  10,  20  with  Esdras  v,  i;  vi,  14,  and  which 
liiiply  mention  the  various  occasions  on  which  he  came  out 
U)  deliver  his  message,  all  that  can  be  stated  concerning  him 
i,  drawn  from  groundless  traditions.  According  to  these 
legends,  Aggeus  was  born  in  Babylon,  was  a  young  man  when 
he  came  to  Jerusalem,  and  was  buried  in  the  Holy  City  among 
the  priests,  whence  it  has  been  inferred  that  he  was  of  the 

1  G.  A.  Cooke,  loc.  cit. 

2  H.  V.  HiLPRECHT  has  found  the  Jewish  name  Hagga  on  a  tablet  of  the 
fifth  century  b.c,  from  Nippur. 


444  SPECIAL     INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

family  of  Aaron.  Some,  taking  in  its  literal  sense  the  expres- 
sion "Aggeus,  the  MaVakh  of  Yahweh"  (i,  13),  have  imagined 
that  he  was  an  angel  in  human  form.  According  to  Jewish 
writers,  Aggeus,  Zacharias,  and  Malachias  were  the  men  who 
were  with  Daniel  when  he  saw  the  vision  related  in  Dan.  x,  7; 
and  were,  after  the  Exile,  members  of  the  so-called  Great  Syna- 
gogue. According  to  a  Talmudic  tradition,  their  death  is  to 
be  placed  in  the  fifty-second  year  of  the  Medes  and  Persians; 
while,  according  to  another,  Aggeus  survived  till  the  entry  of 
Alexander  the  Great  into  Jerusalem,  and  even  till  the  time 
of  Our  Saviour.  According  to  Pseudo-Epiphanius,  he  was  the 
first  who  chanted  the  Alleluia  in  the ''second"  Temple;  etc.^ 
From  all  this  one  can  learn  the  value  usually  to  be  set  on 
so-called  Jewish  traditions,  which  are  most  full  and  explicit 
when  all  historical  basis  is  wanting. 

2.  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Aggeus.  The  prophecies 
of  Aggeus  are  arranged  in  four  groups,  each  one  headed  by 
the  date  on  which  it  was  delivered.  The  first  utterance 
(i,  i-ii)  urges  the  people  to  rebuild  the  Temple,  which 
thev  have  neglected,  satisfied  as  the}'  were  with  the  comfort 
of  their  own  houses.  The  drought  which  desolates  the  land 
is  a  punishment  of  their  selfish  neglect.  Coupled  with  this 
first  utterance  is  a  brief  narrative  (i,  12-14)  setting  forth 
the  effect  which  the  prophecy  produced  upon  the  leaders  and 
the  people  of  Israel:  three  weeks  later,  work  was  started  on 
the  Plouse  of  Yahweh.  In  his  second  utterance  (ii,  i-io) 
the  prophet  promises  that  the  new  Temple,  which  then 
appeared   a:^   nothing   in   comparison   with   that   of  Solomon, 

'  G.  A.  Cooke,  loc.  cit.,  p.  2S1;  Smith,  Bible  Diet.,  vol.  ii.  p.  979  (Amer. 
Edit.). — Father  ViGOUROUX  (Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii.  no.  1105)  says:  'Ac- 
cording to  the  Fathers,  Aggeus  was  one  of  the  Babylonian  captives  who  came 
back  with  Zorobabel."  Whence  Trochon  significantly  inquires:  "On  what; 
ground  rest  such  traditions?        (les  Petits  Prophetes,  p.  373,  footn.  2), 


THK   ros'r-Kxn,ir   minor   proi'iikts.  445 

would  one  da}'  l>c  imomparahl}'  ir.oiv  j'lorious.  'Vhv  third 
uUcrance  (ii,  11-20)  declares  that  as  long  as  the  Temple  is 
unljLiilt  the  Jews  are  as  men  who  arc  unclean,  and  whose  gifts 
are  u-nwelcome:  hence  the  late  unfruitful  seasons.  Their 
renewed  zeal,  however,  will  secure  them  a  divine  blessing. 
The  fourth,  and  last,  utterance  (ii,  21-24)  announces  that, 
in  the  approaching  overthrow  of  the  heathen  powers,  Zorobabel 
will  receive  special  tokens  of  Yahweh's  favor  and  protection. 

Several  passages  of  these  short  prophetical  utterances  are 
justly  regarded  as  having  a  Messianic  import.  This  is  un- 
questionably the  case  with  ii,  7-8  (Heb.  ii,  6-7),  which  announces 
that  the  second  Temple  will  exceed  in  glory  that  of  Solomon, 
although,  in  rendering  verse  8  by 

Et  movebo  omnes  Gentes,  et  veiiiet  Desideratus  cunctis  Gentibus^ 

the  Vulgate  ascribes  to  the  passage  a  direct  reference  to  the 
person  of  the  Messias,  which  is  alien  from  the  Original  Text.^ 
The  strict  rendering  of  the  Hebrew  is: 

Et  movebo  omnes  Gentes,  et  venient  desiderium  omnium  Gentium, 

so  that  ''St.  Jerome,  in  the  Vulgate  Version,  has  rendered 
Agg.  ii,  7  (Vulg.  ii,  8)  somewhat  incorrectly.  For  (i)  venient 
desiderium  does  not  refer  to  a  person,  but  as  the  verb  is  plural 
and  the  noun  singular,  the  latter  must  be  taken  in  a  collective 
sense;  (2)  the  abstract  ^e^f(/mz^w, 'desire,' is  put  in  phrases  of 
this  kind  for  the  object  of  desire,  and  signifies  what  is  desirable, 
precious  things,  treasures,  as  may  be  seen  by  comparing  I  Sam. 
ix,  20;  Gen.  xlix,  26;  II  Chron.  xxxii,  27;  Jerem.  xxv,  34; 
Osee  xiii,  15;  Nahum  ii,  10  (Vulg.  ii,  9);  (3)  the  subject 
which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  the  prophecy  is  the  splendor  0} 
the  Temple;    (4)  the  series  of  the  discourse  requires  that  the 

*  This  is  freely  admitted  by  Jahn,  Knabenbauer,  S.J.,  Philippe,  Tkochon, 
and  many  other  Catholic  writers. 


446  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

seventh  (eighth  in  the  Vulg.)  verse  should  be  explained  as 
referring  to  the  riches  and  magnificence  oj  the  Temple}  The 
meaning  is  therefore  this :  that  the  Temple  should  be  rendered 
very  magnificent  by  the  accession  of  the  treasures  of  the 
Gentiles."  ^  Thus  understood  the  prophecy  is  in  substantial 
agreement  with  Isai.  Ix,  5  sqq.,  and  other  passages  of  the  Old 
Testament,  the  reference  of  which  to  Messianic  times  cannot 
be  questioned.  ''The  only  objection  to  that  interpretation  is 
that  it  does  away  with  a  commonly  received  Messianic  argument. 
But,  besides  the  fact  that,  thus  understood,  the  passage  refers 
still  to  the  time,  though  not  to  the  person, — at  least  directly, — 
of  the  Messias,  truth  must  always  prevail  over  mere  apologetical 


3.  Style,  Date,  and  Authorship.  The  style  of 
Aggeus  is  suited  to  the  practical  character  of  the  contents 
of  his  prophecy.  Each  of  the  four  reasons  he  appeals  to 
in  order  to  convince  his  contemporaries  that  they  must  rebuild 
without  delay  the  House  of  Yahweh  is  well  calculated  to 
bring  home  to  them  this  conviction.  And  the  same  thing 
may  be  said  in  reference  to  the  literary  style  in  which  these 
reasons  are  set  forth.  Aggeus'  style  is,  as  a  rule,  simple 
and  unpruned.  It  is  always  direct  and  natural,  and  its 
repetitions  prove  "evidently  that  the  notes  of  Aggeus'  dis- 
courses have  not  been  touched  up  by  a  more  literary  writer."  ^ 
Although  it  usually  appears  "tame  and  prosaic  "  ^  when  com- 
pared with  the  flights  of  imagination  and  the  poetical  power 

'  Cfr.  in  particular  Agg.  ii.  4.  q.  10. 

2  Jno.  Jahn,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  425  (Engl.  Transl.). — For  a  valu- 
able paraphrase  of  the  passage  and  its  context,  see  T.  T.  Perowne,  Haggai 
(in  the  Camb.  Bible),  p.  38. 

3  Abbe  E.  Philippe  art.  Aggee,  in  Vigouroux,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  col.  269  sq. 
See  also  G.  A.  Cooke,  loc.  cit.,  p.  280  and  footn. 

4  W.  R.  Smith,  art.  Haggai,  in  Cheyne    Encyclop.  Biblica,  vol.  ii,  col.  1937- 

5  W.  A.  Wright,  art.  Haggai,  in  Smith,  Bible  Diet.,  vol.  ii,  p.  079- 


THE    POST-EXILIC    MINOR    PROPHETS.  44  7 

evidenced  by  such  writers  as  Isaias,  Amos,  etc.,  it  is  not 
devoid  of  force,  and  ''not  unfrequently  the  thoughts  shape 
themselves  into  parallel  clauses  such  as  are  usual  in  Hebrew 
poetry."  * 

Besides  this  harmony  of  the  style  with  the  contents  of  the 
book  of  Aggeus,  strong  internal  data  concur  to  confirm  the 
traditional  date  and  authorship  of  that  inspired  writing. 
The  four  utterances  are  directly  concerned  with  what  was 
of  paramount  religious  importance  for  the  Jewish  commu- 
nity about  520  B.C.,  and  what,  as  it  can  be  inferred  from  the 
complications  of  secular  history  already  mentioned,  had  gradu- 
ally become  possible  at  that  precise  period,  viz.,  the  rebuild- 
ing of  the  House  of  Yahweh.  The  shaking  of  the  heavens 
and  the  earth,  and  the  overthrow  of  nations  spoken  of  in 
the  second  chapter  of  the  prophecy,  can  naturally  be  con- 
sidered as  a  reflection  of  the  distracted  condition  of  the  heathen 
world  at  the  time.  Yea,  more:  the  whole  description  is  actu- 
ally associated  by  the  writer  with  the  immediate  circum- 
stances of  time  and  place  in  the  midst  of  which  the  prophecy 
regarding  the  Messianic  times  was  delivered:  Zorobabel,  the 
great  Jewish  leader  of  the  Return,  the  scion  of  David,  is  still 
living,  and  is  distinctly  made  sure  of  Yahweh's  favor  and 
protection  amidst  dangers  present  and  future.  Together 
with  this  local  coloring  which  connects  intimately  the  book 
of  Aggeus  with  the  time  assigned  to  it  by  tradition,  each 
part  of  the  prophecy  is  supplied  with  such  precise  dates, ^  and 
ascribed  so  explicitly  to  Aggeus,  that  each  utterance  may  be 
said  to  bear  within  itself  the  manifest  mark  that  it  was  written 
soon  after  its  delivery.  It  has  been  held,  however,  l)y  some 
scholars  that    since  "the  book  frames  these  utterances  in  a 


•  Driver,  Introduction,  p.  344. 

'  The    first    utterance    is  assigned    to    September,  the    second    to    October, 
and  the  third  and  fourth  to  December,  520  B.C. 


448  SPECIAL    I NTROl) LECTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

very  brief  narrative  and  Aggeus  is  spoken  of  ihroughoui  in 
the  third  person,  it  may  have  been  compiled  by  the  pro})het 
himself  or  by  one  of  his  hearers."  ^ 

§  3.   The  Prophet  Zacharias. 

I.  His  Name.   Legendary  Details  concerning  him. 

The  prophet  who  worked  together  with  Aggeus  to  secure  the 
rebuilding  of  the  House  of  Yahweh  is  called  Zacharias  in 
the  Septuagint  and  the  Vulgate  Versions.  His  Hebrew  name, 
Z^chariah,  is  an  abbreviation  of  Z^chariahu  (cfr.  IV  Kings 
XV,  8)  and  means  more  probably,  not  "  memory  of  Yahweh," 
as  explained  by  St.  Jerome,  but  "  whom  Yahweh  remembers," 
or  simply  "  Yahweh  remembers."  ^ 

Of  the  prophet  Zacharias,  as  of  his  colleague  Aggeus,  very 
little  is  knowm.  The  title  to  his  book  speaks  of  him  as  "  the 
son  of  Barachias,  the  son  of  Addo,"  whereby  is  very  likely 
meant  that  he  was  the  grandson  of  Addo,  although  in  I  Esdras 
v,  i;  vi,  14  he  is  called  "the  son  of  Addo."  Apparently 
the  writer  of  I  Esdras  uses  the  word  "  son  "  in  its  less  restricted 
sense  of  descendant,  passing  over  Barachias,  who  possibly 
died  early  and  without  distinction,  while  the  prophet  himself 
gives  us,  as  it  might  well  be  expected,  the  exact  order  of 
descent.^  It  is  also  commonly  admitted  that,  since  the 
Zacharias  and  ^^  ddo  mentioned  in  the  title  of  the  prophecy 
are  probab  ical  with  those  that  are  spoken  of  in  Nehem. 

xii,  4,  16,  amon^  '^e  priests  of  the  time  Zacharias  was  both 
a  priest  and  a  prophet. 

1  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  BiL'ical  Introduction,  p.  zgs- 

2  Ctr.  Trochon,  les  Petits  Prophetes,  p.  393.  footn.  i;  Chas.  H.  H.  Wright 
Zechariah  and  his  Prophei  os,  p.  xx  sq. 

3  This  natural  explanac.;  n  disposes  (i)  of  St.  Jerome's  conjecture  that  the 
same  person  is  called  both  "son  of  Barachias"  and  "'son  of  Addo",  (2)  (J 
Knobel's  supposition  (adopted  by  Bleek,  WeJlhausen,  etc.)  that  the  presen' 
title  points  to  a  composite  authorship  of  the  book,  referring  it  to  two  Zach 
ariases, — the  one  "son  of  Barachias,"  and  the  other  "son  of  Addo." 


THE    POST-EXILIC    MINOR    PROPHETS.  449 

But  in  the  absence  of  authentic  tradition,  legend  has  been 
busy  about  Zacharias.  He  is  supposed  by  Jewish  rabbis  to 
have  been  a  member  of  the  so-called  Great  Synagogue,  and 
to  have  lived  to  a  good  old  age.  According  to  Christian 
legendary  accounts,  —  those  of  the  Pscudo-I^j)ij)hanius, 
Dorotheus,  etc., — Zacharias  was  a  very  old  man  when  he 
came  from  Babylon,  where  he  had  uttered  prophecies  and 
worked  miracles.  He  is  said  to  have  foretold  to  Salalhiel  the 
birth  and  future  career  of  Zorobabel.  He  is  also  said  to  have 
predicted  to  Cyrus  his  victory  over  Cra^sus,  as  weW  as  what 
Cyrus  accomplished  at  Jerusalem.  He  died  in  Juda:a  in 
extreme  old  age  and  w\as  buried  near  Aggeus.  To  all  this 
Dorotheus  adds  that  Zacharias'  tomb  was  near  Eleutheropolis, 
and  that  he  was  the  Zacharias  the  son  of  Barachias  mentioned 
by  Isaias  (chap.  viii).  The  last  statement  involved  indeed 
a  gross  anachronism,  but  this  did  not  matter  much  to  its 
author  so  long  as  he  knew  he  was  voicing  a  Jewish  tradition. 
Equally  untrustworthy  is  the  statement  of  Hesychius  to  the 
effect  that  Zacharias  was  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  and  was  born 
in  Galaad.^ 

2.  Contents    of    the     Book    of   Zacharias.    The 

prophecy  of  Zacharias  is  usually  divided  into  two  main  parts: 
chaps,  i-viii;  chaps,  ix-xiv.  The  first  opens  with  an  intro- 
ductory call  to  repentance  based  on  the  fulfilment  of  ancient 
prophecy  (i,  i-6);  the  Jews  are  bidden  *^*^p_tOiiimitate  their 
forefathers  who  neglected  the  warnings  o"*  Reformer  prophets. 
This  introduction  is  followed  by  a  series  of  eight  symbolical 
visions  (i,  y-vi,  8),  which  are  granted  to  the  prophet  and 
explained  to  him  on  each  occasion  bv  the  angehis  interpres, 
"  Resting  on  the  then  present  circu  tances  of  the  Jews, 
as   its   historical   basis,   the   prophecy  of  these   visions  deals 

*  Cfr.  Trochon.  loc.  cit.,  p.  304  sq.;   Chas.  H.  H.  Wright,  loc.  cit.,  p.  xvi  sqq. 


450  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

chiefly  with  the  immediate  future — the  rebuilding  of  the 
Temple  and  city,  the  repeopling  of  the  land,  the  restoration 
of  the  Temple-service,  the  purifying  of  the  nation;  while, 
at  the  same  time,  both  by  the  pregnant  terms  of  its  predic- 
tions in  all  these  particulars,  and  by  the  vistas  which  from 
time  to  time  it  opens  up  in  its  course,  it  reaches  forth  unmis- 
takably towards  a  more  distant  goal."  ^  A  similar  intimate 
connection  with  the  circumstances  of  the  time,  and  apparently, 
also,  a  similar  typical  import,  should  be  ascribed  to  vi,  9-15, 
which  seems  to  be  a  historical  appendix  to  the  preceding 
visions.  In  it  we  are  told  how  Zacharias  complied  with  a 
divine  command  to  take  of  the  silver  and  gold  brought  to 
Jerusalem  by  Babylonian  exiles  as  offerings  to  the  Temple, 
to  make  therewith  crowns  for  the  high  priest,  Jesus, ^  and 
then  to  hang  them  up  for  a  memorial  in  the  House  of  Yahweh. 
''  By  this  significant  action  it  was  intimated  that  the  Temple 
then  in  progress,  in  which  those  crowns  were  hung,  should 
be  finished  and  adorned  in  the  coming  time  with  gifts  and 
offerings;  but  also  that  another  Priest  should  in  due  course 
arise,  who  should  be  a  king  as  w^ell,  and  who  in  a  truer  and 
higher  sense  should  build  the  Temple  of  Yahweh."  ^  The 
first  part  closes  with  a  prophetical  answer  concerning  the 
observance  of  fasts.  The  men  of  Bethel  had  inquired  whether 
the  fast  of  the  fifth  month  in  memory  of  the  destruction  of 
the  Temple  should  be  still  kept.  In  his  answer  the  prophet 
lays  down  the  principle  that  Yahweh  loves  mercy  rather 
than  fasting,  and  that  their  forefathers  have  perished  through 
neglect  of  the  moral  commands  of  the  Lord.     He  then  adds 

1  T.  T.  Perowne,  Zechariah  (in  the  Cambridge  Bible),  p.  59- 

2  Instead  of  "crowns"  many  interpret  "a  crown";  and  instead  of  "Jesus." 
several  scholars  think  that  we  should  read  "Zorobabel."  The  present  Hebrew 
text  of  the  passage  is  most  likely  defective  (cfr.  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical 
Introd..  p.  257). 

3  Perowne,  loc.  cit.,  p.  so  sq. — Cfr.  Vigouroux,  Manuel  Biblique,  voL  u. 
no.  mo;   Wright,  loc.  cit.,  p.  147  sqq. 


THE    POST-KXILIC    MINOR    I'KOI'HETS.  45  I 

a  glowing  picture  of  llio  ^lessianic  future,  when  the  fasts  of 
the  past  will  be  turned  into  festivals,  and  all  nations  worship 
together  with  the  Jews  the   God  of  Israel   (chaps,   vii,  viii). 

The  second  part  of  the  proi)hecy  (chaps,  ix-xiv)  is  made 
up  of  two  leading  sections  which  begin  a^bruptly  and  with 
no  preface  beyond  the  title:  ''The  l)urden  of  the  word  of 
Yahweh "  (ix,  i;  xii,  i).  The  first  ''burden"  (ix-xi,  wiih 
which,  it  is  probable,  xiii,  7-9  should  be  connected)  opens 
with  an  oracle  (ix,  1-8)  against  the  Syrian,  Phoenician,  and 
Philistine  cities,  w^hich  introduces  the  Messianic  king  as 
prince  of  peace.  "  Juda  and  Ephraim  shall  be  Yahweh's 
instruments  to  destroy  the  sons  of  Javan  [the  Greeks].  The 
exiles  of  Ephraim  shall  be  gathered  from  Egypt  and  Assyria 
and  placed  in  Galaad  and  Lebanon.  After  Israel  has  suffered 
at  the  hands  of  evil  shepherds  [i.e.,  rulers],  these  shall  be 
destroyed,  and  a  third  part  of  the  flock  shall  be  redeemed  to 
be  Yahw^eh's  faithful  people. 

"  Chaps,  xii-xiii,  6  with  chap,  xiv  are  described  as  '  a  bur- 
den of  the  word  of  Yahweh  upon  Israel,'  which  from  the 
contents  must  be  used,  in  post-exilic  fashion,  for  Juda  and 
Jerusalem.  It  describes  the  glory  of  a  purified  people  of 
God  in  the  Day  of  Yahweh.  x^ll  nations  will  come  against 
Jerusalem,  but  after  the  city  has  been  reduced  to  extremity, 
or  even  captured,  Yahweh  will  manifest  Himself  to  destroy 
them.  Jerusalem  will  be  restored  to  prosperity,  and  pro- 
vided with  new  rivers,  while  the  residue  of  the  Gentiles  will 
come  up  to  Jerusalem  to  keep  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles;  and 
all  Juda  and  Jerusalem  will  be  perfectly  holy  unto  Yahweh."^ 

3.  Date  and  Authorship.  As  already  stated,  tke  gen- 
eral contents  of  the  first  part  of  the  book  of  Zacharias  are 
intimately  connected  with  the  actual  circumstances  of  the 
Jews,  about  520  b.c.     Like  the  prophecies  of  Aggeus,  which 

1  W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Primer  of  the  Bible,  p.  112  sq. 


452  SPECIAL    IXTRODL'CTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

go  back  to  that  same  period,  they  are  so  directed  to  encour- 
age the  returned  exiles  to  rebuild  their  Temple  and  city,  by 
promises  of  immediate  success  and  future  prosperity,  that 
almost  every  paragraph  is  clearly  found  to  have  points  of  con- 
tact with  B.C.  520-518.  Like  the  prophecies  of  Aggeus, 
too,  chaps,  i-viii  of  Zacharias  have  their  sections  supplied 
with  headings  which  specify  the  date  and  author.  Besides, 
while  these  chapters  are  thus  distinctly  ascribed  to  Zacharias, 
they  are  characterized  throughout  by  special  phrases  and 
idioms,  and  particularly  by  the  use  of  the  first  person  (cfr.  i, 
7,  18;  ii,  I,  3;  iii,  i;  iv,  i  sqq. ;  v,  i  sqq.;  etc.).  It  is  not, 
therefore,  surprising  to  find  that  all  critics  agree  in  accepting 
the  testimony  of  Jewish  and  Christian  tradition  in  regard 
to  the  date  and  authorship  of  the  first  part  of  the  prophecy. 
In  fact,  in  view  of  the  concordant  testimony  of  internal  and 
external  data,  they  most  readily  admit  that  Zacharias  wrote 
himself  chaps,  i-viii  soon  after  the  latest  of  the  prophecies 
contained  therein. 

In  striking  contrast  with  this  agreement  among  scholars 
concerning  the  date  and  authorship  of  the  first  part  stands 
their  diversity  of  views  when  they  endeavor  to  assign  a  prob- 
able date  and  author  to  the  oracles  which  make  up  the  second 
part  of  the  book  of  Zacharias.  The  most  prevalent  theories 
may  be  reduced  to  three.  There  is,  first,  the  traditional  view, 
which  maintains  the  unity  of  authorship  for  both  parts  of 
the  prophecy.  The  same  prophet,  Zacharias,  who  wrote 
chaps,  i-viii  penned  also  chaps,  ix-xiv,  but  after  a  long  lapse 
of  time,  in  old  age,  and  under  altered  circumstances,  so  that 
the  difi'erences  noticeable  between  the  two  portions  of  his 
work  can  be  easily  accounted  for.  According  to  a  second 
view,  the  latter  half  of  the  book  is  to  be  broken  into  two 
parts,  one  of  which  (chaps,  ix-xi,  together  with  xiii,  y-g) 
is  the  work  of  a  pre-cxilic  wri:er  about  the  time  of  King  Achaz 
(735  B.C.),  possibly  the  "  Zacharias  son  of  Barachias  "  spoken 


THE    rOST-KXILIC    INIIXOR     FROPHKIS.  453 

of  in  Isai.  viii,  2,  while  tlic  second  ((■ha|)s.  xii-xiii,  6;  xi\) 
i.^  the  production  of  a  prophet  contemporary  with  Jcrcmias 
(606  B.C.),  possibly  ''  Urias  son  of  Semei,"  who  is  said  in 
Jercm.  xxvi,  20  to  have  ''  prophesied  against  this  city  [Jeru- 
^alcm]  and  against  this  land,  according  to  all  the  words  of 
Jcrcmias."  The  third  opinion  assigns  chaps,  ix-xiv,  as  a 
whole,  or  possibly  in  separate  sections,  to  a  period  which 
is  much  later  than  the  time  of  Zacharias,  the  contemporary 
of  Aggeus,  but  wiiich  varies  from  the  beginning  of  the  third 
to  the  middle  of  the  second  century  before  the  Christian 
era.^ 

The  defenders  of  the  traditional  authorship  api)cal  to  both 
external  and  internal  evidence  in  favor  of  their  position.  They 
claim,  and  indeed  rightly,  that  in  no  ancient  writings  either 
of  the  Jew's  or  of  the  Christians  are  there  any  traces  of  hesi- 
tation to  ascribe  the  second  part  of  the  book,  as  well  as  the 
first,  to  the  post-exilic  prophet,  Zacharias,  the  contemporary 
of  Aggeus.  Of  course,  it  is  readily  granted  that  the  testi- 
mony of  Christian  Fathers  and  Church  waiters  simply  voices 
Jewish  tradition  and  therefore  does  not  add  to  it  any  distinct 
value.  But  it  is  strenuously  maintained  that  the  explicit 
and  unvarying  testimony  of  Jewish  scribes  and  rabbis  to  the 
unity  and  genuineness  of  the  book  of  Zacharias  is  an  impor- 
tant fact,  which  has  a  right  to  have  its  full  weight  in  the  con- 
troversy. "It  is  highly  improbable,"  we  are  told,  'Mhat 
the  compilers  of  the  Canon  could  ha^■e  been  ignorant  with 
regard  to  the  WTitings  of  a  prophet  who  lived  so  near  to  their 
own  times,  or  that  they  could  have  easily  confounded  with 
his  genuine  productions  the  prophecies  of  [one  or]  two  other 
prophets  w^ho  lived  previous  to  the  Babylonian  captivity."  ^ 
When,    therefore,   they    prefixed    the    title  ZJchariah    to    the 

^  Cfr.  W.  G.  Elmslie,  Zechariah.  in  "Book  by  Book."  p.  t,t,t,. 
*  Chas.    H.    H.   Wright.    Zecharir^h    and    his    Prophecies,   p.    xli.      See   also 
H.  Lesetre,  Introd.  k  I'Etude  de  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  vol.  ii,  p.  643. 


454  SPECIAL     INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

present  collection  of  prophecies,  they  rightly  started  a  tra- 
dition which  has  not  experienced  any  change  down  to  the 
present  day. 

As  a  confirmation  of  this  early  and  constant  tradition,  many 
internal  data  are  usually  pointed  out.  From  among  these 
the  following  prove  that  Zachar.  ix-xiv  were  written  after 
the  Exile:  (i)  These  chapters  contain  quotations  from  or  allu- 
sions to  the  later  prophets  of  the  time  of  the  Exile.  For  example, 
we  find  in  Zachar.  ix,  2  an  allusion  to  Ezech.  xxviii,  3;  in  ix, 
5  to  Sophon.  ii,  4;  in  ix,  11  to  Isai.  li,  14;  in  ix,  12  to  Isai.  xlix, 
9  and  Ixi,  7;  in  x,  3  to  Ezech.  xxxiv,  17.  The  whole  allegory 
of  Zachar.  xi  seems  to  be  derived  from  Ezech.  xxxiv  (cfr. 
especially  xi,  4,  16  with  Ezech.  xxxiv,  3,  4);  xi,  3  is  borrowed 
from  Jerem.  xii,  5;  etc.,  etc.  Indeed  "  this  manifest  acquaint- 
ance on  the  part  of  the  writer  of  Zachar.  ix-xiv  with  so 
many  of  the  later  prophets  seemed  so  convincing  toDeWette 
that,  after  having  in  the  first  three  editions  of  his  Einleitung 
declared  for  two  authors,  he  found  himself  compelled  to 
change  his  mind,  and  to  admit  that  the  later  chapters 
must  belong  to  the  age  of  Zacharias,  and  might  have  been 
written  by  Zacharias  himself."  *  (2)  The  historical  standpoint 
in  Zach.  ix-xiv  is  post-exilic.  Thus  in  ix,  12;  x,  6  it  is 
assumed  that  Juda  and  Israel  had  been  in  exile;  in  ix,  13 
*'  the  sons  of  Javan  "  [the  Greeks]  are  mentioned  as  a  world- 
power  and  the  most  formidable  antagonist  of  Israel's  theoc- 
racy; again,  in  xii,  12,  13,  the  prominence  given  to  priests 
and  levites  is  decidedly  post-exilic,  as  is  also  the  importance 
attached  to  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  in  xiv,  16,  to  the  sanctity 
of  pots  and  bells  in  xiv,  20,  21;  finally,  the  poor  present 
estate  of  the  House  of  David  in  xii,  7,  8,  12;  xiii,  i,  together 
with  the  advanced  development  of  the  Messianic  idea  through- 


1  T.  T.  Perowne,  art.  Zechariah,  in  Smith,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  iv,  p.  3607 
(Amer.  Edit.). 


THE    POST-EXILIC    MIxNOK    PROPHETS.  455 

out   the  second   part  of  the  i)rophccy,  shows  that   tlie  author 
wrote   during   the    period    after   the  Return/ 

Other  intrinsic  data  are  brought  forth  b)-  the  defenders 
of  tlie  trachtional  \iew  as  showing  tliat  the  posl-exiHc  author 
of  chaps,  ix-xiv  is  no  other  than  the  writer  of  chaps,  i-viii, 
that  is  Zacharias,  the  contemporary  of  Aggeus:  (i)  The  same 
general  line  of  thought  is  followed  in  both  parts  of  the  book: 
"in  both,  Israel's  enemies  arc  threatened  (i,  14,  15;  vi,  8; 
ix,  i);  the  promised  Messias  will  be  king  and  priest  (iii,  8; 
vi,  12;  ix,  9-17);  the  nations  will  be  converted  (ii,  11;  vi,  15; 
xiv,  16,  17);  the  Israelites  will  come  back  from  exile  (viii, 
7,  8;  ix,  11;  X,  8  sqq.);  the  new  kingdom  will  be  holy  and 
prosperous  (i,  17;  iii,  i-io;  xiii,  1-6;  xiv,  7,  11);  etc.^ 
(2)  The  same  literary  characteristics  are  found  in  both  parts. 
Thus  it  is  claimed  that  the  style  and  language  are  practically 
the  same,  apart  from  the  differences  which  are  naturally 
entailed  by  the  difference  of  subject-matter  in  the  two.  "  When 
the  prophet  is  describing  a  vision,  or  giving  an  answer  to 
questions  propounded,  he  naturally  writes  in  the  language 
best  suited  to  his  purpose,  viz.,  prose.  But  when  he  comes 
to  speak  of  the  distant  future,  he  naturally  rises  to  a  loftier 
style  of  diction;  and  this  is  the  case  even  in  the  earlier  chapters, 
when  occasion  requires;  for  instance,  chaps,  ii,  10-17;  vi, 
12,  13."  ^  In  point  of  fact,  both  portions  are  written  in  com- 
paratively pure  Hebrew  and  contain  the  same  characteristic 
expressions, — such,  for  instance,  as  '^  passer  over  and  turn- 
ing back"  (vii,  14;  ix,  8),  ''the  eye  of  God"  (iii,  9;  ix,  i); 
Juda;  Israel;  Ephraim;  Joseph  (i,  12,  19;  viii,  15;  ix,  13; 
x,  6,  etc.),  employed  to  designate  the  nation.  Both  parts 
are  marked  by  the  habit   of    dwelling  on  the  same  thought 

J  Cfr.  H.  Lesetre,  loc.  cit..    W.  H.  Bennett,  a  Biblical  Introd.,  p.  260  sq. 

2  H.  Lesetre,  loc.  cit.,  p.  644. 

3  W.   H.   Lowe,   Zechariah,  in   "Plain   Introd.  to  the   Books  of  the  Bible," 
edited  by  Ellicott,  vol.  i.  p.  345. 


45^  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

or  word, — for  instance,  in  chaps,  ii,  lo,  ii  (Heb.  verses  14, 
15);  vi,  10,  12,  13;  viii,  4,  5,  23;  xi,  7;  xiv,  10,  11,— and 
of  mentioning  the  whole  and  its  parts  for  the  sake  of  emphasis, 
as,  for  instance,  in  v,  4;  x,  4;  x,  11  sqq.  (3)  The  unity  of 
authorship  is  impHcd  in  the  fact  that  some  verses,  in  whole 
or  in  part,  are  common  to  the  two  portions  of  the  book;  com- 
pare, for  instance,  ii,  10  with  ix,  9;  ii,  6  with  xiv,  5;  vii,  14 
with  ix,  8. 

The  intrinsic  grounds  just  stated  in  favor  of  the  traditional 
authorship  of  Zachar.  ix-xiv  have  been  gradually  gathered 
up  from  the  contents  of  the  book  of  Zacharias  during  the 
course  of  the  last  century,  and  are  at  the  present  day,  in 
the  eyes  of  many  prominent  scholars,^  sufficient  evidence 
that  both  parts  of  the  prophecy  should  be  ascribed  to  Zacharias. 
The  tendency  prevalent  among  critics,  however,  is  to  regard 
all  such  grounds  as  inadequate,  and  to  reject  the  traditional 
view  as  not  being  in  harmony  with  all  the  facts  of  the  case. 
The  following  are  the  principal  points  most  relied  on  to  justify 
this  rejection. 

It  seems,  first  of  all,  that  the  historical  standpoint  in 
Zachar.  ix-xiv  is  very  different  from  that  of  the  preceding 
chapters  (i-viii).  In  the  second  part  of  the  book,  Damascus, 
Tyre  and  Sidon,  Philistia,  Assyria,  and  Egypt  (ix,  1-6; 
X,  10,  11)  are  denounced  as  the  enemies  of  Juda.  Now 
it  is  hardly  probable  that  a  Hebrew  prophet  contem- 
porary of  Aggeus  would  thus  denounce  cities  or  countries 
which  were  at  the  time  subject  to  Persia  equally  with  the 
Jcvv's  themselves.  As  regards  Assyria  and  Egypt  in  particu- 
lar, their  representation  in  Zachar.  x  as  if  they  were  still 
formidable  powers  looks  like  an  anachronism,  Persia  having 
absorbed  the  one  and  subdued  the  other.     Again,  the  king- 


1  AmoiiK  them  may  be  mentioned    Keil,  Kaulen,  Cornely,  Chas.  H.  H, 
Wright,  Lesetre,  etc. 


THE    POST-EXILIC    MINOR    PROPHETS.  45) 

dom  of  the  ten  tribes  is  spoken  of  in  terms  inii)Iying  ai)i)ar 
ently  that  it  still  exists  (ix,  lo;  xi,  14),  a  fact  which  points 
to  a  pre-exilic  date,  as  does  also  the  mention  of  the  '*  T'^'ra- 
])him  "  ^  and  diviners  in  x,  2.  In  like  manner,  the  mention 
of  a  king  in  xi,  6  (cfr.  xiii,  7)  seems  to  make  for  a  time  other 
than  that  of  Zacharias,  while  the  fact  that  ''  in  ix,  13  the 
Greeks  {"  sons  of  Javan  ")  are  spoken  of,  not  as  a  distant, 
unimportant  people,  such  as  they  would  be  either  in  the 
eighth  century  b.c,  or  in  the  days  of  Zacharias  (about  520  B.C.), 
but  as  a  world-power,  and  as  Israel's  greatest  antagonist, 
the  victory  over  whom  (which  is  achieved  only  by  special 
divine  aid)  inaugurates  the  Messianic  age,"  ^  distincly  refers 
to  the  period  after  the  overthrow  of  the  Persian  dominion 
by  Alexander  the  Great,  in  ;^^7,  B.C. 

In  the  second  place,  the  author  of  chaps,  i-viii  evinces 
interests  and  moves  in  a  circle  of  ideas  so  different  from  those 
which  occupy  the  writer  of  chaps,  ix-xiv  that  a  diversity 
of  authorship  is  naturally  suggested.  "  That  chaps,  i-viii 
consist  largely  of  visions  of  which  there  are  none  in  chap, 
ix,  might  not  itself  be  incompatible  with  identity  of  author; 
but  the  dominant  ideas  and  representations  of  chaps,  i-viii 
are  very  different  from  those  of  cither  chaps,  ix-xi  or  chaps, 
xii-xiv.  In  chaps,  i-viii  the  lifetime  of  the  author  and  the 
objects  of  his  interest — the  Temple  and  the  affairs  of  the 
restored  community — are  very  manifest;  but  the  circum- 
stances and  the  interests  of  the  author,  whether  of  chaps. 
ix-xi  or  of  chaps,  xii-xiv,  whatever  obscurity  may  hang  over 
particular  passages,  are  certainly  very  different.^    Zacharias 

^The  "  T^raphim  "  were  apparently  idols  representing  either  the  whole  or 
only  a  part  of  the  human  form,  and  used  for  oracular  purposes. 

2  Driver    Introd.  to  the  Literat.  of  Old  Test.,  p.  349. 

3  Among  other  differences  the  following  can  be  easily  noticed.  In  chaps,  i- 
viii  the  sections  arc  supplied  with  headings  which  specify  the  date  and  author; 
the  prophet  speaks  in  the  first  person,  and  at  each  step  alludes  to  the  events 
of  his  time.      In  chaps,  ix-xiv.  on  the  contrary,  the  tew  headmgs  that  ar© 


458  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

pictures  of  the  Messias  and  the  Messianic  age  are  colored  quite 
differently  from  those  of  chaps,  ix-xi  or  chaps,  xii-xiv  (con- 
trast iii,  8;  vi,  12  sq.,  and  chap,  viii,  with  the  representation 
in  chap,  xiv);  the  prospects  of  the  nation  are  also  represented 
differently  (contrast  i,  21;  ii,  8-11;  viii,  7  sq.,  with  xii,  2  sqq.; 
xiv,  2  sq.,  and  observe  that  in  chaps,  xii-xiv  the  return  of  the 
Jewish  exiles  is  not  one  of  the  events  which  the  prophet  looks  for- 
ward to)."  ^  From  all  this  it  has  been  inferred  that  the  author 
of  chaps,  i-viii  is  different  from  the  writer  of  chaps,  ix-xiv. 
As  regards  the  supposition  made  by  some  defenders  of  the 
traditional  view  that  all  such  differences  point,  not  to  a 
diversity  of  author,  but  only  to  a  difference  of  age,  the  first 
part  having  been  written  in  the  youth  of  Zacharias,  and  the 
second  in  his  old  age,  it  is  treated  as  a  groundless* assumption. 
Indeed,  it  is  regarded  as  an  assumption  which  goes  contrary 
to  the  fact  that  the  first  part  is  precisely  the  one  which  is  devoid 
of  an  elevated  and  imaginative  style,  and  of  the  poetic  fire 
of  youth. 

In  the  last  place,  the  differences  of.  diction  are  those  to 
be  expected  from  different  authors.  For  example,  the  phrases 
''Thus  saith  Yahweh  of  hosts"  (i,  3,  4,  14,  16,  17;  ii,  8; 
iii,  7;  vi,  12;  viii,  2,  4,  6,  7,  g,  14,  etc.),  "  the  word  of  Yahweh 
came  unto  ..."  (i,  7;  iv,  8;  vi,  9;  vii,  i,  4,  8;  viii,  i,  18), 
"I  Hfted  up  my  eyes  and  saw"  (i,  18;  ii,  i;  v,  i ;  vi,  i), 
which  appear  so  often  in  the  first  part,  are  never  found  in 
the  second;  while  the  common  phrase  of  the  second  part, 
"In  that  day"  (ix,  16;  xi,  11;  xii,  3,  4,  6  8,  9,  11;  xiii, 
I,  2,  4;  xiv,  4,  6,  8,  9,  13,  20,  21),  occurs  only  three  times 
in  the  first.     "  The  expression  '  the  Lord  of  the  whole  earth  ' 

to  be  found  are  silent  as  to  date  and  author;  the  writer  seldom  uses  the  first 
person,  and  when  he  does,  it  is  not,  as  in  the  first  part  in  his  own.  but  in  some 
symbolic  character,  for  instance,  the  good  Shepherd.  Again,  all  distinct 
references  to  persons  and  events  of  the  period,  520-518  B.C.,  have  disappeared. 
1  Driver,  loc.  cit..  p.  354.  See  also  Samuel  Davidson  Introd.  to  the  Old 
Test.,  vol.  iii,  p.  324  sq.;  etc. 


THE    rOST-EXILIC    MINOR    PROPHETS.  4  59 

in  iv,  14;  vi,  5,  docs  not  occur  in  the  second  pari;  nor  tlie 
peculiar  use  of  llie  word  'yet'  in  i,  17;  viii,  4;  viii,  20;  nor 
the  particle  'asJicr  as  employed  in  vii,  7;  viii,  17.  In  the 
first  part,  the  enemies  of  the  theocracy  are  never  designated 
as  'the  peoples  round  about,'  as  in  xii,  2,  6;  the  ruling 
dynasty  is  not  called  '  the  house  of  David  '  as  in  xii,  7,  8, 
10,  12;  xiii,  i;  nor  are  princes  termed  'shepherds'  (x,  2,  3; 
xi,  8,  16;  xiii,  7),  and  the  people  'the  flock'  (ix,  16;  x,  2; 
xi,  4,  7,  II,  17;  xiii,  7)."^  Finally,  while  in  chaps,  i-viii 
the  style  is  generally  unpoetical,  and  Hebrew  parallelism  is 
uncommon,  in  chaps,  ix-xiv  (except  in  the  narrative  part 
of  chap,  xi)  the  poetical  imagery  and  form  prevail  as  in  the 
prophets  generally.  All  such  differences  of  style,  it  is  argued, 
far  more  than  outweigh  the  few  features  of  resemblance 
which  can  be  pointed  out  between  the  two  parts  of  Zacharias, 
and  which  can  hardly  be  considered  as  characteristic  of  a 
single  writer,  since  they  often  occur  in  other  prophetical 
books.  ^ 

Such  are  the  principal  grounds  usually  brought  forth  in 
favor  of  the  diversity  of  authorship.^  During  the  course 
of  the  last  century  they  have  been  closely  examined  by  both 
the  defenders  and  the  opponents  of  the  traditional  view,"* 
with  the  result  that,  according  to  most  contemporary  scholars, 
these  arguments  have  stood  sufficiently  well  the  test  of  criti- 
cism. It  is  not,  therefore,  surprising  to  find  that  of  the  Biblical 
scholars  who  look  carefully  and  independently  into  the  grounds 
jor  and  against  the  traditional  authorship,  by  far  the  largest 

'  Samuel  Davidson,  loc.  cit..  p.  324. 

-  Clr.  Driver,  loc.  cit..  p.  354  sq. 

^  The  principal  argument  set  forth,  in  1632,  by  Joseph  Mede,  the  first  oppo- 
nent of  the  traditional  authorship  was  drawn  from  the  fact  that  Matt,  xxvii, 
9  ascribes  Zachar.  xi,  12,  13  to  Jeremias.  This  argument  is  now  universally 
discarded. 

*  Perhaps  the  sharpest  criticism  of  these  grounds  is  found  in  Chas.  H.  H. 
Wright,  Zechariah  and  his  Prophecies.  See  also  Trochon.  Ics  Petits  Prophetcs, 
p.  400  sqq. 


460  SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

number  adopt  the  view  that  chaps,  ix-xiv  ;,hould  not  be  ascribed 
to  Zacharias,  the  contemporary  of  the  j  rophet  Aggeus. 

But  while  thus  agreeing  as  to  the  main  question,  recent 
scholars  are  much  at  variance  in  regard  to  the  secondary 
question,  whether  chaps,  ix-xiv  belong  to  one  and  the  same 
date  and  author,  or,  on  the  contrary,  to  several  writers  living 
at  different  periods  of  Jewish  history.  Even  a  rapid  discus- 
sion of  this  interesting  point  of  Biblical  criticism  would 
necessarily  entail  long  and  tedious  details.  The  following 
general  remarks  must  therefore  be  sufficient. 

(i)  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  chaps,  ix-xiv  contain 
allusions  to  both  pix-  and  post-Q.x\\\c  events,^  so  that  com- 
mentators who  do  not  take  into  account  either  the  pre-  or 
the  post-tx\\\c  data  are  obliged  to  resort  to  some  forced  inter- 
pretations of  the  text. 

(2)  The  probabilities  are  that  not  only  chaps,  xii-xiv  (which 
are  generally  regarded  by  scholars  as  post-exilic)  but  also  chaps. 
ix-xi  should  be  ascribed  in  their  present  form  to  a  date  after 
the  Babylonian  captivity.  For,  among  other  reasons,  the 
manner  in  which  prophets  late  in  the  period  of  the  Exile  are 
quoted  throughout  the  second  part  of  the  book  of  Zacharias 
seems  to  imply  a  post-exilic  origin. 

(3)  To  account  for  the  double  nature  of  the  allusions 
chiefly  in  ix-xi,  two  hypotheses  can  be  made.  ''  Either  the 
author  took  up  ancient  oracles — pre-exilic  in  language  and 
allusions — which  lent  themselves  to  his  purpose,  and  espe- 
cially in  ix-xi  adapted  them  to  express  the  fears  and  hopes 
and  faults  of  his  own  day;  or  else,  in  conformity  with  a 
literary  custom  of  his  age,  or  from  personal  reverence  for 
what  was  old  and  venerable,  he  deliberately  clothed  his  mes- 
sages to  his  own  age  in  an  archaic  dress,  and  framed  them 

*  For  references,  see  Driver,  loc.  cit..  p.  348  sq. —  Perhaps  the  reference  to 
Greece  in  ix,  13  should  not  be  considered  as  pointing  necessarily  to  a  date  in 
the  Greek  period,    it  may  be  attributed  to  an  editor. 


THE    POST-EXILIC    :MIN()K    PKOIHKTS.  461 

in  a  more  or  less  allegorical  form."  ^  J'iihcr  of  these  suppo- 
sitions is  plainly  in  harmon\-  with  the  anc  ient  literary  methods 
of  the  Eastern  nations,  and  the  hrst  is  comi)atil>le  with  the 
defined  doctrine  of  the  fact  of  Biblical  in.^piration,  i)r()vi(led 
one  admits  that  the  last  editor  of  the  hook  was  himself  in:.ijired.''^ 
(4)  The  similarity  of  the  three  titles  to  Zach.  ix-xi;  xii-xiv; 
Malach.  i,  i,  "  the  burden  of  the  word  of  Yahweh,  ..." 
is  remarkable.  As  this  expression  does  not  occur  anywhere 
else  in  the  Old  Testament,  it  seems  to  point  to  a  peculiar 
common  cause.  Hence  the  "  plausible  conjecture  that  the 
three  prophecies  now  known  as  Zachar.  ix-xi,  xii-xiv,  and 
Malachias,  coming  to  the  compiler's  hands  with  no  authors' 
names  prefixed,  he  attached  the  first  of  these  at  the  point 
which  his  volume  of  the  '  Minor  Prophets '  had  reached,  viz., 
the  end  of  Zachar.  viii,  arranging  the  other  two  so  as  to  follow 
this  and  framing  titles  for  them  (Zachar.  xii,  i  and  Malach. 
i,  i)  on  the  model  of  the  opening  words  of  Zachar.  ix,  i,"  ^ 
which  alone,  as  it  appears,  form  an  integral  part  of  the  sen- 
tence wherein  they  are  found. 

§  4.   The  Prophet  Malachias. 

I.  Name  and  Historical  Circumstances  of  the 
Prophet.  The  name  Malachias  (Heb.  Marachl),  which 
in  all  the  current  editions  the  Old  Testament  is  prefixed 
to  the  last  book  of  the  Minor  Prophets,^  is  apparently  intended 
as  the  historic  proper  name  of  a  prophet.     This  view,  adopted 

1  W.  G.  Elmslie.  in  "Book  by  Book,"'  vol.  i,  p.  336.  Cfr.  E.  Kautzsch.  the 
Literature  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.   137   (Eng).  Transl.). 

2  Of  the  actual  inspiration  of  the  last  editor  of  a  sacred  book  thus  com- 
posed, we  are  made  absolutely  sure  by  the  divine  and  consequently  infallible 
authority  of  the  living  Church  of  Christ,  which  is  "the  ground  and  pillar  of 
the  truth"   (I  Tim.   lii,    15). 

3  Driver,  loc.  cit..  p.  355. 

•'The  form  "  Malachias"  is  found  in  the  Vulgate  and  is  derived  from  the 
Scptuagint  MaAaxias,  whereas  the  form  "  Malachi'"  appears  in  the  Protestant 
Versions  and  comes  directly  from  the  Hebrew. 


462  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

by  Herbst,  Keil,  Trochon,  Perowne,  etc.,  has  in  its  favor 
(i)  the  analogy  of  the  heading  with  that  of  the  other  propheti- 
cal writings  where  the  simple  names  Isaias,  Jeremias,  Nahum, 
etc.,  prefixed  to  the  separate  books,  are  justly  regarded  as 
the  respective  personal  names  of  those  prophets;  (2)  the  word- 
ing of  the  inscription:  ''  The  burden  of  the  w^ord  of  Yahweh 
to  Israel  by  the  hand  of  Malachias  "  (Malach.  i,  i),  where- 
with the  book  opens,  and  wherein  the  expression  ''  by  the 
hand  of  Malachias  "  seems  to  imply  that  Malachias  is  the 
real  proper  name  of  the  inspired  writer,  and  its  bearer  a 
personage  well  known  to  the  readers;  (3)  the  possibility  that 
the  Hebrew  form  "  Mal'achi  "  be  a  contraction  of  MaVachiah, 
"messenger  of  Yahweh,"  just  as  ^Ahi  is  the  equivalent  of 
'Abiah  (cfr.  IV  Kings  xviii,  2  with  II  Chron.  xxix,   i).^ 

According  to  most  recent  critics  the  Hebrew  term  ''Mal'achi  " 
in  i,  I  does  not  denote  the  actual  name  of  the  prophet,  but 
his  mission  and  office  as  in  chap,  iii,  i,  so  that,  as  already 
stated,  the  last  prophetical  writing  of  the  Minor  Prophets 
would  be  really  anonymous.  The  view  which  thus  consid- 
ers the  word  as  an  appellative,  meaning  "  my  [i.e.,  Yahweh 's] 
messenger,"  is  embodied  in  the  old  rendering  of  i,  i  in  the 
LXX  Version,  Af/^/AaXoyovKvplov  eni  rbv  'Jcrpar/X  ev 
X^ipi  ayyeXov  avrov,  "a  rendering  which  would  hardly 
have  been  possible  at  a  time  when  the  existence  of  a  prophet 
Malachias  was  generally  recognized."  ^  It  has  moreover  in 
its  favor,  not  only  the  silence  of  Josephus  regarding  Malachias, 
though  he  mentions  Aggeus  and  Zacharias,  but  also  the 
prevailing  tradition  among  the  Jews  for  some  time  after 
Christ.  Thus  the  Targum  of  Jonathan  on  Malach.  i,  i 
takes  the  word  Mal'achi  as  a  mere  appellative  and  identifies 


*  It  should  be  remembered,  however  that  '  Abiah  must  be  translated  "  Yah- 
weh is  father  so  that  by  analogy  Alal  achiah  should  be  rendered  "  Yahweh 
is  messenger. 

2  W.  R.  Smith,  art.  Malachi.in  Cheyn'e,  Encyclop.  Biblica,  vol.  iii,  col.  2907. 


THE    POST-EXILIC    MINOR    PROPHETS.  463 

the  unnamed  prophet  with  J-^.sdnis  the  Scribe,  and  a  state- 
ment to  the  same  effect  is  found  in  the  Talmud  of  Babylon: 
"  Rabbi  Y^hoshua'  ben  Korcha  (first  and  second  century 
after  Christ)  says  Malachi  is  the  same  as  Esdras."  ^  St.  Jerome 
not  only  bears  testimony  to  the  fact  that  the  Jews  of  his  time 
held  the  same  view,^  but  even  endorses  it  himself  because 
of  the  meaning  of  the  word  M aracJii  iii  Hebrew,  and  because 
of  the  supposition  that  since  the  writer  of  Ecclesiaslicus  does 
not  name  Esdras  among  the  worthies  of  Israel,  he  identifies 
him  with  one  of  the  minor  prophets  he  has  enumerated.^ 
Many  early  Church  Fathers  treated  the  name  Malachias 
as  an  appellative,  and  in  the  course  of  time  several  Catholic 
interpreters  have  adopted  the  same  view.  ^ 

It  is  true  that  some  scholars  ^  who  regard  the  word  MaracJii 
as  the  personal  name  of  a  prophet  claim  that  they  thereby 
make  secure  the  divine  authority  of  the  contents  of  his  book. 
But  besides  the  fact  that,  as  granted  by  all,  we  know  nothing 
of  the  actual  life  of  that  prophet,  there  is  a  very  strong  proba- 
bility that  the  superscription  was  added  by  a  later  hand, 
and  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  the  divine  authority  of  a  book 
of  Holy  Writ  rests  ultimately,  not  on  any  statement  of  that 
sacred  writing,  but  on  the  infallible  teaching  of  the  living 
Church  of  Christ.^ 

In  the  absence  of  all  distinct  information  concerning  the 
personal  life  of  the  writer  of  the  book  of  Malachias,  only 
the  general  historical  circumstances  under  which  that  propheti- 
cal  writing  was  composed  can  be  pointed  out.      Malachias 

1  M'gillah  15*. 

'  In   Duodecim  Prophetas  Praefatio. 

3  Prolog,  in  Malachiam. 

*  Among  those  Catholic  scholars  may  be  mentioned  Ribera.  S.J.  (tisoiV 
Dom  Calmet.  O.S.B.  (ti757).  etc.  Cornely,  S.J.,  seems  rather  to  be  in 
favor  of  that  same  view. 

s  The  argument  was  apparently  advanced  for  the  first  time  by  the  Protestant 
conservative  Keil.     It  has  been  repeated  by  Lowe,  Lesetre,  etc. 

^  Cfr.  "General  Introduction  "  by  the  present  writer,  chap.  xxi. 


464  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

falls  in  a  part  of  the  Persian  period  when  the  Persian  authori- 
ties were  well  disposed  towards  the  Jews.  The  condition 
of  Judaea  was  unsatisfactory.  The  completion  of  the  Temple 
had  been  effected,  but  the  prosperity  promised  by  Aggeus 
and  Zacharias  was  not  forthcoming.  Hence  people  and 
priests  became  careless  about  Yahweh's  worship,  and  will- 
ingly intermarried  with  their  heathen  or  half-heathen  neighbors. 
It  was  therefore  to  be  feared  lest  the  worship  of  the  true  God 
should  be  gradually  brought  down  to  the  level  of  heathen 
religions,  or  confused  with  them.  These  and  other  similar 
dangers  were  averted  by  the  strenuous  efforts  of  Nehemias, 
and  apparently  also  by  the  solemn  promulgation  of  the  Mosaic 
Law  by  Esdras.* 

2.  Contents    of    the    Book    of    Malachias.    The 

book  of  Malachias  may  be  divided  into  six  sections,  "  almost 
all  of  which  relate  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  priests  and 
people."  ^  In  the  opening  section  (i,  2-5)  the  Jews  complain 
that  God  has  shown  to  them  no  particular  marks  of  love, 
to  which  the  prophet  answers  that  their  country  was  a  cul- 
tivated land,  whereas  that  of  the  Edomites  is  laid  waste  and 
is  to  be  still  further  devastated.  In  the  second  section  (i,  6-ii, 
9)  the  priests  are  upbraided  for  constantly  complaining  of  the 
multiplicity  of  their  labors  and  the  smallness  of  their  income, 
while  they  themselves  perverted  the  law  and  took  forbidden 
sacrifices.  In  the  third  section  (ii,  10-16)  the  prophet  de- 
nounces the  Jews  who  have  divorced  their  own  wives  and 
contracted     marriages    with    foreign    women.  ^     The     fourth 

^  For  details  concerning  the  Persian  period,  see  the  present  writer's  "  'Jut- 
lines    of    Jewish    History,"    chap.    xxvi. 

2Jno.  Jahn.  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.    p.  435  (Engl.  Transl.). 

3  Instead  of  this  generally  received  interpretation  of  the  passage  (ii,  10-16), 
W.  R.  Smith  (art.  Malachi,  in  Cheyne,  Encyclop.  Biblica.  vol.  iii,  col.  2908  sq.) 
takes  the  section  to  mean,  in  a  figurative  sense,  Israel's  unfaithfulness  to  Yahweh 
by  turning  to  foreign  gods  wedding  a  foreign  cult  necessarily  involved  divorce 
from  the  covenant  religion. 


THE    POST-KXII.IC    MINOR    I'KOPIIKTS.  ^0$ 

section  (ii,  17-iii,  C)  deals  with  the  conijilainl  of  the  Jews 
against  the  (li\ine  government  of  the  world,  annouiuing  the 
sudden  coming  of  Him  whom  Ihey  profess  to  seek,  and  who 
will  purify  the  priests  and  the  people  with  searching  severity. 
The  fifth  section  (iii,  7-12)  declares  that  the  complaints 
made  at  the  time  about  the  sterility  of  the  ground  are  idle 
so  long  as  the  Jews  withhold  from  Yahweh  His  tithes  and 
ofiferings.  In  the  sixth,  and  last,  section  the  same  subject 
is  treated  as  in  ii,  7-iii,  6.  To  the  murmurers  who  say  that 
God  makes  no  distinction  between  the  evil  and  the  good, 
the  prophet  solemnly  declares  that  the  day  is  coming  when 
Yahweh  will  own  those  that  are  His,  and  consume  the  wicked 
with  the  breath  of  a  furnace,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  righteous. 
"  In  view  of  a  future  at  once  so  awful  and  so  desirable,  the 
Jews  are  called  upon,  by  dutiful  obedience  to  the  Law  which 
God  has  given  them,  and  in  expectation  of  the  final  precursor 
of  '  the  great  and  terrible  day,'  whom  He  promises  them,  to 
avert  the  threatened  curse."  ^ 

The  book  of  Malachias  is  quoted  by  Our  Lord  (Mt.  xi, 
10,  14;  xvii,  10;  Mk.  ix,  10,  etc.),  by  the  angel  Gabriel 
(Lk.  i,  17),  by  St.  Mark  (i,  2),  and  by  St.  Paul  (Rom.  ix,  13). 

3.  Literary  Style  and  Approximate  Date  of  the 
Prophecy.  The  book  of  Malachias  is  eminently  practical 
in  its  character,  and  minatory  in  its  tone.  T'je  prophet 
does  not  aim  at  any  rhetorical  development  of  his  message, 
but  is  intensely  earnest  about  convincing  his  contemporaries 
that  they  should  trust  God's  providence  in  the  present  govern- 
ment of  the  world,  while  preparing  over  against  the  terrors 
of  the  day  of  judgment.  His  language  is  direct,  simple,  and 
his  style  strictly  dialectic.  He  generally  starts  with  his 
thesis,^  a  principle   or  an  accusation.      Then  he  states  the 

IT.  T.  Perowne,  Malachi,  in  the  Cambridge  Bible,  p.  15.  Cfr.  Trochon, 
Les  Petits  Proph&tes,  p.  516. 

2  Cfr.   Malach.  i,   2,  6,  7;    ii,   i3.   14,   17;    iii,  7.  8.  13. 


466  SPECIAL    IXTKODICTIOX    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

contradiction  cr  objection  which  it  is  supposed  to  provoke. 
After  this  he  reasserts  and  substantiates  the  position  he  had 
primitively  taken. ^  Such  a  dialectic  treatment  by  means 
of  question  and  answer  is  far  removed  indeed  from  the  ora- 
toiical  development  usual  with  the  earlier  prophets,  but 
it  was  probably  best  suited  for  reaching  the  minds  of  the 
returned  exiles,  and  may  well  be  considered  as  a  transition 
towards  that  method  of  exposition  which  ultimately  pre- 
vailed in  the  Jewish  schools.  "  Malachias  has  several  pecu- 
liarities of  expression,  and  his  diction  betrays  marks  of  late- 
ness, though  not  so  numerous  or  pronounced  as  Esther, 
Chronicles,  and  Ecclesiastes."  ^ 

Besides  this  literary  style,  the  contents  of  the  book  of 
Malachias  make  it  clear  at  what  general  period  it  w^as  written. 
The  Exile  is  so  long  in  the  past  that  it  is  not  even  alluded 
to.  The  Temple  is  now  fully  rebuilt,  and  witnesses  again 
the  worship  of  Yahw^eh.  Priests  and  people  are  blamed 
because  of  their  defective  manner  of  discharging  or  con- 
tributing to  the  sacrificial  ritual.  Juda  is  a  Persian  province, 
and  the  leading  abuses  of  the  time — the  carelessness  of  the 
priesthood,  intermarriage  with  foreign  women,  and  neglect 
of  the  people  in  paying  the  sacred  dues — are  those  which 
are  mentioned  in  the  Memoirs  of  Nehemias  and  Esdras. 
The  prophecy  belongs  therefore  to  the  post -exilic  period, 
and  more  precisely  to  the  times  of  Nehemias  and  Esdras. 

It  is  impossible  at  the  present  day  to  determine  exactly 
the  date  at  which  the  book  of  Nehemias  was  composed. 
Many  think  that  the  prophecy  was  WTitten  after  the  solemn 
promulgation  of  the  Priestly  Code   (444  b.c.).^ 

1  Cfr.   Jno.   Tahn,  loc.  cit.    p.   436. 

2  Driver,   Introd.   to   Literal,   of   Old   Test.,   p.   358. 

3  For  a  discussion  of  this  difficult  point,  see  W.  R.  Smith,  the  Old  Test, 
in  the  Jewish  Church,  p.  425  sgq.,  p.  446  (Second  Edit.). 


SYNOPSIS  OF  CHAPTER  XVIII. 
The  Remaining  Minor  Prophkts:   Joel,  Abdias,  Johas. 


I. 

The  Prophet 
Joel: 


■  I.  Name  and  Personal  Life  of  the  Prophet 

r  First  Part:    Two  Discourses  on   the 
2.  Contents  of  I       Locust  Invasion  (i-ii    17) 

1-s  Book:      Second  Part:    Promises' 0/  Blessings 
l-      (ii,  i8-iii).  ^ 

3-   Date  of  his  f  i"^^'"''^^  ^"^^^^^  for  determining  it. 
Prophecy:     ^h^  Weight  of  Argument  against  an 
t.      Early  Date. 


IL  i 

The  Prophet  i 

Abdias:         I 


IIL 

The  Prophet 
Jonas: 


X.  Meaning    of   his    Nan,e.      Obscurity    about    his 

"ig:  t  Probable  Divisions. 

'   3-  Date  of  his  f  ^^^"^^'P^^  Difficulties  of  Scholars  con- 
Prophecy:  L '''"i^g  ^'t- 

L  Grounds  for  the  more  Probable  Date. 

1.  Name  and  Personal  Life  of  the  Prophet. 

2.  Contents  of  f  ^^^  P^phet's  First  Mission  to  Nin- 

hisBook:    K  ^^e(i-ii). 
-,    IT-  ,     .     .         J''''''^'  S^^'^ond  Alission  (iii-iv) 

Ck      ^'""'^'^ '"'  ''^^'^'^'^^  o^i-^  ^«f  ^- 

4-  Authorship    r 

and    Date!  ^"^^^^ons  for  an  Early  Date  (8th  Cent 
of  the  Pro-)       ^^^^^^ 

phecy:         [  Arguments  for  a  Post-Exilic  Origin. 
467 


CHAPTER  XVm. 

THE    REMAINING    MINOR    PROPHETS:    JOEL,    ABDIAS,    JONAS. 

§  I.   The  Prophet  Joel. 

I.  Name  and  Personal  Life  of  the  Prophet.  The 
first  among  the  Elinor  Prophets,  whose  work  was  not  even 
provisionally  ascribed  to  any  date  in  the  introductory  chapter 
to  the  prophetical  writings  (chap,  ix  of  the  present  volume), 
is  the  prophet  Joel.^  His  name  is  generally  taken  to  mean 
"  Yahweh  is  God,"  as  made  up  of  the  two  divine  names 
Yahweh  and  'c/.  St.  Jerome,  however,  considering  it  as  a 
causative  imperfect  of  the  verb  ya'a/,  explains  it  as  signifying 
apxo/.i€vo5^  incipiens.'^  Other  derivations  have  also  been 
suggested,  but  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  meaning 
"Yahweh  is  God"  was  the  one  "accepted  bv  the  later 
Hebrews,   with   whom  the   name   was   popular."  ^ 

Of  the  personal  life  of  the  prophet  Joel  next  to  nothing 
is  known  for  certain.  The  only  explicit  statement  regarding 
him  in  Holy  Writ  is  to  the  effect  that  he  was  ''  the  son  of 
Phatuer'  (Sept.:  fSixdovifX-^  Heb.:  PHheu'el).^  From  the 
few  data  supplied  by  his  prophecy  it  is  inferred  with  some 
probability  that  his  home  was  in  Juda.  Thus  he  speaks 
repeatedly   of  Slon    (ii,    i,    15;    iii,    17);    of   the   children   of 

1  The  prophet  Joel  is  the  second  of  the  Minor  Prophets  in  the  Hebrew  Text 
and  the  Vult^ate.  the  fourth  in  the  Septuagint  Version. 

2  Cfr.    MiGNE,    Patr.    Lat.,    vol.    xxv,   col.    947. 

3  G.  G.  Cameron,  art.  Joel,  in  Hastings.  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii.  p.  672, 
footn.  I. 

Moeli.  I. 

468 


THE    kf-.-maimm;    minor   prophets.  469 

Sion  (ii,  2:;);  of  Judd  ami  Jerusalem  (ii,  32;  iii,  i,  17,  18, 
20);  the  cJiildrcu  of  Juda  (iii,  6,  8,  19);  etc.,  and  shows  great 
familiarity  with  the  Temple  and  ils  services  (i,  9,  13,  14,  16, 
etc.).  In  fact,  he  is  throughout  concerned  with  Juda  alone.' 
ll  has  also  been  surmised  iliat  he  l)eIon,i^ed  to  the  tribe  of 
Levi,  or  to  the  priestly  order,  on  account  of  the  great  value 
which  he  attaches  to  the  forms  of  worship,  complaining  that 
the  meat  and  drink  offerings  are  cut  off  from  the  House  of 
Vahweh,  and  that  the  priests,  Yahweh's  ministers,  mourn, 
and  urging  the  people  to  fasting,  weeping,  and  humiliation, 
in  order  that  Yahweh  would  be  pleased  to  restore  meat  and 
drink  offerings;  etc.  The  legend  recorded  by  the  Pseudo- 
Epiphanius,  and  Dorolheus  of  Tyre,  that  Joel  was  born  at 
Bet  horn  (or  Bethomeron)  in  the  tribe  of  Ruben,  is  worth 
nothing.  The  Latin  Church  celebrates  his  feast  on  July 
13th,  and  the  Greek  Church  on  October  i8th. 

2.  Contents  of  the  Book  of  JoeL  The  short  bcok 
of  Joel  consists  of  two  parts,  in  the  first  of  which  (i,  2-ii,  17) 
the  prophet,  and  in  the  second  (ii,  i8-iii,  21)  Yahweh,  is  the 
speaker.  The  first  part  is  made  up  of  two  discourses  which, 
however  distinct,  deal  with  the  same  topic,  viz.,  the  locust 
invasion.  It  opens  with  a  graphic  description  of  an  unpre- 
cedented devastation  of  Juda  by  four  species  of  locusts,  which 
form,  as  it  were,  an  immense  army  of  God  (cfr.  ii,  25):  the 
corn,  the  vintage,  the  fruit-trees  were  all  destroyed  by  the 
swarming  insects;  the  severest  sufferings  befell  men  and 
beasts,  and  every  means  to  maintain  the  daily  services  of 
the  Temple,  and  even  life  generally,  was  taken  away.  Such 
a  public  calamity  should  lead  the  peoj)le  to  national  humilia- 
tion and  repentance,  all  the  more  so  because  the  present 
visitation  is  the  harbinger  of  the  approaching  "  Day  of  Yah- 

'  In  Joel  ii,  27.  iii,  2,  6,  Israel  does  not  denote  the  Northern  Kingdom,  but 
Juda,  God's  chosen  people  par  ejcQdkme, 


4  70  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

weh."  In  his  second  discourse  (chap,  ii,  1-17)  the  prophet 
describes  more  fully,  and  in  details  true  to  nature,  the  terrible 
scourge  which  aftlicts  his  country.  The  locusts  are  an  army 
advancing  with  unbroken  ranks  and  irresistible  force.  They 
darken  the  heavens,  desolate  the  earth,  and  spread  terror 
before  them.  They  are  the  instruments  of  Yahweh's  ven- 
geance and  form  His  overpowering  army,  and  in  consequence 
^he  people  should  turn  to  Him  with  all  their  heart,  fasting, 
and  supplicating  His  mercy  and  forgiveness. 

The  second  part  of  the  book  (ii,  i8-iii,  21)  supposes  that 
the  prophet's  calls  to  repentance  have  been  heeded,  and 
sets  forth  Ya'iweh's  promises  of  blessings  in  answer  to  the 
humble  pra3-ers  of  priests  and  people.  God  promises,  first 
of  all,  that  there  shall  be  an  end  of  the  locusts  and  that  fer- 
tility shall  be  restored  to  the  parched  and  wasted  soil  (ii, 
18-27).  To  these  promises  of  material  prosperity  He  adds 
promises  of  spiritual  blessings:  the  gift  of  prophecy  shall 
be  more  extensively  distributed,  so  that  when  the  "  Day 
of  Yahweh "  finally  arrives,  its  terrors  will  not  befall  the 
faithful  worshippers  of  God,  but  their  heathen  foes  (ii,  28-32). 
Next  comes  the  promise  that  Yahweh  will  bring  back  the 
captives  of  Juda  and  Jerusalem,  and  enter  into  judgment 
with  all  the  peoples  who  had  proved  the  enemies  of  the  Jews. 
The  Gentiles  are  invited  to  arm  themselves  and  assemble 
in  the  valley  of  Josaphat  (Josaphat  =  Yahweh  judges),  for 
battle  with  the  God  of  Israel.  The  judgment  takes  place 
upon  them,  and  salvation  is  granted  to  God's  people  (iii, 
1-17).  The  book  closes  with  the  promise  of  a  holy  and 
prosperous  future  for  Israel,  while  Egypt  and  Edom  shall 
be  desolate  because  of  the  wrongs  inflicted  by  them  upon 
the  Jews  (iii,  18-21). 

3.  Date  of  the  Prophecy  of  Joel.  In  the  absence 
of  a  distinct  statement  in  the  title  of  the  book  of  Joel,  and 


THE    REMAINING    MINOR     PROPHETS. 


M- 


of  anything  like  the  concordant  testimony  of  Jewish  or  Cliris- 
tian  writers  ^  concerning  the  dale  at  which  that  prophetic 
writing  was  conipt)sed,  liil*hcal  scholars  naturally  fall  l)ack 
upon  the  internal  criteria  for  determining  this  difficult  point. 
The  following  are  the  i)rinci[)al  data  supplied  by  the  pro{)hecy: 
(i)  The  writer  mentions  "  Tyre  and  Sidon,  and  all  the  coast 
of  the  Philistines  "  (iii,  4),  the  Greeks,  "the  sons  of  Javan" 
(iii,  6),  ''the  Sabeans  "  (iii,  8),  ''Egypt  and  Edom  "  (iii,  19), 
while  he  does  not  even  allude  to  the  Syrians,  the  Assyrians, 
and  the  Chaldxans,  that  i^,  to  the  peoples  who  figure  so  often 
in  the  prophets  from  the  time  of  Jeroboam  ii  to  that  of  Nehe- 
mias  and  Esdras;  (2)  the  author  knows  apparently  nothing 
of  the  Northern  Kingdom,  or  at  least  he  never  speaks  of  it, 
even  when  he  contemplates  the  restoration  of  the  JewT.h 
nation,  or  refers  to  the  sale  of  the  Israelites  into  slavery, 
for  he  always  applies  the  word  "Israel"  (ii,  7;  iii,  16),  not 
to  the  ten  triloes  specifically,  l)ut  to  Juda  generically;^  (3)  in 
the  writer's  time,  the  Jews  (Yahweh's  "inheritance")  have 
become  "a  reproach  among  the  nations";  they  have  been 
''  scattered  "  by  "  all  nations  "  w^ho  have  "  parted  "  Yahweh's 


1  The  principal  dates  to  which  the  composition  of  the  book  of  Joel  has  been 
ascribed  areas  follows: 


About  950  B.C.-   Btjnsen;  Karlk. 
Time  of  Josaphat:   I.  F.  Bauer. 
Reign  of  Joram;  Kimehi,  and  others. 
Rei^n    of    Joas.     Credner,  Movers; 

Hitzig;     Wtner;      Ewald;       De- 

litzsch;  Keil;  Auberlen.  Wun'- 

sche;  E.  Schrader;    Vigouroux; 

Orelli;  Trochon;  Kaulen,  etc. 
Reign     of     Ozias:     Abrabanei.;     Vi- 

tringa;       Rosen'muller,      Eich- 

horn,     De     Wette;     Hengsten- 

BERG-   Bleek;  Knobei,;  etc. 
Time  of  Ezechias:  Bertholdt;  Steu- 

DEL. 

2  In  Joel  iii.  2  the  expression  '  My  inheritance  Israel"  is  somewhat  ambifru- 
ous.  Even  here,  however,  it  probably  designates,  not  Northern  Israel,  but 
Juda  who  is  to  be   gathered   into   the   valley  of   Josaphat. 


Reign  of  Manasscs.  Rashi,  and  other 
Jewish  writers  Drusius;  New- 
come;  Jahn. 

ReiTn  of  Josias  Tarrovivs;  Ecker- 
mann,   Dom  Calmet. 

Toward    the    End    ot    the    Monarchy; 

SCHRCFDER. 

After  the  Exile  •  Vatke,  Hilge.vfei.o; 
OoRT.  Kuenen.  Dihm;  A.B. 
Davidson;  Merx;  Driver.  Ben- 
nett: Ottlev;  Kautzsch;  etc. 

Date  Unkncnvn:    Bp.  Hanneberg. 


4  72  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

"land";  but  "the  captivity  of  Juda  and  Jerusalem  will 
be  brought  back"  by  Yahweh  (iii,  1-3);  (4)  the  Tyrians, 
:!)idonians,  and  Philistines,  we  are  told,  have  plundered 
Yahweh's  treasures  and  carried  them  into  the  temples  of 
their  gods,  but  more  particularly  have  sold  captive  men  of 
Juda  to  the  Greeks  (iii,  4-6);  (5)  the  writer  denounces  de^o- 
laiion  against  Egypt  and  Edom  for  having  put  to  death  inno- 
cent men  of  Juda  in  their  land  (iii,  19);  (6)  there  is  in  the 
prophecy  no  denunciation  of  great  national  crimes,  and 
there  is  no  mention  of  idolatry;  in  fact,  the  Jews  of  the  time 
are  apparently  faithful  to  the  Temple  services  as  far  as  the 
public  calamities  of  the  time  allow  (i,  9,  13;  ii,  14);  (7)  there 
i.j  likewi  c  no  reference  to  the  Jewish  kings  or  princes,  whereas 
the  elders  (i,  14),  and  especially  the  priests  (i,  9,  13;  ii,  17), 
appear  very  prominently;  (8)  "the  valley  of  Josaphat," 
twice  mentioned  in  the  book  (iii,  2,  12),  had  presumably  been 
thus  called  from  the  king  of  that  name;  (9)  the  close  resem- 
blances between  Joel  and  Amos  seem  to  show  that  one  of  the 
prophets  is  not  independent  of  the  other  (cfr.  Joel  iii,  6  with 
Amos  i,  2;   Joel  iii,  18  with  Amos  ix,  13^). 

Such  are  the  internal  data  usually  appealed  to  in  order 
to  ascribe  the  prophecy  of  Joel  either  to  an  early  date — 
commonly  the  reign  of  Josias,  about  the  middle  of  the  ninth 
century  B.C., — or  to  a  late  date — long  after  the  Babylonian 
exile.  Of  these  notes  of  time,  however,  several  can  hardly 
be  regarded  as  conclusive  for  or  against  either  of  these  two 
positions.  Thus  the  absence  of  allusions  to  the  Syrian.  , 
Assyrians,  or  Chaldaeans  is  no  doubt  significant,  inasmuch 
as  these  nations  figure  prominently  in  history  and  prophecy 
from  the  time  of  Achaz  to  that  of  Nehemias.  But  tie 
silence  may  be  accounted  for  equally  well  by  placing  the 
composition  of  the  book  of  Joel  cither  before  the  time  of 
Achaz   or   after   the   prophet   Zacharias.      The   mention   of 


THE     REMAINING     MINOR    PROPHETS.  473 

Egypt  and  Edom  may  indeed  be  connected  with  Sesak's 
invasion  in  the  reign  of  Roboam  (cfr.  Ill  Kings  xiv,  25  sqq.), 
and  the  revolt  of  Edom  under  Joram,  the  grandfather  of 
Joas  (cfr.  IV  Kings  viii,  20-22).  But  these  events  were 
remote  in  Joas'  time;  and  besides,  Edom  is  constantly  men- 
tioned in  post-exilic  literature,  while  the  allusions  to  Egypt 
in  Joel's  prophecy  may  be  simply  literary  reminiscences 
of  the  ancient  prophetic  condemnations  against  the  Pharaos, 
or  may  even  refer  to  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies,  in  the  third 
century  B.C.  Again,  the  silence  of  the  book  of  Joel  relative 
to  the  Jewish  kings  and  princes,  together  with  its  honorable 
mention  of  elders  and  priests,  may  be  understood  of  the  mi- 
nority of  Joas  when  the  high  priest  Joiada  was  all-powerful 
in  Juda;  but  it  agrees,  if  anything,  better  with  the  time  after 
the  Exile,  when  there  was  no  king  in  Israel,  and  when  the 
high  priest  was  the  chief  Jewish  authority.  In  like  manner, 
the  style  and  diction  of  Joel  exhibit  a  goodly  number  of 
parallels  with  those  chiefly  of  the  prophetical  literature.  But 
this  may  be  interpreted  in  two  different  ways.  Either  the 
book  of  Joel  is  a  very  early  and  popular  book  constantly 
used  by  subsequent  Jewish  writers,  or  it  is  a  very  late 
composition  largely  depending  on  pre-existing  Hebrew  litera- 
ture. Both  suppositions  have  been  strongly  maintained  by 
prominent  scholars,  though,  as  it  seems,  the  latter  is  more 
probable.  The  easy  and  usually  classical  style  of  the  prophet 
i.^,  all  things  considered,  best  accounted  for  by  regarding 
him  as  an  accomplished  student  of  earlier  literary  works.* 

The  foregoing  remarks  show  that  even  among  those  notes 
of  time  which,  strictly  speaking,  are  conclusive  neither  jor 
nor  against  an  early  date  for  the  prophecy  of  Joel,  some 
there  are  which  can  easily,  and  even  more  naturally,  be  under- 


'  For  details,  cfr.  Driver,  Joel,  in  the  Cambridge  Bible,  pp.  19-25.  and  authors 
there  referred  to. 


474  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Stood  as  pointing  to  a  late  date.  Now  that  this  latter  inter- 
pretation of  such  data  is  the  correct  one  can  hardly  be 
denied  in  view  of  the  following  notes  of  time  which  clearly 
make  for  the  post-exilic  period  as  the  time  at  which  the  book 
of  Joel  was  composed.  In  Joel  iii,  6  the  mention  of  the 
Greeks  points  distinctly  to  a  post-exilic  date,  and  the  same 
thing  must  be  said  with  reference  to  the  description  in  iii,  2 
of  God's  inheritance  as  "  scattered  among  the  nations," 
of  the  Holy  "Land"  as  parted  by  "all  nations";  for  these 
expressions  are  altogether  too  strong  to  be  referred  fairly 
to  any  calamity  less  than  Juda's  exile  into  Babylon.  The 
silence  of  Joel  as  to  idolatry  in  Juda,  and  his  anxiety  for 
the  regular  maintenance  of  the  Temple  services,  becaui^^e 
their  discontinuance  is  equivalent  to  a  break  in  the  union 
between  Yahweh  and  His  people,  are  so  unlike  the  way  in 
which  all  other  prophets  down  to  Jeremias  speak  of  the  religious 
condition  of  the  people,  and  very  particularly  of  the  eflBcacy 
of  the  sacrificial  service,  that  the  post-exilic  period  is  clearly 
before  the  writer's  mind.  In  Joel,  again,  "  Juda  and  the 
people  of  Yahweh  are  convertible  terms;  northern  Israel 
does  not  appear;  even  the  promi:-es  are  limited  to  Juda  and 
Jerusalem  (iii,  i,  18,  20).  This  is  not  the  case  in  the  earlier 
prophets:  the  prophets  of  Israel  do  not  exclude  Juda  at 
least  from  their  promises,  nor  do  the  prophets  of  Juda  exclude 
Israel."  ^  It  must  therefore  be  admitted  that  in  Joel  the 
term  "  Israel "  is  used  in  the  post-exilic  sense  of  Juda  as 
representing  the  chosen  people. 

While  the  view  that  the  book  of  Joel  is  post-exilic  is  gain- 
ing ground  among  scholars,  the  precise  part  of  that  period 
to  which  it  should  be  assigned  remains  unknown,  in  the 
absence  of  distinct  historical  allusions.  Driver  ^  thinks 
that    "  it   may   be   placed   most    safely  shortly   after   Aggeus 

'  Driver,  loc.  cit.    p.  18.  2  Lqc.  cit.,  p.  25. 


THE    REMAINING    MINOR    PROPHETS.  475 

and  Zachar.  i-viii  (about  500  B.C.),"  while  at  the  same  time 
he  admits  "  the  iwssibih'ty  that  it  may  be  later,  and  that 
it  dates  in  reality  from  the  century  after  Malachias."  On 
the  whole,  a  date  subsequent  to  the  proi)hecy  of  Malachias 
(chaps,  i-viii)  seems  more  i)robable.  Ottley  ^  and  others 
refer  the  composition  of  the  book  of  Joel  to  about  350  b.c 

§  2.   TJie  Prophet  Ahdias. 

I.  Meaning  of  his  Name.  Obscurity  about  his 
Person.  The  shortest  of  the  prophetical  writings  of  the 
Old  Testament  (it  has  only  twenty-one  verses)  is  ascribed 
to  Abdias  by  its  title."  The  name  Abdias  is  the  Greek  form 
of  the  word  'obliadyali,  which  is  not  uncommon  in  the  Hebrew 
Bible,  and  the  meaning  of  which  is  the  "servant  (or  wor- 
shipper) of  Yahweh."  It  is  usually  treated  as  a  proper 
name,  although  reasons  have  been  given  by  scholars  for 
considering  it  as  a  mere  appellative.  Tike  the  name  of 
Zacharias,  that  of  Abdias  may  not  be  the  personal  name 
of  a  Jewish  prophet.  Again,  in  Holy  Writ  a  true  prophet 
is  often  designated  under  the  appellative  name  of  "  the  ser- 
vant of  Yahweh."  And  in  particular,  the  fact  that  nothing 
is  known  of  the  person  of  Abdias,  while  the  short  work  ascribed 
to  him  is  apparently  made  up  of  parts  of  different  origin, 
renders  it  probable  that  the  name  Abdias  is  only  an  appellative 
prefixed  to  the  book  in  order  not  to  leave  it  without  a  title. 

In  the  absence  of  authoritative  information  concerning 
the  writer  of  the  book  ascribed  to  Abdias,  conflicting  Jewish 
and  Christian  traditions  have  been  freely  started  and  cir- 
culated regarding  the  tribe  to   which  he  belonged  and   the 

*  The  Hebrew  Prophets,  p.  95.  Cfr.  E.  Kautzsch,  the  Literature  of  the  Old 
Test.,  pp.  134,  199- 

2  The  book  of  Abdias  stands  fourth  amonp:  the  Minor  Prophets,  both  in 
the  Hebrew  Text  and  in  the  Vulgate  Version,  between  the  prophecies  of  Amos 
and  Jonas, 


476  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

supposed  circumstances  of  his  life.  Thus  while  some  tra- 
ditions affirm  that  he  was  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  and  of 
Bethachamar  or  Bethacharam  in  the  territory  of  Sichem,  others 
make  of  him  an  Edomite  who  embraced  Judaism,  "  the 
hatchet,"  according  to  the  Jewish  proverb,  "  returning  into 
the  wood  out  of  which  it  was  itself  taken."  Other  traditions 
identify  him  with  the  steward  of  Achab's  palace,'  who  hid 
the  prophets  persecuted  by  Jezalxl,  to  which  later  guesses 
add  that  he  was  the  prophet  or  third  captain  of  fifty,  who 
was  spared  by  Elias,"  and  that  the  prophet's  widow  for  whom 
Eliseus  wrought  a  miracle  ^  was  his  widow.  In  St.  Jerome's 
time  the  grave  of  Abdias  was  pointed  out  in  Samaria,  along 
with  those  of  Elias  and  St.  John  the  Baptist,  and  the  Latin 
Church  celebrates  his  feast  on  the  19th  of  November.  In 
realitv  "nothing  is  known  of  x^bdias:  the  race  to  which  he 
belonged,  his  station  in  life,  his  place  of  birth,  and  his  man- 
ner of  death,  are  equally  unknown  to  us."  * 

2.  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Abdias.  The  twenty- 
one  verses  of  which  the  prophecy  of  Abdias  is  made  up  are 
almost  exclusively  concerned  with  the  fate  of  Edom,  as  is 
announced  in  the  opening  words:  "Thus  saith  Adonai 
Yahweh  concerning  Edom."  Yahweh  has  summoned  the 
nations  against  her,  and  despite  her  trust  in  her  rocky  fastnesses 
she  will  be  completely  destroyed,  not  simply  spoiled  as  by 
ordinary  thieves  (verses  1-6).  Her  own  allies  have  turned 
against  her  (verse  7),  and  her  folly  appears  in  that  she  exposed 
herself  to  such  treachery  (verses  8,  9).  This  terrible  judg- 
ment upon  Edom  is  a  just  retribution  of  unbrotherly  con- 
(luct    towards    Israel.     When    strangers    sacked    Jerusalem 

1  Cfr.    Ill    Kings    xviii,  3  sqq. 

2Cfr.  IV  Kings  i.   13. 

3  Cfr.  IV  Kings  iv.   i. 

*  Abbe  Trochon.  les  Petits  Prophetes,  p,   193. 


THE    RF.MAININC     .^IIXOR    PROPHETS.  477 

and  cast  lots  over  it  (verses  lo,  ii),  Kdom  joined  tliem  in 
triumphing  over  the  children  of  Juda,  and  in  deceiving  and 
capturing  unfortunate  fugitives  (12-14).     ^o  now 

As  thou  hast  done,  it  is  done  to  thee; 

Thy  deed  returns  on  thy  own  head  (15  ''    "). 

The  day  of  Yahweh  is  near  upon  ''all  the  nations,"  in 
whose  destruction  Edom  shall  share  under  the  combined 
efforts  of  "the  house  of  Jacob"  and  "the  house  of  Joseph" 
(16-18).  The  borders  of  Israel  will  be  enlarged  in  every 
direction.  "  Saviors  "  shall  appear  on  Mount  Sion  to  "  judge  " 
the  Mount  of  Esau,  and  the  kingdom  shall  be  Yahweh's  (19- 
21). 

Although  the  contents  of  the  book  of  Abdias  are  short 
and  connected  with  one  and  the  same  topic,  the  fate  of  Edom, 
yet  they  are  variously  divided  by  various  critics.  They  are 
usually  divided  into  three  parts  (1-9;  10-16;  17-21)  by 
scholars  who  look  upon  the  book  as  a  literary  unit,^  while 
they  are  commonly  broken  into  two  (i,  1-14;  15-21)  or  three 
(1-9;  10-14;  15-21)  sections  by  those  who  think  that  the 
prophetical  writing  is  made  up  of  oracles  which  belong  to 
different  periods  in  Jewish  history.^ 

3.  Date  of  the  Prophecy  of  Abdias.  As  just  alluded 
to,  the  date  to  which  the  composition  of  the  book  of  Abdias 
should  be  ascribed  is  a  matter  of  controversy.  Even  Biblical 
scholars  who  agree  in  regarding  its  component  parts  as  coming 
from  the  pen  of  only  one  author  differ  considerably  as  to 
the  date  at  which  the  book  was  written.     Thus  while  Keil, 

1  Cfr.  ViGOUROux.  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii,  no.  1086;  Trochon,  les  Petits 
Prophetes:  E.  Philippe,  art.  Abdias,  in  Vigouroux.  Dictionnaire  de  la  Bible, 
col.  20;  after  the  manner  of  K.  F.  Keil,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  i,  p.  300 
(Ens:!.  Transl.);  etc. 

^Cfr.  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  art.  Obadiah,  vol.  iii  p.  ';7S.  Cheyne- 
Bl.\ck,  Encyclop.  Biblica,  art.  Obadiah,  vol.  iii,  col.  3456  sqq.:  Bennett  and 
Adeney.  a  Biblical  Introduction,  p.   243;    etc. 


478  SPECIAL     INTRODUCTIOX    TO    THE    OI.I)    TKST/MENT. 

Orelli,  Vigouroux,  Trochon,  Lesetre,  etc.,  assign  its  com- 
position to  about  the  reign  of  Joram  (9th  cent.  B.C.),  Meyrick, 
Jahn,  Ackermann,  Allioli,  etc.,^  refer  it  to  about  the  time 
of  the  Babylonian  Captivity,  some  three  centuries  after  1  ing 
Joram.  The  following  reason  is  sometimes  given  to  ac(  ount 
for  such  widely  divergent  views  among  critics  who  are  usually 
at  one  in  ascribing  most  of  the  prophetical  writings  to  an 
early  date.  "The  shortness  of  Abdias'  prophecy,  which  not 
only  is  devoid  of  a  title,  but  also  is  without  sufficiently 
distinct  allusions  [to  historical  facts],  accounts  for  so  great  a 
divergence  of  opinions  among  scholars."  ^  Of  course,  there 
is  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  this  general  statement.  As  it  is 
worded,  however,  it  is  somewhat  misleading.  There  is  a 
title  to  the  book  of  Abdias,'  although  that  title  does  not  con- 
tain the  more  or  less  traditional  data  usually  embodied  in 
the  titles  to  similar  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  Again, 
the  allusions  in  the  prophecy  of  Abdias  to  the  capture  of 
Jerusalem  by  the  Chaldaeans,"*  appear  so  distinct  that  they 
are  readily  understood  of  this  great  historical  event  by  scholars 
who  are  not  anxious  to  assign  an  early  date  to  that  sacred 
writing.^  The  book  is  indeed  quite  short,  but  this  short- 
ness can  hardly  be  regarded  as  an  insuperable  obstacle  to 
reaching  the  probable  date  of  its  composition,  so  long  as  its 
contents   allude  to   a  definite   period   in  Jewish  history. 

In  reality  the  difficulties  experienced  by  contemporary 
scholars  to  determine  the  date  at  which  the  book  of  Abdias 
was  written  do  not  arise  chieflv  from  the  shortness  of  that 


1  Cfr.  Cornel Y,  Introductio,   vol.  ii    part  ii,  p.   556. 

2  Vigouroux,  Manuel  Biblique,   vol.  ii,  no.    1085. 

3  Abdias.  verse  i".  Cfr.  Abbe  Trochon.  les  Petits  Prophetes,  p.  205; 
Knabenbauer,  S.J.,  In  Prophetas  Minores.  p.  345:    etc. 

4  Abdias    verses  10-14. 

5  Cfr.  Bp.  Hanneberg,  Histoire  de  la  Revelation  Biblique,  vol.  i,  p.  366; 
Driver.  Introduction  to  the  Literat.  of  the  Old  Test.,  p.  319;  T.  T.  Perowne, 
Obadiah,  in  the  Cambridge  Bible,  p.  gsq.     etc. 


THE    REMAIMXC     MINOR     I'KOI'IIKTS.  479 

prophecy.  They  are  (hie  piiiuipally  '.o  ib.e  xarious  elements 
which  leading  criiics  tliink  go  lo  make  up  this  short  hook, 
and  concerning  the  origin  of  wkieh  the}-  are  at  variance. 
The  lirst  of  these  (Hfliculties  is  suggested  b}'  llie  fact  that 
the  tirst  nine  verses  of  the  prophecy  of  Abdias  are  manifestly, 
and  indeed  most  intimately,  connected  with  Jeremias  xlix, 
7-22.  The  resemblances  in  thought  and  exj)ressi()n  are 
closest  between  Abd.,  verse  1-4  and  Jerem.  xlix,  14-16; 
Abd.,  verse  5  and  Jerem,  xlix,  9;  while  they  are  unmistakable, 
though  not  so  close,  between  Abd.,  verses  6,  8,  9^  and  Jerem. 
xlix,  10,  7,  22^;  respectively.^  Hence  the  difficulty  to  decide 
W'hether  Jeremias  borrowed  from  Abdias,  or  Abdias  from 
Jeremias,  or  both  from  a  common  source,  and  it  is  plain 
that  the  date  to  be  admitted  for  the  origin  of  Abdias,  1-9 
must  needs  vary  according  as  one  or  another  of  these  suppo- 
sitions is  adopted.  A  second  difficulty  in  the  way  of  fixing 
the  date  of  composition  of  the  book  of  Abdias  arises  from 
the  fact  that  verses  1-9  and  15-21  refer  to  quite  different 
situations,  for  these  latter  verses  have  to  do  with  a  divine 
judgment  upon  *'all  nations,"  a  topic  plainly  foreign  to 
the  one  dealt  with  in  the  opening  verses  1-9,  and  usually 
regarded  as  belonging  to  a  period  much  later  in  date  than 
the  situation  described  in  verses  1-9.  In  the  third  place, 
it  is  not  easy  to  define  v^^hether  verses  10-14  should  be  con- 
nected with  1-9  or  with  15-21,^  and  this  difficulty  has  a  bear- 
ing on  the  manner  in  which  the  book  originated,  and  conse- 
quently on  the  time  also  of  its  composition. 

Despite  these  and  other  such  difficulties,  the  date  which 
recent  scholars  in  increasing  number  regard  as  more  pro])al)le 
for  the  completion  of  the  book  of  Abdias  is  the  period  after 
the   Babylonian  Exile.     The  following  cumulative  argument 

1  Cfr.  art.  Obadiah,  in  Hastincs,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  iii,  p.  57S. 

2  Cfr.  W.  H.  Ben.vett,  a  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  243,  Hastin'cs,  Diet, 
of  the  Bible,  vol.  iii,  p.  579. 


48o  SPECIAI-    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

tells  powerfully  in  favor  of  this  position.  In  the  first  place, 
whoever  bears  in  mind  the  fact  that  the  Deuteronomic  Law 
which  was  reformulated  under  Josias  *  contains  this  strin- 
gent command:  ''  Thou  shalt  not  abhor  the  Edomite,  because 
he  is  thy  brother,"  ^  will  readily  admit  that  the  first  nine 
verses  of  Abdias,  which  give  vent  to  most  hostile  feelings 
against  Edom,  were  written  subsequently  to  the  seventh 
century  B.C.,  and  that  only  a  henious  national  crime  on  the 
part  of  the  Edomites  can  account  for  that  deep  resentment 
of  Israel  against  them  which  appears  throughout  the  book 
of  Abdias.  In  the  next  place,  this  heinous  ^national  crime, 
as  far  as  can  be  gathered  from  Biblical  data,  is  no  other  than 
Edom's  unworthy  conduct  on  the  occasion  of  Jerusalem's 
destruction  by  the  Babylonians  in  586  B.C.  "  When  Jeru- 
salem was  destroyed  by  Nabuchodonosor,"  as  well  said  by 
a  most  conservative  scholar.  Professor  Sayce,^  "  the  Edomites 
took  part  with  the  enemy,  and  rejoiced  over  the  calamities 
of  Juda, — conduct  which  aroused  bitter  feelings  against 
them  on  the  part  of  the  Jews."  That  such  is,  in  point  of 
fact,  the  occasion  of  Israel's  hatred  towards  Edom  is  par- 
ticularly inferred  from  Ezechiel  xxxv,  3-15,  and  Abdias, 
verses  10-14.  In  Ezechiel  the  complete  ruin  of  Edom  is 
announced  in  connection  with  the  destruction  of  the  Holy 
City  by  the  Chaldaeans,  and  the  thoughts  expressed  in  Abdias, 
verses  10-14,  are  parallel  to  those  of  Ezechiel.  Indeed, 
independently  of  this  close  resemblance  in  ideas  between 
Ezechiel  and  Abdias,  verses  10-14,  the  terms  of  the  lattei 
passage  can  be  adequately  understood  only  of  the  capture 
and  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nabuchodonosor:  "*  only 
that  event  could   be  spoken  of  as  "the  day  when  strangers 

'  For   information   regarding   this    point   see   the    present   writer's   "  Special 
Introduction    to   the    Old    Test.,'     part    i.    pp.    1 17-126. 

2  Deuteronomy  xxiii,  7. 

3  In    Hastings,    Diet,   of   the    Bible,    vol.   i.   p.    645. 

*  For  an  able  discussion  of  this  point,  see  T.  T.  Pkrowne,  loc.  cit..  pp.  9-11, 


THE    REMAINING    MINOR    PROPHETS.  48 1 

carried  away  his  [Juda's]  army  ca[)livc,  and  forci<:;ncrs  entered 
into  his  gates,  and  cast  lots  upon  Jerusalem,  .  .  .  "*  as  ''the 
day  of  his  [Juda's]  leaving  his  country,  .  .  .  the  day  of  their 
[the  children  of  Juda's]  destruction,"  ^  "  the  day  of  their  ruin,"  ^ 
etc. 

The  last  stage  in  the  cumulative  argument  brings  tlie  date 
of  composition  of  the  book  of  Abdias  long  (how  long  cannot 
be  defined)  after  the  Return  from  the  Babylonian  Plxile. 
This  can  be  inferred  from  Abdias,  15-21,  the  apocalyptic 
tone  of  which  is  recognized  by  unbiassed  scholars,  and  is 
indeed  made  manifest  by  Abdias'  reference  to  "the  Day 
of  Yahweh  as  being  at  hand  upon  all  nations,"  to  a  restora- 
tion of  all  Israel,  to  the  wonderful  extent  of  territory  and 
position  of  command  which  await  the  Jews  in  Yahweh's 
kingdom.  These  apocalyptic  features  so  connect  the  prophecy 
of  Abdias  with  that  of  Joel,  with  the  book  of  Daniel,  and 
with  the  second  part  of  Zacharias  (ix-xiv),  that  it  is  only 
natural  to  think  that  they  all  belong  likewise  to  the  post- 
exilic  period,  and  indeed  to  a  comparatively  late  date  after 
the  Return  from  Babylon.^ 

§  3.  The  Prophet  Jonas. 

I.  Name  and  Personal  Life  of  the  Prophet.    The 

last  work  included  among   the  Minor  Prophets  of  which  we 

1  Abdias,  verse  ii. 

2  Abdias,  verse  12. 

3  Abdias.  verse  13. — The  principal  objection  usually  made  against  this 
interpretation  of  Abdias,  10-14,  is  drawn  from  the  silence  of  that  prophet 
concerning  the  ruin  of  Yahweh's  Temple.  It  is  urged  that  had  the  sacred 
writer  had  in  view  the  ruin  of  Jerusalem  in  586  B.C.  he  would  certainly  have 
described  the  destruction  of  Yahweh's  House  as  mocked  at  by  the  Edomites. 
But  this  objection  does  not  stand  when  it  is  remembered  that  Abdias,  io-i4_ 
is  parallel  to  Ezechiel  xxxv,  3-15,  wherein  the  ruin  of  the  Temple  is  not  alluded 
to. 

*  For  detailed  information  concerning  the  date  of  composition  of  the  book 
of  Abdias.  see  more  particularly  the  articles  on  Obadiah  in  Hastings;  Cheyne, 
and  other  Dictionaries  of  the  Bible. 


482  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTIOX    10    Hi  T.    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

liave  U)  treat  receives  its  name  from  "Jonas  the  son  of 
Amathi  "  (Jonas  i,  i),  plainly  the  same  as  the  prophet  Jonas 
who  in  the  fourth  book  of  Kings  (xiv,  25)  is  also  called  "the 
son  of  Amathi"  (Heb,  \AmiUai).  The  name  Jonas  is  usu- 
ally derived  from  the  Hebrew  Yonah,  and  therefore  taken 
to  mean  "a  dove";  it  is  not  improbable,  however,  that 
because  of  the  complaining  words  of  the  prophet  in  the  small 
book  ascribed  to  him  (cfr.  Jonas  iv),  the  name  Jonas  should 
be  directly  connected, — as  was  done  centuries  ago  by  St. 
Jerome  (Comm.  on  Jonas  iv,  i), — with  the  very  root  Yanah 
("to  mourn")  of  the  Hebrew  Yonah,  and  therefore  be  under- 
stood as  meaning  dolens,  "complaining." 

Of  the  personal  life  of  Jonas  little  indeed  is  known  for 
certain.  In  the  fourth  book  of  Kings  (xiv,  25)  he  is  only 
incidentally  referred  to  as  a  prophet  who  was  born  in  Gath- 
Hepher, — a  town  in  the  Northern  tribe  of  Zabulon  (Josue 
xix,  10,  13), — and  who  foretold  aright  an  event  of  Jeroboam's 
reign  (9th  cent.  B.C.),  viz.,  the  recovery  by  Israel  of  a  part 
of  its  possessions.  Nor  is  anything  like  positive  information 
concerning  the  various  circumstances  of  Jonas'  life  and 
death  to  be  gathered  from  the  short  book  which  bears  his 
name.  The  four  chapters  which  make  up  that  sacred  writing 
deal  exclusively  with  his  brief  mission  to  Ninive,  and  do 
not  even  mention  his  return  from  that  great  city.  It  is  not, 
therefore,  surprising  to  find  that,  in  the  absence  of  data 
relative  to  the  prophet's  personal  life,  many,  and  at  times 
conflicting,  traditions  have  been  started  and  freely  circu- 
lated concerning  Jonas.  "The  Jewish  doctors,  with  their 
usual  puerility,  have  supposed  him  to  be  the  son  of  the  widow 
of  Sarepta :  '  Now  by  this  I  know,'  said  she  to  Ehas,  '  that  thou 
art  a  man  of  God,  and  that  the  word  of  the  Lord  in  thy  mouth 
is  truth':  n^:?^  (Ill  Kings  xvii,  24).  The  restored  child 
was    thenceforward    named   ^n::N""n,   a   title   which   was  to 


THE    REMAIXING     MINOR    I'KOPHETS.  4S3 

preserve  the  memory  of  lii>  miraculous  resurrection."^  And 
yet  this  childish  phi}-  upon  the  Hebrew  words  'Rmdh  and 
\imittai,  was  seriously  repeated  by  the  Pseudo-Epiphanius 
and  by  Dorotheus,  It  has  also  been  supposed  that  Jonas 
was  the  son  of  the  widow  of  Sunam,  whom  Eliseus  called 
to  life  and  restored  to  his  mother,"  and  even  that  he  was 
the  son  of  Abdia^.  Others  again  have  fancied  that  Jonas 
was  the  young  man  whom  Eliseus  entrusted  with  the  mission 
of  anointing  Jehu,  king  over  Israel.^  Traditions  are  like- 
wise unreliable  as  regards  the  prophet's  place  of  Ijurial. 
While  the  Pseudo-Epiphanius  thinks  that  Jonas  was  buried 
near  Tyre,  St.  Jerome  affirms  that  his  grave  was  pointed  out 
in  Gath-Hepher.  During  the  Middle  Ages  divers  places 
were  connected  with  the  burial  of  Jonas.  At  the  present 
day  Jonas'  tomb  is  indeed  shown  near  the  site  of  ancient 
Ninive,  but  prominent  archaeologists  look  for  it  in  other 
places.'' 

2.  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Jonas.  Although  the 
contents  of  the  book  of  Jonas  are  sometimes  divided  into 
three  parts  (chaps,  i-ii;  iii;  iv),''  they  naturally  fall  under 
two  heads,  viz.,  the  prophet's  first  mission  to  Ninive  (i-ii), 
and  his  second  mission  to  the  same  city  (iii-iv),^  for  the  begin- 
ning of  each  section  is  distinctly  marked  by  the  opening 
formula,  ''And  the  word  of  Yahweh  came  to  Jonas"  (i,  i), 
"And  the  word  of  Yahweh  came  to  Jonas  the  second  time  " 
(iii,  I). 

In  the  account  of  Jonas'  first  mission  to  Ninive  we  are 
told   of   his   attempt   to   flee  to  Tarsis   from   the   presence  of 

^  Jno.   Eadie    art.  Jonati,  in  Kitto  s  Cyclop,  of  Biblical  Literature. 
''  Cfr.  IV  Kings  iv.  32  sqq. 
3  Cf r.  IV  Kings  ix.   i  sqq. 

^  For  details  see  Trochon,  les   Petits   Prophetes    p.    216  sq. 
5  Cfr.  ViGOUROUX    Manuel  Biblique    vol.  ii,   no.   1089;    etc. 
•5  Cfr.  Samuel   Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii,  p.  268  ;    R.  Cor- 
NELY.  S.J.    Introductio,  vol.  ii,  part  ii,  p.  557,  etc. 


484  SPFXIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Yahweh,  that  he  might  escape  the  task  assigned  to  him, 
the  manner  in  which  he  was  overtaken,  and  his  wonderful 
dehverance  from  the  great  fish  which  had  swallowed  him, 
together  with  a  hymn  of  thanksgiving  which  is  ascribed  to 
him  while  still  in  the  fish's  belly. 

The  account  of  the  prophet's  second  mission  is  hardly 
less  marvellous.  In  conformity  ^^•i.h  Yahweh's  order,  Jonas 
goes  to  Ninive,  enters  a  day's  journey  into  it,  and  foretells 
its  destruction  in  forty  days.  Immediately  a  general  repent- 
ance takes  place,  and  God  spares  Ninive.  Whereupon  Jonas 
becomes  exceedingly  angry  and  wishes  for  death.  He  ex- 
postulates with  Yahweh  and  says  that  it  was  in  anticipation 
of  this  very  result  that  he  had  wished  to  flee  to  Tarsis. 
He  nevertheless  takes  his  station  on  a  mountain  to  the  east 
of  Ninive,  and,  under  a  booth  he  has  erected,  waits  to  see 
what  is  to  become  of  the  city.  God  prepares  a  gourd  which 
affords  to  Jonas  a  most  pleasant  shade.  When,  however,  at 
the  divine  command,  this  gourd  is  struck  by  a  worm  and 
WTthers,  the  prophet,  exposed  to  the  burning  heat  of  the  sun, 
murmurs  again  and  wishes  to  die.  Then  it  is  that  Yahweh 
rebukes  him  for  being  so  much  grieved  over  the  withering 
of  a  gourd,  and  yet  wishing  that  God  should  not  be  touched 
by  the  repentance  of  a  city  in  which  were  found  more  than 
120,000  children  who  had  not  yet  reached  the  age  of  dis- 
cretion, and  also  much  cattle. 

3.  Historical  Character  and  Probable  Object  of 
the  Book.  Among  the  vexed  questions  which  are  con- 
nected with  the  book  of  Jonas,  that  of  its  historical  char- 
acter stands  out  prominently.  The  contents  are  written  in 
prose, — except,  of  course,  the  hymn  ascribed  to  Jonas  in 
ii,  2-11, — and  the  book  reads  much  more  like  a  historical 
than    a   prophetical    composition.^     As    it    seems    to    narrate 

1  Cfr.  ViGOUROUx,  Manuel  Biblique.  vol.  ii    no.   io88. 


THR     RKMAIXIXr,     :\IIX()R     I'ROIMIKTS.  485 

acUial  events,  so  ils  historical  character  has  been  <;enerall\- 
assumed  by  Jewish  and  Christian  writers  down  to  recent 
times.  The  following  are  the  princi|)al  grounds  in  favor 
of  tiiis  traditional  view:  (i)  The  admission  of  the  book 
into  the  Hebrew  canon,  and  especially  its  position  in  the 
series  of  the  prophetical  writings,  makes  it  very  probable 
that  the  narrative  consists  of  fact.  Had  the  collectors  of 
the  canonical  books  thought  that  it  exhibited  religious  truths 
in  the  garb  of  allegory  or  parable,  they  would  have  ])ut  it 
among  the  Hagiographa.*  (2)  Many  historical  and  geo- 
graphical statements  in  the  book  of  Jonas  prove  its  credibility 
and  genuine  historical  character.  The  hero  is  designated 
by  his  own  name  and  by  that  of  his  father.  *'  His  mission 
to  the  Ninivites  is  in  perfect  keeping  with  the  historical  rela- 
tions of  Jonas'  time,  in  which  the  first  cases  occurred  of  con- 
tact between  Israel  and  Assyria  (Osee  v,  13;  x,  6).  ...  The 
description  of  the  greatness  of  Ninive  (Jonas  iii,  3)  is  in  har- 
mony with  the  statements  of  the  classical  writers  (Diodorus 
Siculus,  ii,  3;  Strabo,  book  xvi,  chap,  i,  §  3).  Its  deep 
moral  corruption  is  testified  by  Nahum  iii,  i;  Sophonias 
ii,  13  sqq. ;  and  the  mourning  of  men  and  beasts  (Jonas  iii, 
5,  8)  is  confirmed  as  an  Asiatic  custom  by  Herodotus,  book 
ix,  §  24,  being  in  itself  supported  by  analogous  customs  of 
our  own  in  funeral  processions."  ^  (3)  The  character  and 
person  of  Jonas  are  natural.  All  that  he  does  and  says  is 
suitable  to  his  times  and  the  circumstances  in  which  he 
was  placed.  His  severe  preaching  against  the  Ninivites, 
his  Judaic  views  of  the  divine  mercy  l)eing  limited  to  his 
own  countrymen,  his  zeal  for  the  honor  of  Yahweh,  his  resist- 
ance to  the  divine  will  in  certain  circumstances,  his  murmur- 
ing, the  mixed  virtues  and    vices  of  his    disposition,  present 

'  Cfr.  Keil,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  i.  p.  .v)?  sq.  (EdrI.  Transl.);    Ahb6 
V    Ermoni.   art.   Jonas,   in    Vigouroux     Diction,   de    la   Bible,   col.    1608. 
^  Keil,  ibid.     Cfr.  also   Ermoni     loc.  cit..  col.    1609. 


486  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

a  picture  drawn  from  nature.^  (4)  Jewish  tradition  as 
reflected  in  Tobias  xiv,  4  (in  the  Greek  translation  of  the 
book);  in  III  Machab.  vi,  8;  in  Josephus,  Antiq.  of  the  Jews, 
book  ix,  chap,  x,  §  2 ;  in  the  Targum  on  Nahum  i,  i ; 
in  the  Talmud,  and  as  repeated  by  the  Fathers  and  sub- 
sequent writers  of  the  Christian  Church,  has  always  con- 
sidered the  contents  of  the  book  of  Jonas  as  literal  history. 
(5)  Above  all,  "  the  distinct  authority  of  Christ  attests  the 
truth  of  Jonas'  history.  He  afhrms  that  Jonas  was  three 
days  and  three  nights  in  the  fish's  belly  and  that  the  Nini- 
viles  repented  at  his  preaching.  He  declares  Himself  greater 
than  Jonas.  Surely  He  would  not  have  compared  Himself 
with  a  man  in  a  fable,  a  parable,  or  a  myth.  As  well  might 
we  extinguish  the  historical  existence  of  the  queen  of  Saba 
mentioned  immediately  afterwards  by  Our  Lord,  and  con- 
cider  the  account  of  her  visit  to  Solomon  an  allegory  or  fic- 
tion (Matt,  xii,  39-41;  Luke  xi,  29-32)."  ^  This  will  appear 
all  the  more  cogent  because  the  Jewish  contemporaries  of 
Jesus  were  asking  for  an  actual  miracle  as  a  sign  of  His 
divine  mission,  when  He  told  them  that  no  other  sign  would 
be  given  than  "that  of  Jonas  the  prophet"  (Luke  xi,  29); 
that  is,  as  explained  in  Matt,  xi,  40,  a  miracle  like  the  one 
which  is  narrated  in  the  book  of  Jonas  (Jonas  staying  three 
days  and  three  nights  in  the  fish's  belly)  and  which  w^as  then 
universally  regarded  as  an  actual  event.  Whence  it  is  inferred 
that  Our  Lord  treated  the  narrative  in  the  book  of  Jonas 
as  strictly  historical. 

Such  are  the  chief  arguments  which  are  usually  brought 
forth  to  establish  the  historical  character  of  the  prophecy 
of  Jonas, ^  and  which  to  many  minds  still   appear  conclusive 

1  Cfr.    Havernick,  Einleitung,  ii,  2.  §    246;    Samuel    Davidson.  Introduct.. 
vol.  lii.  p.   271.    Abbe  Trochon    les  Petits  Prophetes.  p.   223,    etc. 
'Samuel   Davidson,   loc.   cit.,    p.    270. 
3  They  will  be  found  best  exposed  in  Trochon,  les  Petits  Prophetes;  Keil, 


THE    REMAINING     MINOR     PROPHETS.  487 

that  the  contents  of  the  book  arc  tliosc  of  a  Htcral,  rnaltcr- 
of-fact  history,  not  those  of  an  allc,u;oiical  and  pictorial 
composition.  A  large  number,  however,  of  recent  scholars 
who  have  examined  closely  these  various  arguments  con- 
sider them  as  an  insufficient  evidence  in  favor  of  the  his- 
torical character  of  the   book   of  Jonas. 

They  refuse,  and  indeed  rightly,  to  attach  much  imj)ortance 
to  the  first  of  those  arguments.  The  historical  or  non-his- 
torical character  of  an  inspired  writing  cannot  seriously  be 
regarded  as  the  test  whereby  the  collectors  of  the  canonical 
books  determined  the  sacredness  or  non-sacredness  of  a 
writing.  They  most  likely  reckoned  the  book  of  Jonas 
among  the  Holy  Scriptures  chiefly  because  it  was  ascribed 
to  the  prophet  of  that  name;  and  they  no  doubt  included 
it  in  the  second  division  of  the  Hebrew  Text,  viz.,  ''the 
Prophets,"  because  it  had  been  composed  before  that  second 
collection  of  sacred  writings  was  brought  to  a  close,  whereas 
the  prophecy  of  Daniel,  despite  its  obvious  historical  and 
prophetical  features,  was  placed  among  "  the  Writings,'' 
apparently  because  the  second  canon,  "  the  Prophets,"  had 
already  been  closed. 

The  same  scholars  look  upon  the  second  argument  in 
favor  of  the  historical  character  of  the  prophecy  of  Jonas 
as  hardly  less  inconclusive  than  the  first.  "  It  is  impossible," 
says  one  of  them,  "  to  derive  the  historical  truth  of  what 
the  book  states  from  these  particulars  (that  is,  from  certain 
points  of  history  and  geography  correctly  referred  to  in  the 
book).  They  do  not  prove  it.  All  that  they  show  is  the 
conformity  of  various  points  with  the  known  facts  of  history. 
It  is  quite  possible,  for  aught  belonging  to  the  geographical 
or  historical  notices  in  question,  that  the  story  of  Jonas  going 

Introduction;  Kaulen,  Einlcitung  in  die  heilige  Schrift,  3d  edit.,  p.  351  sqq.; 
etc. 


4  88  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

to  Ninive  and  travelling  through  it  for  three  days  partakes 
largely  of  the  fictitious.  The  legendary  and  parabolical  may 
be  conformed  to  verisimilitude.  A  careful  writer  will  assuredly 
refrain  from  violating  the  probable,  or  running  counter  to 
facts,  manners,  and  customs,  as  far  as  they  come  in  his  way. 
To  make  a  story  agree  with  history  and  geography  when- 
ever it  touches  on  their  respective  regions  is  one  thing;  to 
convert  it  into  true  history  is  another."^  "  Formerly,"  says 
a  more  recent  scholar,  Fr.  Lagrange,  O.P.,  '  it  was  deemed 
strange  that  God  should  inspire  an  edifying  story  devoid 
of  historical  reality.  .  .  .  And  yet  it  is  a  matter  of  experi- 
ence that  an  invented  story  may  be  more  useful  than  a  true 
story.  .  .  .  Such  books  [that  is  to  say,  unhistorical  writings] 
assume  a  rigorous  historical  precision  without  the  least  inten- 
tion of  deceiving  any  one.  In  order,  therefore,  to  prove  the 
historical  character  of  a  book  of  the  Bible,  it  is  not  sufficient 
to  insist  on  the  vividness  of  the  narration,  the  multiplicity 
of  the  details,  the  allusions  to  history  or  geography  therein 
contained."  ^ 

Remarks  of  the  same  import  are  urged  against  the  con- 
cluiiiveness  of  the  third  argument  set  forth  above.  If  every 
trait  in  the  delineation  of  the  character  and  person  of  Jonas 
was  lifelike  and  true  to  nature,  as  is  maintained  in  the  argu- 
ment, this  would  prove  at  most  that  the  book  may  be  his- 
torical, not  that  it  is  so,  for  lifelike  portraits  may  be  drawn 
by  the  imagination  of  an  able  writer,  aided  perhaps  by  an 
original  which  he  uses  as  his  starting-point.  Moreover, 
certain  details  in  the  sketching  of  Jonas'  portrait,  such,  for 
instance,  as  his  impertinent  discussion  with  Jahweh  in  iv, 
9,  can  hardly  be  considered  as  true  to  life. 

As  regards   the   fourth   argument   drawn   from  the  Jewish 

1  Samuel  Davidson.  Introduct.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  iii,  p.  269. 

2  Fr.  Lagrange,  O.P.,  in  "  Revue  Biblique  Internationale,  '  Oct.  1896,  pp.  508. 
511. 


THE    REMAINING    MINOR    I'ROPIIETS.  489 

traditiDn,  no  scholar  worthy  the  name  considers  this  source 
of  information  as  infalHble  in  matters  of  historical  or  literary 
criticism;  and  the  same  thing  is  unquestionably  true  with 
even  the  universal  consent  of  the  Fathers  and  subsequent 
writers  of  the  Christian  Church  in  such  scientific  matters. 
Besides,  the  passage  of  Tobias  (xiv,  4)  appealed  to  as  record- 
ing the  old  Jewish  tradition  is  not  found  in  the  Latin  Vulgate, 
and  may  not  be  genuine.  The  next  witness  to  that  tradi- 
tion is  an  apocryphal  writing,  viz.,  the  third  book  of  the 
Machabees,  the  historical  value  of  which  is  far  from  beyond 
suspicion.  Josephus  does  indeed  set  forth  the  contents  of 
the  book  of  Jonas,  in  his  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  ])ut  the 
manner  in  which  he  introduces  and  closes  his  exposition 
of  those  contents  leads  one  to  surmise  that  he  did  not  fully 
rely  on  them.  Lastly,  it  is  certain  that  during  the  Middle 
Ages  the  Jewish  rabbi  Abrabanel  looked  uj)on  the  book 
of  Jonas  as  the  narrative  of  a  dream,  while  Kimchi,  a  more 
celebrated  Jewish  scholar  still,  assigned  to  it  a  moral  scope. 
Plainly,  then,  Jewish  tradition  should  not  be  considered  as 
a  conclusive  argument  in  favor  of  ihe  historical  character 
of  the  book  of  Jonas,  even  though  it  should  have  been  repeated 
century  after  century  by  the  Christian  Fathers  and  other 
ecclesiastical  writers. 

In  answer  to  the  last  and  chief  argument  adduced  by  the 
defenders  of  the  traditional  view,  viz.,  the  authority  of  Our 
Lord,  the  opponents  of  the  historical  character  of  the  l.ook 
of  Jonas  contend  that  this  authority  is  wrongly  appealed  to. 
*'  They  maintain  that  Our  Saviour  conformed  to  the  usual 
manner  of  speaking  and  to  the  traditions  of  the  Jews  of  His 
time,  and  did  not  go  against  them  when  it  was  not  necessary 
to  do  so."  ^     "  It  was  no  part  of  His  mission  on  earth  to  teach 


iCard.   Meignan     les    Prophetes  d' Israel  (Paris,   1892),    p.    360.     Cfr.    Ed. 
K(>Ni(;,  art.  Jonah    in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.   751;    etc. 


490  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION   TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

criticism   or  to   correct   all  the   erroneous   opinions   held   by 
the    Jews    respecting    their    own    Scriptures.     He    reasoned 
with   them   on   grounds   they   acknowledged,    employing   the 
argwnentmn  ad  hominem,  and  adopting  current  views  when- 
ever they  suited  the  purpose  of  that  higher  mission  which 
He  came  to  promote.     Where   He   does   not   assert  a  thing 
on  His  own  independent  authority,  but  merely  to  confound 
or  confute  the  Jews  of    His  day.  He  should  not  be  quoted 
as   a   voucher   for   the  historical  truth   of   facts   or  events."  ^ 
Nor  should  any  special  stress,  we  are  told,  be  laid  on  the 
comparison  between  Jonas  remaining  three  days  and  three 
nights  in  the  fish's  belly  and  Our  Lord  spending  the  same 
length  of  time  in  the  grave,  which  is  explicitly  set  forth  in 
Matt,  xii,  40.     For  a  careful  examination  of  the  four  passages 
(Matt,   xii,   38-42;    xvi,    1-4;    Mark   viii,    11-13;    Luke  xi, 
16,    29-32)    wherein    mention    is    made    of   some    wonderful 
"sign"  as  asked  of   Jesus  by  His   contemporaries,   renders 
it  very  probable  that  this  allusion  to  Our  Lord's  resurrection 
as  it  is  distinctly  pointed  out  in  Matt,  xii,  40  (or  even  as  it 
is  less  clearly  stated  in  Luke  xi,  30)  was  no  part  of  His  origi- 
nal saying.^    Whence  it  would  appear  that  Christ's  authority 
should  not  be  appealed  to  as  actually  affirming  the  fact  of 
Jonas'    deliverance    from    the    sea-monster's    belly.     ''  It    is 
true  that,  as  the  repentance  of  the  Ninivites  is  accepted  as 
historical,   the   incident   of  the   whale   would   probably  have 
been  treated  in  the  same  manner;    but   in  neither  case  was 
the  absence  or  the  presence  of  historical   foundation  essen- 
tial to  the   application   of  the   narrative   as   a   '  sign.'     Our 
Lord's  use  of  it  starts  from  the  way  in  which  it  was  under- 
stood by  His  hearers:  behind  this  He  does  not  go."  ^     For 

1  Samuel    Davidson.    Introd.   to   the    Old    Test.,    vol.    iii,    p.    270. 

2  The  ablest  discussion  of  this  point  of  literary  criticism  appeared  in  "the 
Biblical  World"  (Aug.  1902),  pp.  99-112,  in  an  article  entitled  "  What  was 
the    sign   of   Jonah?"    and    written    by   Prof.    B.   W.   Bacon. 

3  W.  Sanday,  Inspiration,  p.  433. 


THE     REMAINING    MINOR     PROPHETS.  49I 

these  and  similar  reasons  even  lhor()u,<i;h  Ijelievers  in  rex- 
elation  and  in  the  divine  authority  of  Christ  think  that  Our 
Lord's  reference  to  Jonas  in  the  evangelical  records  does  not 
preclude  a  scientific  discussion  or  even  an  actual  rejection 
of  the  historical  character  of  the  prophecy  which  bears  his 
name.  The  Abbe  Trochon,  for  instance,  writes  that  "  Catho- 
lic orthodoxy  does  not  forbid  us  to  maintain  that  the  i)()ok 
of  Jonas  does  not  relate  history,  but  is  simply  a  parable,"  ' 
and  quotes  the  following  words  from  the  reports  of  "the 
Conferences  ecclesiastiques  de  Versailles"  for  1879:  "Thus 
far,  the  Church  has  not  settled  the  question  [of  the  historical 
character  of  the  book  of  Jonas],  and  probably  she  will  never 
settle  it.  Nor  has  she  excluded  from  the  ranks  of  her  children 
Catholic  interpreters,  such  as  Richard  Simon  and  Jno.  Jahn, 
who  have  denied  the  historicity  of  Jonas."  ^ 

Scholars  w^ho  thus  think  that  the  arguments  in  favor  of  the 
historical  character  of  the  book  of  Jonas  do  not  bear  out 
that  position,  and  that  Our  Lord's  authority,  in  particular, 
should  not  be  appealed  lo  in  its  defence,  feel  quite  at  liberty 
to  reject  the  traditional  view.  Their  chief  reasons  to  regard 
the  narrative  as  not  strictly  historical  may  be  briefly  given 
as  follows:  (i)  It  w^as  not  the  aim  of  the  author  to  write 
history.  The  work  begins  abruptly,  and  the  events  con- 
nected with  the  twofold  mission  of  Jonas  to  Ninive  are  given 
only  in  so  far  as  they  contribute  to  set  forth  the  prophetic 
lessons  of  the  book.  A  matter-of-fact  history  would  have 
naturally  stated  into  what  place  the  prophet  was  vomited  forth 
by  the  sea-monster;  what  were  the  sins  of  the  Ninivites,  a 
I)oint  which  the  prophetical  histories  are  by  no  means  accus- 
tomed in  other  cases  to  pass  over;  by  what  particular  calamity 
the  city  w^as  to  be  destroyed;  whether  the  abolition  of  idolatry 
was  entailed   by  the  general   repentance  of  the   inhaijitants; 

'  Abbe  Trochon.  Ics  Petits  Prophctes    p.  221. 
2  Abbe  Trocho.^.  loc,  cit.    p.  221,  tootn.  2. 


492  SPECIAL    IN  I  RODUCTIOX     lO     IHK    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

what  was  the  name  of  the  Assyrian  king  in  whose  time  all 
this  took  place,  who  also  lurned  to  the  true  God  with 
such  humih\y  and  rcpen.ance;  etc.  Instead  of  these  his- 
torical da:a,  only  two  scene.,  are  detailed:  the  one  on  the  sea, 
the  other  at  Ninive.  The  transitions  in  the  story  look  hke 
the  rapid  ilight  of  ihe  imagination,  not  the  steady  flow  of 
historical  narrajvc,  and  the  book  closes  abruptly  after  giving 
the  lessons  in'ended/  (2)  The  various  characters  delineated 
in  the  book  of  Jonas  can  hardly  be  considered  as  true  to  life. 
The  character  of  the  prophet  himself  appears  indeed  very 
strange;  to  fly  from  God's  presence,  he  selects  a  ship  which 
will  take  him  to  the  farthest  West  (Tarsis,  in  Spain),  his 
mission  being  to  the  far  East  (Ninive,  in  Assyria);"  when 
in  imminent  danger  of  destruction  by  a  tempest,  and  when 
all  around  him  are  putting  up  prayers,  he  is  quietly  sleeping; 
he  voluntarily  ofl'ers  himself  to  be  thrown  into  the  sea;  and, 
lastly,  he  i?  constantly  opposing  God,  speaking  to  Him,  at 
least  once,  in  a  disrespectful  manner  (cfr,  Jonas  iv,  9).  The 
conduct  of  the  sailors  seems  also  not  to  be  fully  true  to  life. 
It  is  strange  that  they  should  cease  calling  upon  their  respec- 
tive gods,  to  cry  to  "  Yahweh "  (Jonas  i,  5,  14),  and  that 
having  found  out  the  culprit,  who  indeed  has  pleaded  guilty, 
and  has  urged  them  to  throw  him  into  the  sea  as  a  sure  means 
of  calming  it,  they  should  not  resort  at  once  to  that  means, 
and  should  even  call  Jonas  "innocent"  (Jonas  i,  14).  Again, 
the  character  of  the  king  of  Ninive  is  not  drawn  in  harmony 
with  what  is  known  of  the  haughtiness  and  cruelty  of  Eastern 
monarchs  generally,  and  of  Assyrian  rulers  in  particular: 
only  the  greatest  miracles  could  bring  the  Pharao  of  the 
Exodus  to  comply  with  the  positive  commands  of  Jehovah, 

1  Cfr.  Prof.  Briggs,  General  Introd.  to  the  Study  of    Holy  Scripture,  p.  345; 
Jno.  Jahn.  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  p.  372  (Engl.  Transl.).    etc. 

2  Cfr.  Von  Orelli,  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets,  p.  173  (Engl.  Transl.)     Abbe 
Trochon,  les  Petits  Prophetes.  p.  232,    etc. 


THE    REMAININC     MINOR     I'KOi'II  F.TS. 


493 


and  no  such  miracles  are  even  hinted  at   in  order  to  account 
for  the  humhic  repentance  of  the   kint^  of   Ass\-ria.      MciualK- 
untrue  lo  Hfe  appears  the  descripiion  of  the   Xinivites  wlio 
all   repent   at    tlie   message   of  an    unknown   iiuh'vidual;   and 
the  same  thing  must  be  said  in  regard  to  the  order   issued  by 
the  king  that  a  fast  should  be  observed  and  sackcloth  worn 
even  by  the  infants  and  beasts  (cfr.  Jonas  iv,  5-9).     (3)   It  is 
difficult   to  account   for   the   utter  absence  of  anv   reference 
to  the  repentance  of  Ninive,   from  the   king  on   his   throne 
to  the  humblest  citizen,  in  the  historical  books  of  the  Bible, 
and  in  the  copious  prophecies  which  deal  with  Assyria  and 
its  relation  to  Israel:  ^    the  extent  of  that  conversion,  the  sin- 
cerity and  the  depth  of  it,  if  historical  at  all,  should  have 
supplied   the    monotheistic    teachers   of   Israel   with   at   least 
occasional  allusions  in  favor  of  the  pure  worship  of  the  true 
God.     (4)  "  To  those  who  accept  the  fact  of  miracle  the  mar- 
vels of  the  fish  and  the  gourd  are  not  in  themselves  stumbling- 
blocks,  and  a  reverent  faith  in  the  supernatural  of  revelation 
will  repudiate  all   wxll-meant  attempts  to  reduce  their  won- 
drousness    by   unreliable    travellers'    stories   and    vagaries   of 
natural   history,^     The   real   difficulty   about   the   element   of 
the  miraculous  in  the  book  of  Jonas  consists,  for  believing 
minds,  rather  in  the  amount  and  the  kind  of  it.     From  begin- 
ning to  end,  the   narrative  is  one  continuous  chain  of  sur- 
prises, providences,  and  marvels  of  a  very  unusual  description. 
And  what  is  more  significant  still,  much  of  it  is,  so  far  as 
we  can  perceive,   unnecessary  for  the  practical  accomplish- 
ment of  the  matter-of-fact  object  assigned,   while  it  as  evi- 

'  Whenever  tlie  Assyrians  are  spoken  of.  they  are  described  as  idolaters. 
Indeed  the  fact  ot  Ninive  s  conversion  seem3  to  be  excluded  by  the  followiner 
statement  ot  the  prophet  Jeremias  (ii,  ii)-  "  It  a  nation  hath  changed  their 
.^jds  and  indeed  they  are  not  gods,  but  my  people  have  changed  their  glory 
into  an  idol.'' 

*  Such  attempts  have  been  made  by  P.  Kaulem.  in  his  Comm.  on  Jonas, 
H.  BoNAR,  art.  Jonah,  in  Smith.  Diet,  of  the   Bible     etc. 


494  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION*    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

dently  serves  with  unequalled  effectiveness  a  didactic  pur- 
pose, viz.,  to  emphasize  and  throw  into  intense  relief  cer- 
tain truths  of  the  very  first  importance  in  revelation."  ^  (5) 
Lastly,  the  fact  that  the  book  of  Jonas  represents  a  hymn 
which  celebrates  a  deliverance  already  granted  and  which 
is  ''partially  made  up  of  selections  from  Psalms,"^ — some 
of  them  quite  late  in  date,^ — as  composed  by  the  prophet 
while  still  in  the  fish's  belly,  is  also  often  urged  against  the 
strictly  historical  character  of  the  narrative.* 

It  should  not  be  supposed  that  all  the  scholars  who  do 
not  regard  the  book  of  Jonas  as  a  matter-of-fact  history 
consider  it  as  a  mere  work  of  the  imagination.  According 
to  several  recent  critics,  that  inspired  work,  like  the  books 
of  Job,  Tobias,  Judith,  etc.,  is  not  altogether  fictitious.  Von 
Orelli,  for  example,  tells  us  that  "the  fish  miracle  is  not  the 
product  of  the  author's  fancy.  Whether  we  regard  it  as  a 
historical  fact  or  assign  it  to  legend,  it  was  certainly  matter 
of  tradition.  For  it  cannot  easily  be  brought  into  harmony 
with  the  didactic  purpose  of  the  narrator,  as  is  shown  by 
the  explanations  of  most  of  the  expositors,  who  are  unable 
to  extract  any  special  moral  teaching  from  it.  A  prophetic 
mission  of  Jonas  to  Ninive  must  also  have  been  handed  down 
by  tradition,  and,  indeed,  in  connection  with  that  adventure; 
and  have  told  the  astonishing  result  of  his  preaching.  In 
the  same  way,  the  narrator  found  the  Jonas  Psalm  ready 
to  hand.  Had  he  himself  composed  it  out  of  fragments  of 
other  prayers,  as  is  now  generally  supposed,  he  would  have 
introduced  the  Psalm,  in  this  case  also  well  put  together, 
at  a   more   fitting   point."  "^ 

'  W.  G.  ELMSLiE.in  "  Book  by  Book."  p.  288.  Cfr.  Samuel  Davidson,  loc. 
cit.,  p.   273,    Von  Orelli.  loc.  cit.,  p.   168. 

2V1GOUROUX,   Manuel   Biblique    vol.  ii.   no.    logo     §3. 

3  For  instance    Pss.  cxx.  i .   cxxi,  23.    cxlii.  4;    etc.      (Cfr.  Vigouroux   ibid.) 

4  Cfr.  Briggs,  loc.  cit.,  p.  347-    Samuel  Davidson,  loc.  cit.    p.  274  sqq.    etc. 
6  Von   Orelli,  loc.  cit.,  p.    168.     See  also   Driver,    Introd.,  p.   324  sq. 


THE    REMAIN  I\(;    MIXOK    PROPHETS.  495 

While  this  view  of  the  mailer  agrees  wilh  ihe  i)reva- 
Icnt  opinion  ihat  Hebrew  writers  do  not  invent  entirely 
their  stories,  and  accounts  for  the  general  appearance  of 
the  narrative  and  for  the  time-honored  tradition  which 
looks  upon  the  book  of  Jonas  as  actual  history,  yet  most 
scholars  who  deny  the  historical  character  of  the  writing 
think  that  w^e  should  regard  the  work  as  a  fiction  the 
purpose  of  which  is  to  enforce  important  religious  teach- 
ings. According  to  some,  it  is  a  parabolic  fiction  somewhat 
similar  in  its  narrative  form  and  didactic  purpose  to  the 
well-known  parable  of  the  Prodigal  Son.^  Others  see  in  it 
an  allegorical  composition,  wherein  Jonas  represents  Israel 
fleeing  from  the  duty  imposed  on  the  nation  in  its  prophetic 
character  as  a  witness  for  God.^  The  world-power  repre- 
sented in  Isai.  xxvii  and  Jerem.  li,  34  as  a  sea-monster  may, 
in  accordance  with  God's  design,  swallow  up  Israel  (Jerem, 
li,  34);  but  Bel,  the  god  of  Babylon,  is  forced  to  disgorge 
his  prey  (Jerem.  li,  44)  after  "three  days,"  according  to 
Osee's  way  of  describing  the  duration  of  the  Exile  (Osee  vi, 
2).  In  his  second  mission  to  Ninive  Jonas  symbolizes  Israel 
restored  and  entrusted  again  with  a  prophetical  mission. 
The  Jewish  nation  preaches  with  sufficient  readiness  the 
doom  of  the  Gentile  world,  and  watches  for  the  time  when 
it  will  be  fulfilled.  But  in  His  mercy  God  has  other  views 
than  His  prophetical  representative;  He  does  not  delight 
in  the  death  of  men,  but  rather  in  their  repentance.  This 
allegorical  method  of  interpreting  the  book  of  Jonas  is  steadily 
gaining  ground  among  Biblical  scholars  ^  and  is  plainly  in 
harmony  with  the  requirements  of  Catholic  orthodoxy.     One 

^  For  an  able  exposition  of  that  view,  see  Jno.  Jahn  ,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test., 
p.  373  (Engl.  Transl.). 

2  Israel  is  God  s  servant,  entrusted  with  the  prophetic  mission  of  carrying 
light  and  truth  to  the  heathen,  according  to  Isai.  xli-lxvi. 

3  This  view  is  admitted  by  De  Wettb,  Delitzsch,  Bleek,  Reuss,  Chas. 
H.  H.  Wright    Ed.  Konig,  Chas.  A.  Briggs,  etc. 


4g6  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

may  doubt,  however,  whether,  in  so  far  as  it  denies  all  his- 
torical basis  to  the  prophecy,  it  does  not  assume  too  ''artificial 
a  clothing  of  the  national  idea  and  history  in  a  personal  garb."  ^ 
It  would  indeed  appear  more  plausible  if  it  were  coupled 
with  the  view  set  forth  above,  which  admits  that  the  mate- 
rials of  the  narrative  were,  at  least  substantially,  supplied 
by  tradition.  Thus  modified  it  would  be  far  more  probable 
than  the  theory  which  looks  upon  the  book  of  Jonas  as  simply 
a  rebuke  of  the  selfish  spirit  of  the  Jewish  people,  a  satire 
against  Jewish  particularism.  As  regards  the  more  or  less 
Rationalistic  efforts  which  have  been  made  to  represent  the 
book  of  Jonas  as  a  historical  myth  chiefly  on  account  of  the 
fish  miracle,  it  suffices  to  say  that  they  have  so  far  succeeded 
in  proving  only  one  thing,  viz.,  that  all  such  attempts  have 
no  real  ground  besides  the  wish  of  doing  away  with  the  reality 
of  that  miracle  and  of  the  supernatural  which  is  inextricably 
woven  into  the  framework  of  the  narrative.^ 

"  There  is  probably  no  intermediate  resting-place  for  intelli- 
gent faith  between  a  simple  acceptance  of  the  history,  and 
the  theory  held  by  many  believing  scholars,  who,  influenced 
by  no  shrinking  from  the  supernatural,  but  purely  by  the 
literary  character  and  didactic  bent  of  the  story,  have  found 
in  it  a  kind  of  composition  similar  to  the  book  of  Job,  or 
the  pictorial  prophetic  visions  and  symbolical  actions  recounted 
in  the  memoirs  of  the  prophets,  and  which  in  the  present 
case  may  be  more  exactly  defined  as  a  species  of  spiritual 
allegory  or  religious  parable,  founded  on  a  more  or  less  exten- 
sive basis  of  historical  fact."  ^ 

4.  Authorship  and  Date  of  Composition.  Scholars 
who  regard  the  book  of  Jonas  as  historical  throughout  deem 

'  Von  Orelli,  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets    p.  171   (Engl.  Transl.). 
^  For  details    see  Von  Orelli.  ibid.;     Ed.  Konig.  art.  Jonah,  in  Hastings, 
Diet,  of  the  Bible;    Samuel  Davidson.  Introd.,  vol.  iii,  p.  280  sq.;    etc. 
■^  W.  G.  Elmslie,  in  ''Book  by  Book,"  p.  289. 


THE     RK.MAIMNC,    :\n\()K     PROPIIKTS.  4Q7 

i!  only  naliiral  that  it  should  hax'c  been  "  conipo.scd  1)\'  the 
prophet  himself,"  "  not  long  after  the  events  narra'ed  and  the 
return  of  Jonas  to  his  mother  country."  '  Their  main  reason 
for  ascribing  the  work  to  the  person  and  time  of  the  i)roijhet 
Jonas  (8th  cent.  B.C.)  consists  in  the  ancient  tradition  of  both 
Jews  and  Christians,  which,  as  far  as  it  can  be  traced  back,  ha^ 
always  borne  witness  to  the  authenticity  of  that  sacred  writ- 
ing." This  tradition,  we  are  told,  was  known  to  and  endorsed 
by  the  writer  of  Ecclesiasticus,  who  praises  the  twelve  minor 
prophets  in  exactly  the  same  manner  as  he  does  Isaias, 
Jeremias,  and  Ezechiel.  Now  this  shows  that,  according 
to  him,  one  and  the  same  tradition  ascribed  to  those  grea'er 
and  minor  prophets  (Jonas  included)  the  respective  books 
which  bore  their  names.  But  more  particularly,  the  inser- 
tion of  the  book  of  Jonas  among  "  the  Prophets,"  or  second 
part  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  despite  the  fact  that  it  reads  more 
like  history  than  prophecy,  is  said  to  point  back  to  the  col- 
lectors themselves  of  he  Sacred  Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment as  the  origina  ors  of  he  tradition;  had  not  the  col- 
lectors been  fully  aware  that  the  book  o  Jonas  had  been 
composed  by  a  prophet,  they  would  have  i)la  d  the  work 
among  ''  the  Writings,  '  or  third  part  of  the  Hebrew  Canon, 
along  with  Ruth,  Esther,  etc  Lastly,  intrinsic  evidence  is 
appealed  to  as  confirming  the  traditional  view.  "  The  author." 
we  are  told,  "  recounts  with  humility  Jonas'  failings,  such 
as  his  disobedience  to  God's  orders,  his  audacity  in  arguing 
with  the  Almighty,  his  inhumanity  in  wishing  that  the  whole 
city  of  Ninive  should  be  overthrown.  Such  a  tone  of  sinceritv 
is  more  befitting  on  the  part  of  Jonas  himself  than  on  the 
part  of  any  other,  for  no  one  besides  him  would  have  detailed 

•  Keil     Introd.  to  the  Old  Test.,  vol.  i,  p.  401    (Engl.  Transl.). 
^  R.  CoRNELY.  Introductio  in  S.  Script.,  vol.  u    part  ii.  p.   564. 


49^  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION     TO    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

with  such  frankness  the  faihngs  of  a  prophet  highly  venerated 
among  the  Jews/' ' 

However  pleasant  it  might  be  to  think  that  in  the  short 
book  of  Jona-  we  have  a  ]>iece  of  autobiography  going  back  to 
so  early  a  dale  as  the  eighth  century  B.C.,  it  must  be  admitted 
that  the  foregoing  arguments  in  favor  of  the  authenticity 
of  the  narrative  are  far  from  convincing.  The  book  nowhere 
claims  to  have  been  written  by  Jonas,  and  the  narrative  is 
throughout  in  the  third  person,  that  is,  assumes  a  form  which 
probably  was  not  the  usual  one  for  an  autobiography  even 
among  the  Hebrews.^  There  i^  no  conclusive  proof  that  the 
collectors  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  included  Jonas  among 
the  prophets  because  they  knew  that  he  was  die  author  of 
the  story  which  bears  his  name.  The  hero  of  the  book  ap- 
pears therein  as  entrusted  with  a  twofold  prophetical  mission, 
as  delivering  an  oracle  of  woe  in  Ninive,  and  is  connected 
by  the  tide  of  the  book  wi:h  one  of  the  ancient  prophets  of 
Israel:  this  was  certainly  a  sufficient  reason  for  the  collec'.ors 
'o  insert  he  work  among  "the  Prophets,"  so  long  as  the 
prophetical  collection  or  second  Canon  of  the  Jews  was  not 
closed.  Once  the  book  of  Jonas  was  thus  reckoned  among 
the  prophetical  writings,  it  was  only  natural  for  subsequent 
Jewish  writers,  such  as  the  author  of  Ecclesiasticus,  to  regard 
the  ascription  to  Jonas  as  correct,  and  therefore  to  treat 
that  prophet  as  the  author  of  the  work  which  bears  his  name. 
Hence  the  testimony  of  the  writer  of  Ecclesiasticus,  when 
closelv  examined,  has  no  greater  weigh^.  than  that  of  the 
unknown  collectors  of  the  prophetical  books.  Regarding 
the  appeal  to  internal  evidence  as  bearing  out  the  traditional 


'  CoRNELY.  loc.  cit.;  Ermoni  art.  Jonas  in  Vigouroux,  Diction,  de  la  Bible, 
col.    1606  sq. 

2  In  the  extracts  from  the  personal  mcmdirs  of  Esdras  and  Nehemias  Ihe 
first  person  is  constantly  used  (Esdras  vii,  27  2S,  viii.  i,  15-17.  etc.  Nch^nn 
i-vii.  5     etc.). 


THE    KKMAIXING     .^MIXOR     TKOI'll  KTS. 


499 


view,  it  is  plain  thai  il  rests  on  ihc  as>um));'()n  .hat  liic  narra- 
tive is  a  matter-of-fact  history.  JUii  a>  ihi>  .^ait,  I\-  hi  ..(uical 
character  is  far  from  soHdly  cstabhshed,  an\  infcrcn-.c  ha  eel 
on  it  can  hardly  be  considered  as  strengiheiud  ilkrcliw  In 
fact,  the  arguments  usually  brought  forward  by  the  defenders 
of  the  traditional  authorship  are  distinctly  rated  by  them 
as  '*  indecisive."  ^ 

Besides  the  fact  that  the  narrative  is  in  the  third  person 
and  does  not  profess  to  have  been  written  by  Jonas,  the  follow- 
ing reasons  are  commonly  set  forth  to  deny  the  prophet's 
authorship,  and  even  to  assign  to  the  book  a  much  later  origin. 
First,  the  style  and  diction  are  those  of  a  late  period  in  the 
Old  Testament  Hebrew.  The  work  contains  many  Ara- 
maisms  ^  and  "  has  a  marked  affinity  with  Ecclesiastes,"  ^ 
that  is,  with  a  book  whose  characteristic  features  in  grammar 
and  vocabulary  are  decidedly  late.^  In  the  second  place,  the 
Psalm  ascribed  to  Jonas  in  the  fish's  belly  is  borrowed  in  the 
main  from  passages  in  the  Psalms,  some  of  them,  such  as 
Ps.  cxlii,  certainly  post- exilic.  Thirdly,  ''the  general  thought 
and  tenor  of  the  book,  which  presupposes  the  teaching  of 
the  great  prophets  (comp.  especially  Jonas  iii,  ro  with  Jerem. 
xviii,  7  sq.)."^  Fourthly,  "the  phrase  'king  of  Ninive,' 
which  was  never  used  of  the  Assvrian  kings,  and  the  use  of 
which,  together  with  iii,  3,  '  Ninive  was  [the  Hebrew  verb 
cannot  be  rendered  by  is]  an  exceeding  great  city,'  implies 
that  the  Assyrian  empire  has  long  since  passed  away."  ® 
"  From  all  this,"   concludes  the  eminent   Catholic  professor 


^  Ermoni,    loc.    cit.,    col.    1606.        Cfr.    Knabenbauer,    S..T..    in    Prophetas 
Minores,  vol.  i,  p.  322;    etc. 

2  Cfr.  Jno.  Jahn.  Introd.  to  Old  Test.,    p.  377  (Engl.  Transl.);    Driver,  In- 
trod..  p.  322;  etc. 

3  W.  H.   Bennett  and  W.  F.  Adeney.  a  Biblical   Introd.,  p.   245. 
*  Cfr.   paees    125,    126  of  the  present    volume. 

■^  Driver,  loc.  cit. 
W.    H.    Ben'xett.    loc.   cit.      Soe    nlso    Ta-'v     loc.    cit. 


5CO  SPECIAL    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE     OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Jahn,  '*  it  follows  that  the  Jonas  who  is  said  to  have  prophesied 
in  IV  Kings  xiv,  25  cannot  have  been  the  author  of  this 
book,  who  must  have  lived  a  long  time  after  the  year  625  B.C., 
when  Ninive  was  destroyed,  and  even  after  the  Babylonian 
captivity,  when  the  Jews  desired  vehemently  the  chastise- 
ment of  the  heathen,  and  could  scarcely  bear  to  have  it  de 
layed,  a  disposition  which  is  silently  reproved  in  this  book."  ^ 
According  to  Driver,  "  a  date  in  the  fifth  century  B.C.  will 
probably  no    be  far  wide  of  the  truth."  ^ 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  value  of  hese  and 
similar  arguments  in  favor  of  a  post-exilic  date  for  the  com- 
position of  the  book  of  Jonas,  it  can  be  readily  admitted 
with  some  recent  Catholic  scholars  that  ''even  though  it 
should  be  proved  that  a  late  author  has  written  and  ascribed 
to  Jonas  the  book  which  bears  that  prophet's  name,  nothing 
would  be  thereby  detracted  from  the  divine  authority  of  his 
prophecy."  ^ 

iJahk,  loc.  cit.,  p.  378. 

2  Driver,  loc.  cit. 

3  Trochon,  les  Petits  Proph&tes,  p.  220  footn.  4.  Cfr.  also  Card.  Miegnan. 
les  Prophetes  d' Israel,  p.  368. 


INDEX. 


Abbott.  T.  K.,  93. 

Abdias:  Name  and  legends 
concerning  him,  475 
sq..  Contents  ot  his 
Book,  476  sq.;  Date 
of  Prophecy,  477  sqq 

Adam,  Psalm  ascribed  to. 
76. 

Adency,  149, 

Aggeus .  Name ,  and  Tradi- 
tions concerning  him, 
443  sq.  i  Contents  of 
his  Book,  444  sqci. 
Style,  Date  and  Au- 
thorship of  his  Proph- 
ecy, 445  sqq, 

Agur,  99  sq. 

Allegorical  Interpretation 
of  Canticle  of  Can- 
ticles, 141  sqq. 

Alliteration,  26  sq. 

Alphabetic,  Lamentations, 
295.  Proverbs,  100; 
Strophes.  26. 

Ambrose.  St.    84,  133. 

Anus.  Name  and  Per- 
sonal History,  393 
sqq.  Book  of:  Con- 
tents. 306  sqq.;  Unity, 
Date  and  Authorship. 
400  sqq. 

Antiochus.  Reign  of,  337 
sqq. 

Agiba,  136,  142. 

Aramaic,  Aramaisms,  in: 
Canticle  of  Canticles, 
139  sq.;  Daniel.  339, 
346  sq..  357,  372; 
Ecclesiastes,  125;  Ec- 
clesiasticus,  176;  Eze- 
chiel,  325'.  Jeremias, 
282;    Osee,  410. 

Asaph,  Psalms  of,  72,  79, 
81. 

Assonance,  26  sq. 

Auberlen,  471. 

Augustine,  St.,  84,  159, 
181, 403- 

Azarias,  Prayer  of,  379 
sqq. 


Bacon,  B.  W..  490. 

Baruch  •  Contents,  303 
sqq.  Origmai  Lan- 
guage and  Unity,  305 
S(iq.  Authorship  and 
Date.  308  sqq. 

Behemoth,  41. 

Bel  and  the  Dragon,  380 
sqq..  433. 

Bellarmin,  57,  163. 

Bennett,  W.  H.,  39  sq., 
52,  87   99,  105  sq.. 

128,  140  140.  151 
210  sq.,  219  sq.,  227 
sq.,  265,  269  sq..  275 
278  sqq.,  285  293, 
313.  322.  328,  331  sq. 
363.  407,  410,  418 
428  433,  438,  448 
450  sq.,  455,  477.  479- 
499. 

Ben   Sira' .  see  Ecclesiastt- 

cus. 
Bevan,   A.    A.,    308,    339 

sqq.,  346  sq.,  361  sq.. 

364   s(i.,   367,   372  sq. 
Bickell,    G.,    22,    37,    121, 

129,  141,   185.   218. 
Bissell,    E.    C,     160    sqq.. 

167.     170,     176,     306, 

310,  386  sq. 
Bleek,   P.,    285,    2S8,    294, 

346,     3(^3.    403,     448, 

495- 
Bossuet.  154  sq. 
Briggs,   Chas.   A.,    18,    23, 

26,    363     492,    494   sq. 
Brown,  E.,  142. 
Bruce,  A.,  192. 
Bruneau.  60. 

Bruston,  C,  149,  152,  403. 
Budde,  K..  41,  44.  141,  150 

sq.,  288,  295,435,437. 

Calmet,  O.S.B..  154,  161, 
183,  222,  275,  341  sq., 
386,  403,  463,  471- 

Cameron,  G.  G.,  468. 

Canticle    of    Canticles: 

Name  I .?  2, 1  36.  Unity,  I 

501 


13.3  sqq.;  Authorship 
and  Date  Tradition- 
al View,  137  sqq., 
More  Recent  Theories 
139  srjq..  Interpreta- 
tion. Allegorical,  141 
sqq.;  Literal,  148 
sqq.;  Typical,  152 
sqq. 

Cassiodorus.  84. 

Charles.  R.  H.,  371. 

Cheyne  T.  K..  63.  73.  88, 
96  sqq.,  102,  104  sq.. 
117.  1 28  sq.,  140  sq., 
149,  151,  2IO,  220  sq., 
248  sq.,  251  256.  258 
sq..  288,  394  sq.,  402 
sq.,  406,  413  sqq.. 
426. 

Chronology  from  745  to 
586  B.C.,  207. 

Ciasca,  37. 

Collections,  of  Psalms,  80 
sqq.;  of  Proverbs,  96 
sqq.;  in  First  Isaias, 
211.  213  sqq..  in 
Ezechiel,  329;   etc. 

Cohdamin,  S.J.,  119  sqq., 
124  sqq.,  I  28  sq.,  164, 
193,  397,  436. 

Cocjke.  G.  A.,  441.  443  sq., 
446. 

Corluy,  S.J.,  70,  167,  263, 
343. 

Comely,  S.J.,  51,  52,  88. 
121.  134,  139,  150, 
i6r,  164,  170,  181 
sqq..  208,  273,  2S7, 
290.  293,  307,  309. 
346.  351,  360,  397. 
456,  463.  478,  483. 
497  sq. 

Cornill,  C.  H.,  41 ,  127,  150, 
320  sq. 

Council  ot  Trent,  107. 

Curci,  SJ.,  88. 

Curtis.  E.  L,.  370,  372,  376 
sq. 

Cycles  of  Speeches  in  Job, 
32  sq. 


;o2 


INDEX. 


Cyrus  227.  232  sq.,  ?44sq.. 
250.  33b.  365  372 
381.  440.  442    449. 

Damasus,  St.,  68. 

Daniel.  Place  in  the  Canon, 
334  Lite  335  sq.; 
jr"  r  1 J  t  o  -  C  a  n  o  n  1  c  a  1 
Parts     Contents.    336 


sqq. 


Didactic     Pur- 


pose. 344'  Literary 
Unity,  345;  Author 
ship  and  Date, 347  sqq. 
Deutero-Canonical  Parts. 
Contents  and  Place  in 
Versions,  379  sqq. , 
Original  Language 
383;  Authorship,  384 
sqq. 

Dank,).  .^2.  386. 

D.aviJ,  s?e  Psalms. 

Davilson,  A.  B.,  39  sqq., 
47.  103  sq.,  106,  140, 
190,  259,  275.  288. 
290  sq.,  293,  404  sq., 
407  sq..  425,  427^  431 
sq..  432,  436  sq.,  47  1. 

Davidson.  Samuel,  41  sq., 
47  52,  57.  74,  93.  102 
134.  147  sq.,  166.  170 
175  T79,  183  sq.,  284 
sq.,  287.  306.  310.  321, 
346.  350,  383.  409. 
413,  458  sq.,  483.  486. 
488    490,  494,  498. 

Davison,   W.  T.,   52  sq. 

Deane.  W.  J.,  91,  164  sqq., 
346,  357.  359  sq. 

Delitzsch,  Frz.,  52  66,  70, 
88,  97,  126,  148,  154, 
212.  217  sq.,  221,  239, 
241,  247  sqq.,  2S2 
sqq.,  274,  361,  363. 
402,  495. 

Deutero-Isaias,  53:  see 
Isaias. 

De  Wette,  73.  i35.  183, 
283.  306,  363,  454. 
471    495- 

Didactic  Books :  Names,  1 3 ; 
Doctrinal  Purpose.  14. 
Poetical  Features  15 
sqq. 

Dillmann,  37,  258. 

Douorlas,  G.  C.  M.,  124. 

Doxologies,  60.  77  sq. 

Driver.  24.  34.  42,  44,  50, 
52  sq.,  .s6,  72.  74  sq.. 
83  sq.,  86  sq.,  92,  97 
sq.  102,  no  119125 
sqq.,  140  sq.,  148  sq.. 
207,  209  sqq.,  216 
sqq.,  241,  245,  282, 
2S4,  288  sqq.,  293  sq.. 
299      sqq.,      310     sq., 


316  323  330,  335. 
337.  341  sqq..  346, 
350,  354.  361.  363 
365.  367.  370  sqq.. 
38b.  400,  402.  406, 
408,  417.  etc. 
Duhm,  37,  39  sq.,  210.  471. 

Eben  Ezra,   235,  403. 

Ecclesiastes ;  Names,  no 
sq. ,  Place  m  the  Can- 
on, III  sq.:  Contents, 
1 1  2  sqq. ;  Authorship 
discussed.  116  sqq.; 
Integrity,  128  sq. 

Ecclesiasticus,  Prologue  to. 
63.  88,  173.  182. 
— Book  of  Names,  172 
sq.;  Contents,  173 
sqq.;  Original  Text, 
175  sqq.;  Ancient 
Versions,  178  sqq.: 
Authorship,  181  sqq.; 
Mode  of  Composition, 
183  sqq. 

Eichhorn,  363,  384. 

Eliu,  43  sqq. 

Elmslie,  W.  G..  453.  461, 
494.  496. 

Elohim  Psalms,   80,  etc. 

Enoch.   Book  of.  371,  376. 

Ephrem,  St.,  51. 

Ermoni,  207,  214  sqq.,  232 
274,  281,  485,  498  sq. 

Esdras.  76,  88,  349  sq..  etc. 

Estius,    343.   403- 

Eusebius  of  Caesarea.  18, 
20  sq..  133.  386  sq. 

Ewald,  52,  73.  97,  281, 
306,363,  403,  417,  471- 

Ezechias,  87.  99,  104,  119, 
207,  219,  242. 

Ezechiel;  Name  and  Life, 
313  sqq.:  Hebrew 
Text,  320  sqq.;  Style 
and  Language.  322 
sqq.;  Authorship  and 
Date,  .325  sqq.;  Man- 
ner of  Origin,  3  28 
sqq.;  Literary  and 
Reli.gious  Influence, 
330.  sqq. 

Pillion,   60,   145.   174    252, 

274. 
Forbes   Jno..  235  sq. 

Geikie,  C,  354  sq. 
Gesenius,  52,  363. 
Gietmann,   S.J.,   133,   13';, 

156. 
Gilly.  360,  384,  386  sqq. 
Gray,  330. 
Gregory  of  Nyssa,  St.,  21, 

143.  154. 


Grotius    ( De    Groot ) .    118 
121    J54    161. 

Habacuc;  Name  and  Leg- 
ends  concerning  him 

432   sq.;     Contents  of 
his    Book,    433    sqq.; 

Date   and  Authorship 

of   his   Prophecy    43O 

sqq. 
Haggada,  378. 
Hagiographa,  30,  64,  130, 

139,  334,  374. 
Hanneberg,   91,    115.    170 

192, 245, 263, 281,  290 

306,     308,     345.     363, 

471..  478. 
Hardouin,  S.J.,  343. 
Harper,  W.  R.,  396  sqq. 
Hatch,  H.  R.,  404. 
Haupt.    P.,    37,    129,    141 

150,  363. 
Hengstenberg,      48,      252 

375.  471. 
Hexaplar    Psalter,  67   sq.. 

306. 
Historical  Introduction  to 

Aggeus  and  Zacharias, 

440  sqq. 
Houbigant,  161. 
Huet,  163. 
Hupfeld,  73. 

Isaias:  Life  and  Times. 
204  sqq. 

—  Two   parts,   208  sqq.; 

First  Isatas.  Prophetical 
Part.  Structure  and 
Contents,  210  sqq  . 
Method  of  Composi- 
tion, 214  sqq.;  Date 
218.  Historical  Ap- 
pendix. Contents, 
220;  Relation  to  IV 
Kings,  220  sqq.;  Au- 
thorship,     222       sqq. 

Deutero-Isaias,  208.  226, 
229,  etc.  Contents,  226 
sqq.;  Reasons  jer 
Isaianic  Authorship. 
230  sqq.;  _  Reasons 
against  Isaianic  Au- 
thorship, 249  sqq. 
Israel  and  Juda  during  the 
Eighth  Century  B.C.. 
390  sqq. 
Itala,  see  Laitn  Versions. 

Jahn,  19,  35,  59,  97.  122, 
124,  127,  150,  284, 
287,  296,  306,  317, 
327.  339,  341  sq.,  345, 
350,  383,  401.  407. 
415,  445  sq.,  464,  466, 
471.  478,  497.  499  sq. 


INDEX. 


503 


iamnia,  130.  136. 
ansenius,  154. 
ason,  181. 

Jeremias:  Life  and  Times, 
267  sqq.;  Contents, 
26Q  sqq. ;  Authorship 
279  sqq.;  Second  Edi- 
tion, 271  sq.,  Hebrew 
Text  and  Septuagint 
compared,  290  sqq. 

Jerome.  St.,  20,  37,  67 
sqq.,  90.  96,  III  159. 
163,  165.  172,  179. 
260,  300.  306,  309, 
363,  3S6,  403,  411. 
432,  445,  448,  463, 
468,  482. 

Job:  Name,  29;  Position 
in  the  Canon,  29  sq.. 
Contents,  31  sqq.; 
Integrity,  36  sqq.: 
Purpose,  46  sqq.,  His- 
torical Character.  48 
sqq.;  Author  51 , 
Date  of  Composition, 
52  sqq. 

Joel:  Name  and  Life,  46S 
sq.;  Contents  of  his 
Book,  469  sq.;  Date 
of  Prophecy,  470  sqq. 

Johnston,  D.,  118,  126. 

Jonas:  Name  and  Per- 
sonal Life,  481  sqq.; 
Contents  of  Book,  483 
sq.;  Historical  Char- 
acter and  Probable 
Object,  484  sqq.;  Au- 
thorship and  Date 
496  sqq. 

Jones,  W.,  2  1  sq. 

Josephus,  20  sq.,  167.  232 
sqq.,  298,  343,  349, 
374- 

Kaulen    Fr..  52.  121     125 

sq..  183,352,  456  471, 

487,  493. 
Kautzsch.  E.,  40,  52,  150 

288.     290,     332,     363 

461,  471.  475- 
kay    236,  238.  248. 
Keil.  74,  88.  125,  134,  137 

sqq.,  218  sq.,  274,  281. 

286,     290      324.     349 

sqq.,    358,    360.    403, 

456,  462  sq.,  48s  sq. 

497- 
Kennedy     A.    R.    S..    422 

sqq. 
K*thubhim.     see      Hagio- 

Rrapha. 
Kirkpatrick,  A.  F.,  59,  62, 

65.   70.  72  sq..   75,  87 

sq. 
Kittel,  R..  330. 


Knabenbaucr,  S.J.,  41, 
211,  221  sq.,  2.S9,  244. 
281,     284,     280,     290. 

293.  322.  330,  338, 
342  sq.,  346,  351.  365 
3,<i'&,  383,  445,  478. 
499. 

Konig,  F.  E.,  148,361,363, 

^       489    495  S(!. 
Roster,  24. 
Kuencn,    127,     288.     328, 

346,  403.  471. 
Kurtz,  403. 

Lamentations:  Title,  293; 
Place    in    the    Canon, 

294,  Literary  Form, 
294  sqq.;  Contents, 
296  sq.;  Authorship 
examined,  297  sqq. 

Lamuel,  100. 

Latin  Versions  of.  Psalms, 
67  sqq..  Proverbs,  96, 
Ecclesiastes,  1 1 1 ,  Wis- 
dom, 158  sq.;  Eccle- 
siasticus.  179  sq.;  etc. 

Le  Hir,  22,  44  sq.,  209. 

Lenormant,  F.,  354  360 

Lesetre,  H.  41,  49  sqq.,  51 , 
59,  61  sqq.,  65,  70,  73, 
75.  88,  90,  92,  100  sq., 
119-  135.  137,  139  sq. 
144  sqq..  158.  163, 
172,  180,  184,  208, 
219  274.  346,  384, 
386.  405.  453,  455  sq. 
.463  478. 

Leviathan .  42. 

Levitical  Collections  of 
Psalms    81  sqq. 

Lewis,  Mrs.    176. 

Literal  Interpretation  of 
Canticle  of  Canticles 
T48  sqq. 

Literary  Analogy  between 
Proverbs  and  P.salter 
_    107  sq. 

Loisy.  41   sqq.,   '^2    121. 

Lowe,  W.  H..  455.  463. 

Lowth.  15  sqq.  51,  154, 
193    214,  295. 

Luther    54    118. 


Machabean  Psalms,  76 sqq. 

Maimnnides    48    403. 

Malachias-  Name  and 
Times,  461  sqq..  Con- 
tents of  his  Book, 
4  ^'4  sq..  Style  and 
Approximate  Date, 
4^':    sq. 

Margoliouth,  176  sqq. 

Mariana,  S.J..  154. 


Marshall.  J.  T,  304  .sqq., 
310. 

Marti,  210. 

Mashal.  02. 

Ma.ssoretic  Te.xL  of.  J,,b 
36  sq.:  Psalms.  60 
sqq.;  Proverbs,  93 
sqq.;  Jeremias  291 
sqq.;  Daniel.  348. 
etc.;  Nahum.  423  [ 
Sophonias,  431. 

McCurdy,  J.  F.,  350. 

McSwiney,  S.J..  70,  73. 

Mede,  Jos.,  459. 

Meignan  (Card.).  115,  154, 
156    218,  227,  245  sq.,' 

AT      ,     ?^^'      ^^5.      489.      500. 

Melchisedech,  Psalm  as- 
cribed to,  76. 

Menant,  353,  360. 

Menochius,  S.J.,  403. 

Merz    A..  37.  48.  471. 

Metre  in  Hebrew  Poetry 
20  sqq. 

Micheas.  Name  and  Per- 
sonal History,  411  sq. ; 
Contents  of  Book  oi, 
412  sqq.:  Date  and 
Authorship  of  Proph- 

,r        '^^^^^O^'.  4' 5  sqq. 

Moral  VVntings,  sec  Didac- 
tic Books. 

Moses,  Psalm  ascribed  to. 
76. 

Motais.  115,  117  sq. 

Movers.  M.  C.  121,  273, 
281,   284.   287,  290. 

Muratorian  Canon,  165. 

Nahum :  Name  and  Birth- 
place, 422  sq..  Con- 
tents of  Book  of,  423 
sq.:  Date  and  Author- 
ship of  Prophecy  of. 
424  sqq. 

Neteler,  208    301  sq. 

Neubauer,  176. 

Newman  (Card.)  218,  265, 
311.  379. 

Noldeke.  127    361. 

Nowack,   129,  402,  416. 

Numbering  of  Psalms,  71. 

Oishausen    73. 

Origen,  37,  60.  76,  133, 
142  sq..  149,  T53    403. 

Osce  Name  and  Life.  40 r 
sqq..  Contents  of 
Book  of,  405  sqq., 
Authorship,  Integrity 
and  Text  of  Prophecy 
of,  40S  sqq. 

Ottley.  199,  202  208,  392, 
4i:i    47' .  475. 

Parallelism.   Definition  of. 


504 


INDEX. 


IS,    Principal   Kinds, 

1 6  sqq.,    in  Proverbs, 

97,   in  Prophets    193. 

etc. 
Patnzi,  S.J.,  88. 
Peake,  A.  S..  i  26  sqq. 
Pelt.  J     B.,   106,   134  sq., 

160,     164,     170.     183. 

190,  192. 
Perowne,  J.  J.  S.,  61.   7  5- 
— T.  T.,   445.   450,   454. 

462,  465,  478.  480. 
Philippe,  E..   59.   ii4,  300 

sq..  314.  320   348,  351. 

355  sq..  358    366.  372. 
445 


374  sq..  396,  4° 
sq.,  477- 
Philo.  30  sq.,  i64sciq.,  170. 
Pilgrim  Psalms.  17. 
Pineda,  vS.J.,  i54- 
Plumptre,    129,    246,    271, 

403. 
Poetical  Books,  see  Didac- 
tic Books. 
Prat,  S.J..  121,  3I.I- 
Prayer     of     Azarias,     379 

sqq. 
Prince,  35  5.  363.  365.. 
Prologue  to  Ecclesiasticus, 

63,  88,  173    182. 
Proverbs.    Names,  90.  io7 
sq. :  Original  Text  and 
Ancient    Versions     93 
sqq..  Gradual  Forma- 
tion. 96  sqq..  Author- 
ship, 100  sqq.    ii9sq. 
Date.    102   sqq.;     Lit- 
erary    Analogy     witli 
Psalter.  107  sq. 
Psalms.  Names,  56,    Gen- 
eral Contents,  57  sqq.. 
Original      Text        60; 
Septuagmt  Version  ,64 
sqq..    Latin    Versions 
67     sqq..     Other    An- 
cient     Versions,       7° 
Numbering      of,      71 
Titles     of       71      sqq. 
Gradual      Formation . 
76  sqq.;     Machabean. 
76.  87:    Division   into 
Five    Books,    60,    77 
Double   Recension   of, 
78       Elohistic.     Yah- 
wistic    Collections    80 
sqq..      Authorship    of 
Davidic      Collection... 
83  sqq. ;   Date  of  Com- 
pletion  of    Psalter,  87 
sqq. 
Psalterium.       Gallicanum, 
60  .  Romanum ,  68 ,  Ex 
Hebraeo.  69  sq..  76. 
Pusey,  349  sq..  358.  403. 


Qoheleth,  see  Ecclesiastes. 

Rault,  379.  386, 
Refrain,  26,  208. 
Renan,  127. 
Reusch,  306.  386. 
Reuss.  E.,  40,  48,  288,  403. 

495. 
Rhyme   26  sq. 
Ribera.  S.J.,  463. 
Rufinus,  403. 
Ryle,  H.  E..  30,    112,   204, 

334.  384- 

Salmon.  G.,  117,  HQ.  124 

sq. 
Samaritans,  441. 
Sanday,  W.,  91    273.  490. 
Sapiential   Books,  see  Di- 


dactic Books. 
Satan,  31.  39.  48.  53- 
Sayce,    363.   366  sq.,   373. 

480. 
Schaff,  P..  61. 
Schechter,  178. 
Schegg,  88,  403. 
Scheil,  O.  P..  425. 
Scholz,  101,  285. 
Schrader.  E..  365- 
Schiirer,  E..  160,  182    sq., 

184,  310- 
Selah.  26.  436. 
Selbie    J.  A.,  370,  377.  429 

sqq. 
Septuagint  Version  of,  Job, 

37,    Psalms,   64  sqq.; 

Proverbs,     94       sqq-', 

etc. 
Servant    of    Yahweh,    227 

sq.,  261 ,  269. 
Be  vent  V,  Years  in  Jcremias^ 

283. 

—  Weeks  in  Daniel,  342 
sq. 

Shammai,  117    153- 
Simon,  Richard.  39- 
Sixtus  of  Sienna   O.P..  343 
Skinner,   319  sq.     325   sq. 

Smith,  Geo.  A.. 20s  210  sq. 
213.  218,  249  sq. 
394,  435- 

—  W.  R..  75  sq..  82  sq. 
8.S  87,  149,  192.  297 
300,  327.  305  404 
4TT,  44=;,  462,  464 
466. 

Solomon    Proverbs  of,  90 
97    99 
— not  the  Author  of  the 
whole   Book  of  Prov- 
erbs, TOO  sqq. 

Song  of  Songs,  see  Canticle 
of  Canticles, 


Son  of  Sirach,  see  Eccle- 
siasticus. 

Sons  of  Core,  Psalms  o^, 
72,79.  81. 

Sophonias.  Name  and 
Royal  Descent  of  ^  427 
sq.;  Contents  of  his 
Book,  428  sq.;  Dale 
and  Authorship  c  1 
his  Prophecy,  429 
sqq.;  Literary  Chii- 
acteristics  and  Ccii- 
dition  of  Text  of  l.is 
Book,  431. 

Soto,  O.P.,  154. 

Souciet.  S.J.,  345. 

Strophes,  Hebrew,  24  sqq. 

Suzanna,  History  of,  379 
sqq. 

Svvete,  H.  B.,  66.  100,   134 


178. 


I5»,      172. 
199.  390. 
Syria c     Version    of    Prov- 
erbs. 95,   of  Ecclesias- 
ticus   180  sq.;   etc. 

Talmud,  30,  48,  57,  90, 117. 

119,   218.   234,  327. 
T*raphim,  457. 
Theodore    of     Mopsuestia 

143. 
Theodoret,   143,   154,  403. 
Thomas  (St.)  of  Aquin,  84, 

403. 
Titles  of  Psalms,  71  sqq. 
Touzard,  J.,  175,  177  sqq.. 
181,     183,     193,    4C3, 
412. 
Toy.  C.  H.,  90,  92  sq.    05, 
97.  106,  176,  178  sqq., 
183   sq.,   313  sq.,   317 
sq.,  321.  325  sqq. 
Trent,  Council  of,  107. 
Trochon,      194,     219,     221 
74.     276, 
86,     288, 
22,     335- 
46,     363, 
Si.     383 
2,  412  sq. 
8,  444  so 
sq.,  459.  462.  46s 
476     sqq..     483. 
491  sq..  500. 
Typical    Interpretation    of 
Canticle  of    Canticles 
152  sqq. 

Urwick    239  sqq.    232    248, 
252. 

Van    Steenkiste,    70,  88. 
Verse     Hebrew,    19  sqa. 
Versions    see  Latin;    Sep- 
tuagmt .    etc. 


sqq. 

274.  276, 

279 

281, 

286,  288, 

290. 

309, 

322,  335. 

338 

343, 

346,  363, 

365. 

374. 

381.  383 

385 

396, 

402,  412  sq. 

427, 

436. 

438,  444  so 

,  448 

1S6 


INDEX. 


505 


\'igo\iroux,  iS  sq.,  30,  45, 
50  sq.,  59,  69,  73,  80, 
95,  97.  115,  119.  164, 
170,  192,  214  sq., 
2i8  £q.,  274  sqq.,  325, 
346,  34S,  352,  354, 
303,  384,  386  sq.,  403. 
410,  429,  436,  444, 
450,  471,  478,  4S3  sq., 
.\r>A- 

Vogcl,  73. 

von  Orclli,  215.  221  sq., 
235.  280  sq.,  284,  287, 
-''O'^,  306,  402,  412, 
41  =;,  402,  404- 

Welte,  52,  loi ,  170. 
Wc-stcr.tt,     160,    184,    346, 
348. 


Wetzstein,  150. 

Wilde boer,  127,  129,  232, 
322. 

Wisdom,  91,  etc. 

— iiuok  of,  120;  Title, 
158  sq. ;  Contents,  159 
sqq. ;  Original  Lan- 
guage, 161  sqq.;  Au- 
thorship, 162  sqq.; 
Date  and  Place  of 
Composition,  166  sqrj. 

Wisdom  of  Jesus,  see  Ec- 
clcsiasticns. 

Wogue,  L.,  93,  117.  133  sq., 
137,  234,  362. 

Wright,  Chas.  H.  H..  30, 
III,  IIS,  119.  122  sq.. 
126     sqq.,      169,      44S 


sqq.,    453.    456.    459, 

—  W.  A.,  22.  90,  92,  105, 
446. 

Yahweh  Psalms,  80  sqq. 


Zacharias:  Name,  and 
Legends  concerning 
him,  448  sq.;  L(,n- 
tents  ot  his  Prcjilucy 
449  sqq.;  Dale  rrd 
.\uthorship  of  Ms- 
Bnok,  451  sqq. 

Zenncr.  S.J.,  121. 

Zorobabel,  440  sq.,  444. 
447.  449. 


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IMITATION   OF   CHRIST.     See  "  Pollowint?  of  Christ." 
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INCARNATION,     BIRTH,    AND    INFANCY    OF    JESUS    CHRIST;    or,  the 

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8 


FINN.  REV.  F.  J.    SJ.: 

HIS  FIRST  AND  LAST  APPEARANCE.     Illustrated.  i  oo 

THE  BEST  FOOT  FORWARD.  o  8s 

THAT  FOOTliALL  GAME.  o  8s 

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PERCY  WYNN.  o  8s 

MOSTLY  BOYS.  o  8s 

FISHERMAN'S  DAUGHTER.  o  45 

FIVE  O'CLOCK  STORIES;  or,  The  Old  Tales  Told  Again.  o  7s 

FLOWER  OF  THE  FLOCK,  THE,  and  the  Badgers  of  Belmont.     By  Maurice 

F.  Egan.  o  85 

FRED'S  LITTLE  DAUGHTER.     By  Sara  Trainer  Smith.  o  45 

GERTRUDE'S  EXPERIENCE.  o  45 

GODFREY  THE  HERMIT.     By  Canon  Schmid.  o  25 

GOLDEN  LILY,  THE.     Hinkson.  o  45 

GREAT  CAPTAIN,  THE.     By  Katharine  T.  Hinkson.  o  45 

GREAT-GRANDMOTHER'S  SECRET.  o  45 

HALDEMAN  CHILDREN,  THE.     By  Mary  E.  Mannix.  o  45 

HARRY  DEE;  or.  Working  it  Out.     By  Father  Finn.  o  85 

HEIR  OF  DREAMS,  AN.     By  Sallie  Margaret  O'Malley.  o  45 

HER  FATHER'S  RIGHT  HAND.  o  4s 

HIS  FIRST  AND  LAST  APPEARANCE.     By  Father  Finn.  i  00 

HOP  BLOSSOMS.     By  Canon  Schmid.  o  25 

HOSTAGE  OF  WAR,  A.     By  Mary  G.  Bonesteel.  o  45 

HOW  THEY  WORKED  THEIR  WAY.     By  Maurice  F.  EGAt\  o  7s 

INUNDATION,  THE.     Canon  Schmid.  o  40 

JACK  HILDREDTH  AMONG  THE  INDIANS.     2  vols.,  each,  o  85 

JACK   HILDREDTH   ON   THE   NILE.     By  Marion  Ames  Taggart.     Cloth, 

o  85 

JACK  O' LANTERN.     By  Mary  T.  Waggaman.  o  45 
JUVENILE  ROUND  TABLE.     First  Series.     Stories  by  the  Best  Writers,    i   00 

JUVENILE  ROUND  TABLE.     Second  Series.  i   00 

KLONDIKE  PICNIC.     By  Eleanor  C.  Donnelly.  o  8s 

LAMP  OF  THE  SANCTUARY.     By  Cardinal  Wiseman.  o  25 
LEGENDS  OF  THE  HOLY  CHILD  JESUS  from  Many  Lands.     By  A.  Fowler 

LuTZ.  o   75 

LITTLE  MISSY.     By  Mary  T.  Waggaman.  o  45 

LOYAL  BLUE  AND  ROYAL  SCARLET.     By  Marion  A.  Taggart.  o  8s 

MADCAP  SET  AT  ST.  ANNE'S.     By  Marion  J.  Brunowe.  o  45 

MARCELLE.     A  True  Story.  o  45 

MARY  TRACY'S  FORTUNE.     Sadlier.  o  45 

MASTER  FRIDOLIN.     By  Emmy  Giehrl.  o  2s 

MILLY  AVELING.     By  Sara  Trainer  Smith.     Cloth,  o  85 

MOSTLY  BOYS.     By  Father  Finn.  o  85 

MYSTERIOUS  DOORWAY.     By  Anna  T.  Sadlier.  o  45 

MY  STRANGE  FRIEND.     By  Father  Finn.  o  25 

NAN  NOBODY.     By  Mary  T.  Waggaman.  o  4s 

OLD  CHARLMONT'S  SEED-BED.     By  Sara  Trainer  Smith.  o  4s 

OLD  ROBBER'S  CASTLE.     By  Canon  Schmid.  o  25 

OLIVE  AND  THE  LITTLE  CAKES.  o  45 

OUR  BOYS'  AND  GIRLS'  LIBRARY.     14  vols.,  each.  o  25 

OUR  YOUNG  FOLKS'   LIBRARY.      10  vols.,  each.  o  ^5 

OVERSEER  OF  MAHLBOURG.     By  Canon  Schmid.  c  «5 

9 


PANCHO  AND  PANCHITA.     By  Mary  E.  Mannix. 

PAULINE  ARCHER.     By  Anna  T.  Sadlier. 

PERCY  WYNN;  or,  Making  a  Boy  of  Him.     By  Father  Finn 

PICKLE  AND  PEPPER.     By  Ella  Loraine  Dorsey. 

PLAYWATER  PLOT,  THE.     By  Mary  T.  Waggaman 

PRIEST  OF  AUVRIGNY. 

QUEEN'S  PAGE.     By  Katharine  Tynan  Hinkson. 

RECRUIT  TOMMY  COLLINS.     Bonesteel. 

RICHARD;  or,  Devotion  to  the  Stuarts. 

ROSE  BUSH.     By  Canon  Schmid. 

SEA-GULLS'  ROCK.     By  J.  Sandeau. 

SPALDING,    SJ.: 

CAVE    BY    THE    BEECH    FORK. 

THE  SHERIFF  OF  THE  BEECH  FORK. 

THE  RACE  FOR  COPPER  ISLAND. 
STRONG-ARM  OF  AVALON.     By  Mary  T.  Waggaman. 
SUMMER  AT  WOODVILLE.     By  Anna  T.  Sadlier. 
TALES  AND  LEGENDS  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES.     F.  De  Capella. 
TALES  AND  LEGENDS  SERIES.     3  vols.,  each, 
TALISMAN,  THE.     By  Anna  T.  Sadlier. 
TAMING  OF  POLLY.     By  Ella  Loraine  Dorsey. 
THAT  FOOTBALL  GAME;  and  What  Came  of  It.     By  Father  Finn. 
THREE  GIRLS  AND  ESPECIALLY  ONE.     By  Marion  A.  Taggart. 
THREE  LITTLE  KINGS.     By  Emmy  Giehrl. 
TOM  PLAYFAIR;  or,  Making  a  Start.     By  Father  Finn. 
TOM'S  LUCKPOT.     By  Mary  T.  Waggaman. 
TREASURE  OF  NUGGET  MOUNTAIN.     By  M.  A.  Taggart. 
TWO  LITTLE  GIRLS.     By  Lilian  Mack. 
VILLAGE  STEEPLE,  THE. 

tVAGER  OF  GERALD  O'ROURKE,  THE.     Finn-Thiele. 
WINNETOU,  THE  APACHE  KNIGHT.     By  Marion  Ames  Taggart. 
WRONGFULLY  ACCUSED.     By  William  Herchenbach. 
irOUNG  COLOR  GUARD,  THE.     By  Mary  G.  Bonesteel. 

NOVELS   AND    STORIES. 

"  BUT  THY  LOVE  AND  THY  GRACE."     Rev.  F.  J.  Finn,  S.J.  1  00 

CIRCUS  RIDER'S  DAUGHTER.  THE.     A  Novel.     By  F.  v.  Brackel.         i   25 
CONNOR  D'ARCY'S  STRUGGLES.     A  Novel.     By  Mrs.  W.  M.   Bertholds. 

I     25 

CORINNE'S  VOW.     Waggaman.  i   25 

DION  AND  THE  SIBYLS.     A  Classic  Novel.     By  Miles  Keon.     Cloth,       i   25 
FABIOLA;   or.  The  Chtirch  of  the  Catacombs.     By  Cardinal  Wiseman.     Popular 

Illustrated  Edition. 
FABIOLA' S   SISTERS.     A  Companion  Volume  to  Cardinal  Wiseman's 

iola."     By  A.  C.  Clarke. 
FATAL  BEACON,  THE.     A  Novel.     By  F.  v.  Brackel. 
HEARTS  OF  GOLD.     A  Novel.     By  I.  Edhor. 

HEIRESS  OF  CRONENSTEIN,  THE.     By  the  Countess  Hahn-Hahn. 
HER  FATHER'S  DAUGHTER.     Katharine  Tynan  Hinkson. 
IDOLS;  or.  The  Secrets  of  the  Rue  Chaussee  d'Antin.     De  Navery. 
IN  THE  DAYS  OF  KING  HAL.     By  Marion  Ames  Taggart. 
"KIND  HEARTS  AND  CORONETS."     A  Novel.     By  J.  Harrison. 
LET  NO  MAN  PUT  ASUNDER.     A  Novel.     By  Josephine  Marie. 

10 


0 

46 

0 

45 

0 

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0 

8S 

0 

60 

0 

45 

0 

45 

0 

45 

0 

45 

0 

25 

0 

45 

0 

85 

0 

85 

0 

85 

0 

85 

0 

45 

0 

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0 

75 

0 

60 

0 

85 

0 

85 

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0 

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net,  0 

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0 

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0 

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25 

25 

25 

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25 

25 

25 

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LINKED  LIVES.     A  Novel.     By  Lady  Gertrude  Douglas.  i   50 

MARCELLA  GRACE.     A  Novel.     By  Rosa  Mulhom.and.     Illustrated  Edition. 

MISS  ERIN.     A  Novel.     By  M.  E.  Francis.  i    25 

MONK'S   PARDON,   THE.     A   Historical   Novel  of  the  Time  of   Philip   IV.   ui 
Spain.     By  Raoul  de  Navery.  i    25 

MR.  BILLY  BUTTONS.     A  Novel.     By  Walter  Lecky.  i    25 

OUTLAW  OF  CAMARGUE.  THE.     A  Novel.     By  A.  de  Lamothe.  i    25 

PASSING  SHADOWS.     A  Novel.     By  Anthony  Yorke.  i    25 

PERE  MONNIER'S  WARD.     A  Novel.     By  Walter  Lecky.  1   25 

PILKINGTON  HEIR,  THE.     A  Novel.     By  Anna  T.  Sadlier.  i    25 

PRODIGAL'S  DAUGHTER,  THE.     By  Lelia  Hardin  Bugg.  i  00 

RED    INN    OF    ST.    LYPHAR,    THE.     A  Romance  of  La  Vendee.     By  Anna 
T.  Sadlier.  i    25 

'■ROMANCE  OF  A  PLAYWRIGHT.     By  Vte.  Henri  de  Bornier.  i  00 

ROUND    TABLE  OF    THE    REPRESENTATIVE    AMERICAN    CATHOLIC 
NOVELISTS.     Complete   Stories,   with    Biographies,   Portraits,  etc.  i    50 

ROUND  TABLE  OF  THE  REPRESENTATIVE  FRENCH  CATHOLIC  NOV- 
ELISTS.    Complete  Stories,  with  Biographies,  Portraits,  etc.  i    50 
ROUND  TABLE  OF  THE  REPRESENTATIVE  GERMAN  CATHOLIC  NOV- 
ELISTS.    Illustrated.                                  ,                                                              i    50 
ROUND    TABLE    OF    THE    REPRESENTATIVE    IRISH    AND     ENGLISH 
CATHOLIC    NOVELISTS.     Complete    Stories,    Biographies,    Portraits,    etc. 
Cloth,  I    50 
RULER  OF  THE  KINGDOM,  THE.      And  other  Phases  of  Life  and  Character. 
By  Grace  Keon.                                                                                                         i    25 
THAT  MAN'S  DAUGHTER.     By  Henry  M.  Ross.                                              i    25 
TRANSPLANTING    OF    TESSIE,    THE.     By  Mary  T.  Waggaman.             o  60 
TRUE  STORY  OF  MASTER  GERARD.  THE.     By  Anna  T.  Sadlier.         i   25 
UNRAVELING  OF  A  TANGLE,  THE.     A  Novel.     By  Marion  A.  Taggart.  1    25 
VOCATION  OF  EDWARD  CONWAY.     A  Novel.     By  Maurice  F.  Egan.   i   25 
WOMAN  OF  FORTUNE,  A.     By  Christian  Reid.                                              i   25 
WORLD  WELL  LOST.     By  Esther  Robertson.                                                o  75 

LIVES    AND   HISTORIES. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OP  ST.  IGNATIUS  LOYOLA.     Edited  by  Rev.  J.  F.  X. 

O'CoNOR.     Cloth,  net,   i    25 

BIBLE  STORIES  FOR  LITTLE  CHILDREN.     Paper,  o  10;   Cloth,  o  20 

CHURCH  HISTORY.     Businger.  o  75 

HISTORIOGRAPHIA    ECCLESIASTICA    quam    Historiae    seriam    SoUdamque 

Operam  Navantibus,  Accommodavit  GuiL.  Stang,  D.D.  net,   1   00 

HISTORY  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH.     Brueck.     2  vols.,  net,  3  00 

HISTORY  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH.     By  John  Gilmary  Shea,  LL.D. 

I  so 
HISTORY   OF   THE   PROTESTANT   REFORMATION   IN   ENGLAND   AND 

IRELAND.     By  Wm.  CoBBETT.     Cloth,  net,  o  75 

LETTERS  OF  ST.  ALPHONSUS  LIGUORI.     By  Rev.  Eugene  Grimm,  C.SS.R. 

Centenary  Edition.      5  vols.,  each,  fiet,   1    25 

LIFE  AND  LIFE-WORK  OF  MOTHER  THEODORE   GUERIN,  Foundress  of 

the  Sisters   of    Providence   at   St. -Mary-of-the- Woods,  Vigo  County,  Indiana. 

net,  2  00 
LIFE  OF  CHRIST.     Illustrated.     By  Father  M.  v.  Cochem.  i    25 

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LIFE  OF  MOST  REV.  JOFIN  HUGHES.     Brann.  net,  o  75 

LIFE  OF  MOTHER  FONTBONNE,  Foundress  of  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  of 

Lyons.     By  Abbe  Rivaux.     Cloth,  net,  i  25 


LIFE  OF  SISTER  ANNE  KATHERINE  EMMERICH,  of  the  Order  of  St.  Augus- 
tine. By  Rev.  Thomas  Wegener,  O.S.A.  yiet,  i  50 
LIFE  OF  ST.  ANTHONY.  Ward.  Illustrated.  07s 
LIFE  OF  ST.  CATHARINE  OF  SIENNA.  By  Edward  L.  Ayme,  M.D.  i  00 
LIFE  OF  ST.  CLARE  OF  MONTEFALCO.  Locke,  O.S.A.  net,  o  75 
LIFE  OF  MLLE.  LE  GRAS.  net,  i  25 
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LIFE  OF  THE  BLESSED  VIRGIN.     Illustrated.     By  Rev.  B.  Rohner,  O.S.B. 

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LITTLE  LIVES  OF  SAINTS  FOR  CHILDREN.  Berthold.  111.  Cloth,  o  75 
LITTLE  PICTORIAL  LIVES  OF  THE  SAINTS.     New,  cheap  edition,  i   00 

LIVES  OF  THE  SAINTS,  With  Reflections  and  Prayers  for  Every  Day.        i    50 
OUR  LADY  OF  GOOD  COUNSEL  IN  GENAZZANO.     A  History  of  that  An- 
cient Sanctuary.     By  Anne  R.  Bennett-Gladstone.  o  75 
OUTLINES  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY,  From  Abraham  to  Our  Lord.     Rev.   F.   E. 
GiGOT,  S.S.                                                                                                        net,  i   50 
OUTLINES  OF  NEW  TESTAMENT  HISTORY.     By  Rev.  F.  E.  Gigot,  S.S. 
Cloth,                                                                                                                      net,   i   50 
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ST.  ANTHONY.  THE  SAINT  OF  THE  WHOLE  WORLD.     Rev.  Thomas  F. 
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STORY  OF  THE  DIVINE  CHILD.     By  Very  Rev.  Dean  A.  A.  Lings.           o  75 
VICTORIES  OF  THE  MARTYRS.     By  St.  Alphonsus  de  Liguori.       net,  i    25 
VISIT  TO  EUROPE  AND  THE  HOLY  LAND.     By  Rev.  H.  Fairbanks.         150 


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Special  introduction  to  the  study  of  the 


Princeton  Theological  Seminary-Speer  Library 


1    1012  00029  8200 


